Love or money? Economic value in L2 motivation theory

As an English language teacher, I have always liked to ask learners about their motives and language attitudes, preferably several times in the course of a language training. Even before my interest in L2 motivation research, I found that these discussions were beneficial on many levels. They undoubtedly aided me in adapting the content and direction of my courses.

Besides, more importantly, these dialogues often had unexpected long term consequences.

Similarly to Magid’s (2014) experiment, I found that my questions, and the reflections that followed, helped learners access that inner enthusiasm of which they were sometimes not even conscious.

Two main themes emerged from this non-scientific inquiry. Some learners displayed an attraction toward the more affective aspects of language proficiency, such as learning English to make their holidays abroad more enjoyable or in order to be able to watch movies and understand songs in English. On the other hand, others claimed that the language would help them find better employment, earn them a promotion or provide an advantage in business dealings.

Initially, I considered these two axes as mutually exclusive orientations. However, I soon noticed that many learners were motivated by both and that the two dimensions were not always easy to separate. This made perfect sense in light of self-based perspectives of language learning, which, as I concluded in Section 2.2.3, view the process as a part of the creation and

development of learners’ self-vision. I understood that the economic environment plays an important role in these visions and thus in learners’ language attitudes and motivation. As a consequence, when I first took note of Grin’s (1999, 2003) classification of the various types of economic value, I immediately realized their relevance to L2 motivation and their potential in understanding the seemingly controversial attitudes of my former students.

In Section 2.4.1 I examined these values and observed that, by definition, research in language economics on the one hand and L2 motivation on the other tend to concentrate on different areas of economic value. Nevertheless, there are strong links between the different conceptualizations of language learning motives discussed in Section 2.2 and the key elements of the economic approach presented above. Indeed, the influence of the economic milieu in which language learning takes place is manifest in Gradner’s (1985, 2001) Socio-Educational Model as well as in Dörnyei’s (2005, 2009) L2 Motivational Self System.

To start with an overview, aspects of both integrativeness and the ideal L2 self incorporate values of all four types. They can undoubtedly be associated with, first and foremost, individual non-market values, which can form components of one’s aspirations to gain membership in a community or to bring to life a certain self-vision. Societal benefits also influence this type of motivation as they often become part of a desired identity, be it through aspired community membership or the internalization of social representations. Last but not least, market values are most importantly addressed by instrumentality and the ought-to L2 self, since financial benefits are often part of the argument for learning English. Nevertheless, due to the complex and dynamic nature of the selves, it can be argued that financial benefits, as well as non-market gains, can be key to the understanding of both self-guides. Below, I propose to analyze these connections in more detail.

For a complete understanding of the L2 self-guides, it is important to note that they do not present clear-cut categories but rather descriptors of the different perceptions that learners have of themselves. Thus, the ideal L2 self incorporates all the L2-related characteristics of the personality that an individual wants to be, while the ought-to L2 self describes the person they think they should become. It is not surprising then that the four types of economic value can, to varying extents, emerge as important elements of both of these descriptors.

As I mentioned above, the ideal L2 self, this vision of oneself as a future speaker of a language, is especially closely associated with the individual non-market value of the language. Self-expression, the sense of fulfilment that results from reaching personal goals as well as the joy

of engaging in various leisure activities, for instance, are all non-market benefits to which proficiency in a second or foreign language might lead and that also contribute to one’s identity and sense of self. Studies on L2 motivation investigate these factors through a number of variables (for examples see 2.2.3.1). These, such as direct contact, attitudes to learning English and to the global village, to name only a few, were also central components of the questionnaire analyzed in this dissertation. The results discussed in the following chapters showed them to be relevant not only to university students’ L2 selves but also to their motivation to learn English.

On the other hand, the market value of a given language can also be an important aspect of this L2 self. Individuals’ future visions of themselves can easily incorporate elements of a socio-demographic nature and thus involve foreign languages as the means to attain, for example, financial stability, a certain standing or professional success. In the case of university students, these considerations tend to be especially significant, as their self-images, as projected into the near future, often portray them as young professionals. Therefore, the ideal L2 self can be considered as reliant on market-related as well as non-market orientations.

Although, as these conclusions indicate, learners’ motives are generally regarded as driven by individual goals, social values can play an indirect role in individuals’ attitudes, the Swiss context, discussed in the previous section, being a perfect example. While I have repeatedly argued that learners of English in today’s world are not always attracted to a certain, well-defined, target group (e.g. 2.1.2), research has shown that their social milieu nonetheless has a marked influence on their language attitudes and motivation (e.g. Csizér & Kormos, 2009 and Section 5.5 2.3 of this dissertation). This influence might take different forms, one of which is as a facet of language learners’ ideal L2 self.

Dahrenberg’s (1958, cited in Frey, 1999) model of human behavior explains how the social man, homo sociologicus is influenced by the social environment. Although Frey (1999) states that human action and choice are a result of more complex processes, the concept of the homo sociologucus aptly complements that of the homo economicus and reveals the multi-faceted nature of the human self. It confirms that, in addition to individual benefits, the societal value of the foreign language can as well have an impact on learners’ self-concept. As regards the ideal L2 self, these social values exert their influence mostly indirectly, through the ought-to L2 self.

By definition, the ought-to L2 self describes learners as they perceive they ought to behave as determined by the expectations of their social environment. Some of these expectations can become internalized and thus act as powerful internal motives, while others may remain external to the individual, who continues to consider them as a form of social pressure.

Therefore, in this regard, the boundaries between the two self-guides are characterized by considerable flexibility and fluidity. Consequently, the societal values discussed below may contribute to either or both of them, depending on the learner.

My summary of the particularities of the Swiss context (Section 2.3) earlier showed that, in this plurilingual environment, discourse on foreign language teaching is wrought with debates over the social benefits associated with one or the other of the languages taught institutionally.

This is understandable in light of the costs of institutional language education, which I mentioned above, nonetheless, it seems that the arguments are often rooted in social representations rather than economic analysis (e.g. Grin, 2014). Interestingly, the same representations emerged in Waltermann’s (2016) survey of Swiss language teachers and were voiced by the participants, teachers and learners alike, in an interview study that the two of us conducted.

The main theme that emerged from interviewees’ comments was the contrast between perceptions of German, a Swiss official language taught in French-speaking Geneva, and English, the so-called global language, introduced into the curriculum a few years after German. As I explored in 2.3.3, in French-speaking Switzerland, the status of these two languages is markedly different. The teachers and learners we interviewed all agreed that English has more of a global appeal, while German is generally considered as more useful in the European context. In addition, German is often viewed as a language that sounds rather harsh, whereas English, while not exactly beautiful, is often said to be easier to learn. It was especially intriguing to note that, in the course of these interviews, even participants who strongly disagreed with what they perceived as public opinion mentioned these representations as an omnipresent force shaping others’ language attitudes.

These results demonstrate the importance of social representations and their influence on learners’ attitudes and self-concept. Their impact was marked even when interviewees did not adopt the views they considered as widely shared among their peers and acquaintances. In their case, it was this defiance that characterized their attitudes toward the languages in question and that influenced the way they described themselves as language learners and users.

Learners’ ideal L2 self is considerably linked to the social milieu, as this background is often an integral part of how individuals portray their future self. One might envision oneself as an active and dedicated member of the local society and might even place social norms and values above one’s personal interests. As a consequence, such norms and values can become decisive in learners’ individual orientations. This can be observed in the prominence as a motivational factor as well as the strength of their ought-to L2 self, which might act as an indirect motivator but, as the present PhD study shows, can also become a direct influence in some contexts.

While, through this self-identification, non-market and market values at the societal level can become part of learners’ ideal L2 self, their impact is better reflected in their ought-to L2 self.

It can be argued that most perceived expectations are of the societal non-market kind. In Switzerland, as I pointed out in Section 2.3.2, language skills are central to the national self-image, which builds heavily on plurilingualism and mutual understanding. Moreover, as I also observed, national cohesion rests on society members’ willingness to learn and communicate in Swiss official languages, a sign of membership and the key to the country’s economy. Thus, the non-market benefits associated with plurilingualism – Swiss pride, national cohesion, mutual intelligibility – are strongly connected to the financial gains enjoyed by society.

The image of the ought-to L2 self therefore manages to capture that important moment when social representations such as the above become part of language learners’ self-concept. They might view their socially-defined self as a member of the Swiss community and of a prosperous society, in which language skills, or at least language awareness, are key to the success and wellbeing of individuals as well as society. Moreover, these values might solidify as aspects of the ought-to L2 self and become internalized, thus exerting their influence on the ideal L2 self.

In light of the above, university students’ ought-to L2 self can be expected to be especially strong and influential. As young professionals, they seem to be making that transition themselves. Indeed, at the beginning of their career, they face important internal and external expectations, many of which leave an imprint on their self-concept. These can range from the individual non-market type, such as the desire to turn a powerful dream into reality or achieve self-fulfillment, to the societal market-oriented, as in the case of aspirations toward becoming a highly regarded member of an affluent society. At the same time, some of these values might become internalized and thus might rather contribute to students’ ideal L2 self. They might also form more complex motives, loading into both L2 self-guides. Finally, these relationships showcase the impact of contextual factors on university students’ self-concept and language

learning, rendering the motivational dynamics of the two self-guides and these influences particularly worthy of study.

Before moving on to further discussing the advantages of this contextually enriched analysis, I would like to briefly revisit the concept of economic efficiency in L2 motivation. Earlier I argued that, as motivated learning behavior tends to be a reliable predictor of learning outcome, it also acts as a measure of the efficiency of the learning process. In addition, the theoretical conclusions and research results overviewed in Section 2.2 confirmed the strong influence of the L2 self-guides, especially the ideal L2 self, on motivation, indicating that they indirectly contribute to the learning outcome. It is therefore not surprising that, through the relationships among aspects of the L2 self and the four types of economic value, these values can become relevant in determining the success of language learning.

This observation is of particular interest from a mechanical point of view, as motivational dynamics appear to have a similar structure to the components of economic efficiency (cf.

2.4.2). While it might seem trivial, almost banal, to assert that the value of a certain language influences learners to take it up and learn it successfully, it is interesting to observe the phenomenon through scientific inquiry. On the one hand, the notion of economic efficiency can explain how effort and other resources are transformed into positive learning outcomes through motivated learning behavior. On the other hand, approaching efficiency in L2 learning through the lens of the L2 Motivational Self System sheds further light on the internal mechanisms of the process, increasing the credibility and the practical potential of the analysis.

Indeed, the concepts of the ideal and ought-to L2 self offer a powerful tool for such investigation. They showcased how economically or socially defined values can become important motivational forces through identity construction and provide a snapshot of how these motives can lead to successful learning. Thus, when applied, in conjunction with the above insights from language economics, to the analysis of motivational processes, the self-guides can provide invaluable details about the psychology of efficient L2 learning. Such a self-based interdisciplinary perspective therefore carries great potential, both in terms of research findings and regarding the practical aspects of language learning and teaching.