English as a global language: implications for teaching and learning

Researchers identified the particular characteristics of language learning early on and argued that foreign languages are to be distinguished from other school subjects for a number of reasons (Williams, 1994). The most important of these, from the perspective of the present study, is their strong connection to the social contexts in which they are used and learned (ibid.).

Furthermore, this relationship goes beyond the obvious cultural references that languages contain to the social groups that speak them. In this dissertation, I illustrate how foreign language learning can be embedded and influenced by the social, economic and ideological issues that characterize the environments in which the languages in question are used, learned and represented, explicitly or covertly. It is this special amalgam of contextual features and connotations that language learners are faced with when they engage in the learning process.

Therefore, it is not surprising that learning English, a language with a considerable global spread, is wrought with questions of values and representations, identity and economic benefits.

As an official language in 118 countries and administrative regions (Eberhard, Simons, &

Fennig, 2019), used on a daily basis and taught all around the world, English touches the lives of an incredibly large number of people. About 330-360 million of them speak it as a first language (Crystal, 2006), while the number of L2 speakers reaches twice (Eberhard, Simons and Fennig, 2018) or three times (Crystal, 2003) that number. These figures also mean that, instead of clearly representing one single culture, the language has gained in socio-cultural, ideological and economic complexity. It has become a symbol of globalization and a medium of Anglo-American as well as multicultural values and products. At the same time, this heavy socio-cultural load and the inequalities it might produce render the phenomenon of English as a global language the topic of much controversy.

Indeed, Crystal’s seminal work (2003), in which he examines some of the issues behind the unique status of English at the turn of the twenty-first century and the consequences of the spread from a linguistic standpoint, generated considerable debate and concern. Most importantly, the discussion evolved around questions of ownership and inclusion, the equal opportunities provided by a denationalized common language as opposed to the dangers of linguistic imperialism (e.g. Pennycook, 1994; Phillipson, 1992, 2013). A concise overview of these texts can be found in Pupavac (2012), while Kachru (2006) discusses the issue from the larger perspective of the “War of Cultures”. Further studies address more concrete examples of these processes in specific local contexts (cf. Heller and Duchêne, 2008). In summary, these sources highlight the magnitude of the cultural and ideological load that English carries, due to its colonial history and its current role in promoting globalized values that maintain the hegemony of developed, essentially Anglo-American economies. They also demonstrate how mainstream discourse on the global spread of English serves to strengthen this status quo and point out that such figures, some of which I mention in this section, are to be treated with caution and critique.

As an example of a somewhat simplistic explanation of the spread of English, Graddol (2006) analyzes some otherwise interesting research findings. He claims that the number of English speakers rose, in part, as a result of shifting educational trends. The project he discusses, led by The English Company, aimed at predicting the number of learners up to the year 2060.

Although the numbers, displayed in Figure 2.1, are speculative and fail to account for the finer nuances inherent to such a large population of learners, they nonetheless tell an impressive story. The phenomenon dubbed as the “The World English Project” (ibid.), which set off at the

end of the twentieth century following a period of slower growth of interest in the 1990s, is claimed to reflect educational tendencies all over the world. The study explains that, due to high demand for English language competence in the labor market, language certificates swiftly made the top of the list of the criteria for obtaining, or at a later stage even enrolling in³, a tertiary degree at many institutions (ibid). In addition, and partly as a consequence, private language schools in many countries experienced a wave of adult learners suddenly determined to perfect or maintain skills acquired earlier in life, or to add English to their portfolio in order to meet market needs. At the same time, foreign languages, along with computer skills, became top goals for the education systems of most countries, in order to prepare learners for requirements in the labor market and for life in twenty-first century society.

It is important to take note of the underlying economic and social processes at which these conclusions hint, as such considerations are central to trends in foreign language learning, influencing decisions at all levels of educational policy making, in addition to individuals’

attitudes and perceptions. Graddol (2006) mentions labor market demand, and associated compensations, for language skills as an incentive behind educational policies and learner decisions. Moreover, he claims that outsourcing practices and their influence on labor market trends have transformed the FL landscape of many Asian economies. Although these

3 This is exaclty the case at the time of writing at Hungarian tertiary institutions. Applicants for a degree are required to present one or two language exam certificates at the end of their studies, specified by the respective faculty. Moreover, some degrees already require proof of proficiency upon entry. These are mostly in language-specific fields, but more frequently disciplines where language skills are considered as essential to the completion of certain modules hosted by foreign language speakers or attended by international students, or where they are

Figure 2.1 Projected numbers of English learners (millions, graphic reproduced from Graddol, 2006, pp. 98-99)

developments could be attributed to the basic economic principles of supply and demand, it is clear that the place occupied by English as a foreign language in these processes is a rather controversial one.

Moreover, the figures quoted in Crystal (2003) and Graddol (2006) raise the question of ownership, not only in an ideological but also in a linguistic and economic sense (see Crystal, 2006 for more information on the former and Phillipson,1992 and 2013 on the latter). It is apparent that non-native speakers of English are more numerous than native speakers, and a number of studies discuss whether the latter should still be the sole beneficiaries of ownership over the global language (e.g. Crystal, 2003; Widdowson, 1994). The boundaries separating Kachru’s (1992) famous circles, which represent these different types of speakers also become increasingly blurry, making it difficult as well as less relevant to put too great an emphasis on traditional speaker categories. At the same time, these categories are often evoked and thus held up by academic discourse.

While this debate undoubtedly has important ideological implications, its economic ramifications are even more significant. Graddol’s (2006) analysis implies that, as Phillipson argues in his influential volumes (1992, 2013), the spread of English as a second and especially as a foreign language is closely linked to the economic hegemony of Anglo-American nations.

He points out that the demand for English language skills is in fact a result of Anglo-American investment and influence, as well as an overflow of manpower and resources produced by the ELT industry, the profits of which in turn benefit said economies (Phillipson, 2012). Graddol (2006), on the other hand, views globalization as already past the phase of neo-imperialism and, therefore, more complex and inclusive than the mere global diffusion of American culture and ideas. These two, seemingly opposing points also represent two aspects of the same phenomenon. Following Phillipson’s argument, ownership of a language entails economic and social powers, from which only speakers of the language can benefit.

This might explain why, despite the fact that based on the dynamics of the labor market, Graddol (2006) expected the trend to reverse by 2010, the number of English learners continues to grow and the language maintains momentum as a foreign language taught in many countries.

The language education policies recently adopted by some Swiss cantons (cf. 2.3.3) stand as an example of this tendency and show that, even in highly multilingual contexts where plurilingual practices are a part of everyday life, an English-first approach remains influential.

According to Phillipson (2012), this distorted image of supply and demand can be attributed to

the economic power of Anglo-Saxon states and the multi-billion business of the ELT industry.

At the writing of this dissertation, no clear decision had been reached as to the exact terms of the separation of the United Kingdom from the European Union, accepted in a referendum on June 23, 2016 by a slight majority (51.9%) of Brits. However, it can be argued that this rift might have an effect on ELT, but its consequences are yet to be analyzed.

At the same time, research into the perceptions and attitudes of learners of English in a variety of contexts has uncovered a complex structure of learner motives. These findings, discussed in the subsequent section, suggest that high levels of motivation involve strong identification.

However, as opposed to previous theories, this identification process consists of efforts to

‘make the language one’s own’, incorporating language skills into one’s self concept without giving up one’s locally constructed identity. Proponents of this bicultural identity (Arnett, 2002; Lamb, 2004, 2009; Yashima, 2009, also examined in Section 2.1.3 below) suggest that, for an increasing number of learners, English also becomes a means to expressing local cultural and even sociolinguistic identities. It might be argued that the ideals and values associated with such globalized identities as described by Lamb (2004, 2009) are also products of the processes that help maintain the hegemony of economies in Kachru’s (1992) first circle. Nevertheless, it is clear that the spread of English has changed how learners experience and approach the learning process, both internally and externally.

As the study presented in this dissertation illustrates, this intricate relationship between external and internal factors not only plays a crucial role in shaping leaners’ motivation, but it also constitutes a fundamental aspect of twenty-first century language learning contexts. Changes in the status of English on a global scale are instrumental in forming the local foreign language learning landscape both directly and indirectly. On the one hand, Csillagh and Waltermann (to be published) found that French Swiss learners’ and teachers’ representations of German and English incorporate many of the central themes of what Phillipson (2012) classifies as hegemonic discourse. Their study participants all talked about the global importance of English as opposed to the negative social representations associated with German. On the other hand, the above mentioned Swiss language education policies testify to the effects of the spread on the learning environment, and it can be argued that an English-first policy might have important consequences in terms of students’ attitudes to the languages they learn.

Hegemonic views are not only present in policies or anecdotal accounts. Murray’s (2003) study of 253 English teachers in Switzerland revealed their references for standard varieties of

English and native speaker norms. Therefore, it seems that the global presence of English has not fostered more openness and cultural flexibility in the Swiss linguistic scene. On the contrary, as Phillipson (2013) warned, it appears to have reinforced already existing patterns of Anglo-American hegemony and native speaker role models. This is especially interesting in light of the figures that I quoted above, which show that only a small number of speakers live in Anglo-Saxon countries. In addition, in later years, the concept of the native speaker has come under serious scrutiny (cf. Canagarajah 1999b; Holliday, 2005; Kubota, 2009; Pennycook 1994).