D OES PARENTAL WORK AFFECT THE PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL BEING AND EDUCATIONAL

SUCCESS OF ADOLESCENTS

?

Linda Tulk1_{, Sylvie Montreuil}2 _{Tamarha Pierce}1 _{et Michel Pépin}1

1 _{École de Psychologie, Université Laval, Québec, Canada}

2 _{Département des relations industrielles, Faculté des sciences sociales,} Université Laval, Québec, Canada

Résumé

La présente étude a pour objectif d’analyser empiriquement les liens existant entre le travail des parents, les conditions familiales dans lesquelles s’exerce le rôle de parent, et ultimement, le bien-être psychologique ainsi que la réussite éducative des jeunes adolescents canadiens. L’analyse d’un modèle d’équations structurelles a été réalisée à partir des données de l’ELNEJ recueillies pour 3447 adolescents âgés de 12 à 15 ans et pour leurs parents. Les résultats démontrent des effets indirects de certaines conditions de travail des parents sur le bien-être psychologique ou la réussite éducative des adolescents. Plus spécifiquement, le travail des parents aurait une influence sur le bien-être psychologique et la réussite éducative des adolescents à travers le milieu de vie familiale, l’exercice du parentage et la qualité relationnelle entre les parents et leur adolescent. Les implications pratiques de cette étude sont discutées.

Mots-clés : travail, parents, parentage, adolescents, bien-être psychologique, réussite éducative.

The primary goal of this exploratory study was was to observe the presence or absence of empirical associations between various parental working conditions, family and, ultimately, the psychological well-being and educational success of young adolescents in Canada. A structural equation model analysis was

undertaken from a large Canadian database. This research project used a sub-sample from the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY), regrouping 3447 young adolescents, aged 12 to 15, who generally attend high school. The analysis confirmed the suitability of the model for explaining the trajectory of the hypothesized associations. More specifically, the results confirmed that parental working conditions have an indirect effect on the psychological well-being and educational success of adolescents, through family environment, parenting and the quality of the parent-adolescent relationship. The practical implications of this study are discussed.

DOES PARENTAL WORK AFFECT THE PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING AND EDUCATIONAL SUCCESS OF ADOLESCENTS ?

INTRODUCTION

Today’s young people are the hope of tomorrow and the future vitality and prosperity of our societies depend on them. Fortin (2008) has clearly demonstrated the economic impact of the “non success” of canadian youth. The educational success and well-being of adolescents is thus a major concern and must be considered a high-priority social goal. Moreover, the significant challenge posed by succession planning in the workplace intensifies the social and economic importance of this issue for Western societies.

The profound changes observed in the work world have brought significant consequences for the mental, health of workers and work/family balance. An intensification of work, ever-increasing performance requirements, non-standard work schedules and longer working hours are all a reflection of the new economy – based on global competition – and its impact on work organization. Several studies have examined the effects of various working conditions on the psychological well-being of parents (e.g. Brotheridge & Lee, 2005; Byron, 2005; Hughes & Parkes, 2007; Mauno et al., 2006). These studies have shown that parents who juggle both work and family responsibilities are more likely to report high levels of stress and express dissatisfaction regarding their work-family balance (MacDonald, Phipps & Lethbridge, 2005; Williams, 2004).

A literature review clearly shows that the working conditions of today’s parents increase the complexity for parents of organizing their family lives and fulfilling their parental role. Work demands and the constant challenge of balancing work and family can have deleterious effect on parents’ psychological well- being (Duxbury &Higgins,2003) and, in turn, negatively affect family dynamics and the quality of the parents’ relationship with their adolescents (e.g. Crouter, Bumpus, Head & McHale, 2001b). Thus, the literature points to a chain of associations between parental work and the educational success and psychological well-being of adolescents (Crouter & Bumpus, 2001a; de Bruyn, Dekovic, & Meijnen, 2003). This chain of associations suggests that the effects of parental work operate through family dynamics and that the relationship between parental work and the educational success or psychological well-being of adolescents is indirect.

GOAL OF THE STUDY

The primary goal of this exploratory study was to observe the presence or absence of empirical associations between various parental working conditions and family, or more specifically adolescent, outcomes. It thus aimed to analyze the relationships between parental work, the family conditions in which parents carry out their parental role and, ultimately, the psychological well-being and educational success of young adolescents in Canada. Given that the transition to high school is a critical period in terms of motivation and academic persistence, our study specifically examined the effects of parental work on young adolescents, aged 12 to 15, who generally attend high school in Canada.

This study is anchored on the Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory (2005). This systemic perspective promotes a scientific approach, which emphasizes the interrelationship of different contextual variables. Although researchers acknowledge the complexity of the process through which parental work context favors or disfavors the educational success or psychological well-being of adolescents, few studies to date have

integrated model, this exploratory study thus aimed to provide a global perspective of such a process and thus a better understanding of the dynamics between work, the conditions in which parents carry out their parental role, and particular aspects of adolescent adjustment and success.

EDUCATIONAL SUCCESS AND PSYCHOLOGICAL WELL-BEING OF ADOLESCENTS

Educational success. Educational success is a new and, as yet, imprecise concept that has been defined in different ways (Potvin, 2010). It is clearly broader than academic achievement – measured essentially by school grades – and involves the acquisition of a variety of competencies (Potvin, 2010). In addition to the specific disciplinary competencies which are traditionally taught (mathematics, science, literacy, etc.), the concept of educational success also encompasses competencies – such as learning to live with others, solidarity and autonomy (Potvin, 2010) – which enable students to become responsible citizens. The development of personal aspirations, healthy motivation and a positive attitude toward school also fosters the mobilization and active participation of students and underpins their success. Helping students develop autonomy and mobilizing them to participate in their own development is in line with a vast research literature, which suggests that students’ motivation (e.g. Vallerand, 1997), attitude toward school (e.g. Côté & Levine, 2000) and personal aspirations (e.g. Redd, Brooks & Magarvey, 2001) play a significant role in their educational success.

Psychological well-being. Many studies define psychological well-being in terms of social and psychological adjustment, which manifests itself mainly through strong interpersonal skills and the ability to regulate emotions (e.g. Crouter, Bumpus, Maguire & McHale 1999; Doyle, Moretti, Brendgen & Bukowski, 2003). Diener and Lucas (1999) maintain that psychological well-being is subjective and expresses itself as a generally positive mood, a tendency to experience positive rather than negative emotions, and a high degree of life satisfaction. Many studies have shown that there is a relationship between adolescents’ psychological well-being and their self-esteem (e.g. Doyle et al., 2003; Wilburn & Smith, 2009). Emotional stability has been shown to be associated with well-being and self-esteem among adolescents (Hills & Argyle, 2001). Surprisingly, few recent studies have examined the association between the psychological well-being and educational success of adolescents. However, the existing studies have shown a strong and significant correlation between the two concepts (e.g. Lohman & Kaura, 2007; Sznitman & Reisel, 2011). Some studies on the psychological well-being of adolescents suggest that self-esteem in the school context is associated with educational success (e.g. Bandura, 1997; Gonzalez-Pienda, Carlos, Gonzalez-Pumariega, Alvarez, Roces & Garcia, 2002).

FAMILY LIFE

The family context in which adolescents grow up undoubtedly plays a role in their development and psychosocial adjustment (e.g. Belsky, 2005) and can thus have a direct or indirect effect on their psychological well-being (Lansford, Ceballo, Abbey & Stewart, 2001). The broader family environment influences young person’s psychological well-being through its effects on parents’ parenting style and relationship with their child (Doyle et al.,2003).

Family environment.This concept generaly refers to family atmosphere and functioning as well as more structural dimensions such as family type (intact, blended) and socio-economic status (Doyle et al.,2003). Family functioning involves several dimensions including the quality of the relationships between family members (Byles, Byrne, Boyle & Offord, 1988). Specific examples of dysfunctional family dynamics include –

from day-to-day, in most interactions between family members – the absence of mutual support, the inability to confide in one another or talk about real feelings and emotions, and failure to get along with one another in general (Byles et al.,1988). It is widely acknowledged that young people living in dysfunctional families are at greater risk for behavioural and emotional problems than those from functional families (Belsky, 2005; Racine & Boyle, 2002). Living in a dysfunctional family characterized by conflict can lead to vulnerabilities for children and can result in problems with psychosocial functioning, such as emotional difficulties and poor social skills (Reppeti, Taylor & Seeman, 2002). Most studies, however, suggest that the effect of family atmosphere on the psychological well-being of children and adolescents is indirect (e.g. Cooksey, Menaghan & Jekielek, 1997; Crouter & Bumpus, 2001a).

Family structure transitions add to both the challenges involved in organizing family life and those related to family functioning, since the relational dynamics in a family are often more complex in the context of such transitions (Saint-Jacques & Drapeau, 2008). Studies have shown that adolescents tend to be more vulnerable in the face of these changes since they are themselves undergoing major changes, at a personal level, during this period of their lives (Hines, 1997). Adjustment problems among adolescents who are experiencing family structure transitions are often associated with problematic parenting practices (e.g. Fisher,Leve, O'Leary &Leve, 2003). Among other factors, the guilt that parents feel with respect to these changes often affects their parenting skills (Bernstein, 2007).

The psychological well-being of parents can affect the way they carry out their parental role and is an important component of family functioning and family atmosphere (Doyle et al., 2003). It is often associated with emotional, behavioural and social adjustment problems among adolescents (e.g. Doyle et al., 2003; Estes, 2004; Rueger, Katz & Lovejoy, 2011). Demanding working conditions can have repercussions on parents’ psychological well-being (e.g. Duxbury &Higgins, 2003) and, in turn, have a negative effect on the well-being of their children (e.g. Hughes & Parkes, 2007). Work overload and the challenges of balancing work and family responsibilities (e.g. Ilies, Schwind, Wagner, Johnson, DeRue & Ilgen, 2007) can affect family life (e.g. Hugues et al., 2007). Rueger and colleague’s meta-analysis (2011) confirms the existence of a relationship between parents’ emotional state and the way they carry out their parental role, referred to as parenting.

Parenting. Parenting entails the set of processes through which adults seek to meet their children’s physical, emotional and psychological needs (Lamour & Barraco, 1998). These dynamic and fluid processes change as children grow and develop and need to be adjusted to the specific characteristics of adolescence (Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Four themes seem to dominate the literature on parenting: parenting style, parenting practices, parental competence and parental control. According to Darling and Steinberg (1993), parenting practices refer to specific goal-directed behaviours, displayed within distinct “patterns” of parental behaviour (Brenner & Fox, 1999), whereas parenting style refers to family atmosphere, or the overall emotional climate that “colours” or moderates the influence of parenting practices on the child’s behaviour and development. Parental competence refers to the use of effective or less effective parenting practices (Fletcher, Walls, Cook, Madison & Bridges, 2008). Parental control refers to parental regulation and structuring at both the behavioural and psychological levels (Soenens & Vansteenkiste, 2010; Joussemet, Landry & Koestner, 2008). It can provide structure (Baumrind, 1978) or be abusive and manipulative (Soenens et al., 2010). During adolescence, parental involvement, encouraging psychological autonomy and demanding age-appropriate behaviour are all practices which, combined with support and monitoring and well-defined limits (i.e., a degree of parental

authority), contribute to good psycho-social and behavioural adjustment (Baumrind, 1978; Steinberg, 2001) and self-esteem (Lee, Daniels & Kissinger, 2006) among adolescents. Adequate parenting practices are in fact associated with higher adolescent self-esteem (Lee et al., 2006).

While some researchers state that parental involvement in children’s schooling continues to be important during adolescence (de Planty, Coulter-Kern & Duchane, 2007; Keith et al., 1993), others suggest that parental involvement would decline in adolescence (Spera, 2005) and would become more weakly linked to educational success (ex.: Fan & Chen, 2001; Hill et al., 2004). The latter observation is supported by the contradictory results of empirical studies on the subject (Fan & Chen, 2001; Keith & Keith, 1993). Although several studies suggest an association between parenting and school success, the direct contribution of parenting to educational success during adolescence has not been convincingly demonstrated. Some studies emphasize indirect contributions of parenting through the mediating role of variables related to adolescent’s personality or behaviour (de Bruyn et al., 2003; Gonzalez-Pienda, et al., 2002). However, researchers generally agree that adequate parenting continues to play a positive role in the psychological well-being of adolescents, in particular, through the quality of the parent-adolescent relationship (Doyle et al., 2003; Steinberg & Silk, 2002).

Quality of the parent-adolescent relationship. The transition to adolescence brings with it new challenges and a need to find a new equilibrium in the parent-child relationship (Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Moreover, while it is called to change during this period, adolescents’ psychosocial adjustment still strongly depends on the quality of this relationship (Resnick, Bearman, Blum, Bauman, Harris & Jones, 1997; Steinberg, 2001). High levels of conflict between parents and adolescents increase problem behaviours among adolescents (Crouter, Bumpus, Maguire & McHale, 1999; Sallinen, Kinnunen & Rönkä, 2004). Conversely, adolescents who have a positive relationship with their parents and do not hesitate to turn to them for support report a greater sense of mastery of their worlds (Paterson, Pryor & Field, 1995). Nevertheless, an increase in conflict with parents is to be expected during adolescence. This normative increase in the overall level of conflict explains why an association between parent-adolescent conflict and adolescent psychological well-being is mainly observed during the early years of adolescence, weakening with the increased proportion of time teens spend with their peers rather than their parents (Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Moreover, during this period, the emotional intensity rather than the frequency of conflict distinguishes adaptive parent-adolescent interactions from maladaptive ones (Steinberg & Silk, 2002). Thus, the quality of parent-child relationships is a crucial factor for the psychosocial adjustment of children (Doyle et al.,2003; Saint-Jacques & Drapeau, 2008) and proves to be strongly associated with the psychological well-being of adolescents (Parker & Benson, 2004; Resnick et al.,1997). Fewer studies have analyzed the link between the quality of the parent-adolescent relationship and educational success, although these tend to show that both the quality of the parent-adolescent relationship and the support that students receive from their parents contribute to their academic success (Baharudin & Zulkefly 2009; Doyle et al., 2003; Marchant, Paulson & Rothlisberg, 2001).

Parental work

The recent trends observed in working conditions undoubtedly have an incidence on family life. Indeed, the way work interferes with the time available for parenting has been the subject of many studies (e.g., Crouter et al., 2001b; Estes, 2004). Among the various employment conditions imposed on parents, wages, work schedules and the number of hours worked have received the most scrutiny.

Wages. The need for adults to earn a stable and sufficient income is hardly disputable. Yet, in recent decades, employment conditions and organizational changes have been strongly marked by an increase in precarious employment and income insecurity (Vosko, 2006). Since the late 1990s, some authors have pointed to the stress associated, not with work itself, but with the precarious nature of employment and the obligation for many to continually look for new contracts (Clarke, Lewchuk, de Wolff & King, 2007). Several studies have shown that an unfavourable socio-economic status is likely to amplify the negative consequences typically associated with an at-risk family environment (e.g. Dearing, Kreider, Simpkins & Weiss, 2006; Reynolds & Ou, 2004; Gennetian & Lopoo, 2008; Hsueh &Yoshikawa, 2007). Family poverty is found to compromise the well- being of children, in particular because children from low-income families are exposed to a greater number of risk factors (e.g. Evans, 2004; Japel, McDuff & Mouseau, 2008). Many low-income workers find themselves in a non-traditional and precarious work situation, which leads to greater economic insecurity and a fear of lacking money (Bernier, Vallée & Jobin, 2003).

Work schedule. In Canada, as in most countries in the new global economy, more and more workers are required to work non-standard schedules (Presser, 2000). A non-standard work schedule can make it more complicated for parents to meet their family responsibilities (Halpern, 2005; Levin-Epstein, 2006). In fact, between 1986 and 2005, the amount of time that people spent in the company of family members on a day-to- day basis decreased by approximately 15% for most groups of workers, for both men and women (Statistics Canada, 2006). For example, women spent, on average, 248 minutes each day in the company of their children in 1986, but only 209 minutes in 2006.

Number of hours worked. Parents are, among all workers, those most prone to show an increase in the number of working hours (Pronovost, 2007). Consistently, the main factor associated with a decrease in family time is precisely an increase in the number of hours worked (Turcotte, 2007). Several studies point to the negative consequences of long working hours on family relationships (e.g. Crouter et al., 2001b; Hughes & Parkes, 2007; Valcour, 2007). Studies have noted the deleterious effect of juggling both family responsibilities and work responsibilities on parents’ physical health (Brisson, Laflamme, Moisan, Milot, Mâsse & Vézina, 1999). It is not surprising, then, that many mothers voluntarily opt for part-time work (Statistics Canada, 2006). Moreover, it has been observed that access to a reduced work week is one of the main ways suggested for achieving a better work-life balance (Vézina, Cloutier, Stock, Lippel, Fortin et al., 2011).

Work-related stress. Over the last two decades, mental health problems at work have become a major organizational and socio-economic issue. Stress in the work environment is clearly associated with the emergence of mental (e.g. Biron, Gatrell & Cooper, 2010; Cox, Griffiths, Barlowe, Randall, Thomson & Rial- Gonzalez, 2000) or physical (e.g. Brisson et al., 1999) health problems. An increasing number of studies have emphasized the relationships between work overload and work-life imbalance (e.g., Crouter et al., 2001b; Estes, 2004; Ilies et al.,2007) and suggest that work overload has indirect effects on the well-being of children. Yet, knowledge on the way the stressful working conditions of parents affect family dynamics and the psychological well-being of their adolescents remains limited (Crouter et al., 1999). According to Crouter & Bumpus (2001a), the indirect relationship between work stress and adolescents' psychological adjustment depends on parents' personality and coping styles and family circumstances. The type of occupation may also have an effect on parents’ stress levels (Vézina et al., 2011). Groups of workers most exposed to psychosocial risk factors and high levels of stress include senior managers and business management professionals, healthcare professionals, teachers and those working in the area of public safety and protection (e.g. police

officers) (Statistics Canada, 1998). Moreover, men and women who hold jobs as professionals, managers or executives report more conflict between their work lives and personal lives than workers with other types of occupations (Duxbury & Higgins, 2003). Furthermore, a number of these occupations, such as those of doctor, nurse and police officer, are also among those which require non-standard work schedules (Williams, 2008), thus accruing the risk of stress.

However, the findings on the real incidence of parental work on adolescents remain divergent. Positive outcomes have been found, linked in particular to the economic benefits that ensue when both parents are employed (e.g., Cooksey et al.,1997; Zick, Bryant & Österbacka, 2001). Yet, the bulk of the research suggests that parental work could have positive or negative indirect effects on the well-being or educational success of adolescents, through family relationships (e.g. Strazdins, Clements, Korda, Broom & D'Souza, 2006) or the well-being of parents (e.g. Barnett & Gareis, 2006; Crouter & Bumpus, 2001a; Strazdins et al., 2006).

PROPOSED MODEL AND STUDY HYPOTHESES

What clearly emerges from the literature is the complexity of the interactions between parental work context and adolescent well-being and educational success (e.g., Brotheridge & Lee, 2005; Byron, 2005; Crouter & Bumpus, 2001a; Hughes & Parkes, 2007). Several different associations are possible. The model proposed in this study (Figure 1) includes associations that are generally supported in prior research. It also