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Theory and context

2.4 Studying the economic context: insights from language economics

2.4.3 Efficiency in L2 motivation

Although the current economic status of English is often considered as an inherent aspect of teaching and learning the language (e.g. Crystal, 2003), there is very little empirical research available investigating its impact on learner attitudes. Nevertheless, as I argued before, the above discussion of economic concepts finds an echo in L2 motivation research. While in the previous section I touched upon the applicability of economic efficiency to the analysis of smaller sub-systems of language learning, below I address this idea, as well as other relationships between economic and motivational constructs, in more detail.

Initial developments in L2 motivation theory and research (for an overview cf. 2.2.2 and Dörnyei, 2012) were spurred by the basic question as to why, aptitude being equal, certain learners achieved a more positive learning outcome than their peers. It became clear that this variety can persist even within the same learning group, showing that the characteristics of the teaching method are not the only factors that affect learning Therefore, researchers aimed to investigate why language teaching proves to be more efficient in some cases than in others. In light of my earlier parallels with economic analysis, this question can be further developed to compare the investments and gains involved in language education.

I have argued that language teaching requires considerable investment, both financial and of the non-market type, on the part of the various stakeholders and the actual learning process is no different. In the previous section, I mentioned Norton’s (2013) description of the concept of learner engagement or investment as a link between economic and linguistic approaches to this phenomenon. Indeed, Norton’s analysis of the rich interview data, detailing several learners’

accounts of their motives and efforts to learn a foreign language (ibid.), clearly draws attention to the similarities between economic and psycholinguistic processes.

The present dissertation, however, approaches learner motivation from a slightly different point of view. As I explain in Chapter 1, the study discussed here adopts Dörnyei’s (2009) self-based view of L2 motivation. In addition to examining language learning as a site of identity creation, I also strongly believe that it can only be fully understood in relation to the multitude of contexts that it spans (cf. Ushioda, 2015). This entails that motivational factors are strongly intertwined with elements of the social and economic spheres that affect learners’ lives.

Moreover, as motivation has been shown as a prime predictor of learning success, it is especially interesting to address the question of efficiency from this perspective.

In the previous section, I discussed the most important differences between economic and psycholinguistic approaches to language learning. Despite these dissimilarities, I also pointed out that the concept of efficiency, while defined differently, plays a central role in theories in both fields. In addition to illustrating the mechanics already shown in Figure 2.7 above, Figure 2.8 also displays the dynamics of internal and external efficiency as they apply to language teaching and learning. At first glance, two things might be of immediate interest. First, it is interesting to note how remarkably well the processes involved in language teaching and learning fit the structure drawn up in Figure 2.7. Second, this visual also draws attention to the fact that the efficiency of teaching largely depends on the success of learning.

Figure 2.8 Schematic representation of internal and external efficiency in an economic system and in language education (MLB stands for motivated learning behavior)

A closer look reveals that the schema on the right-hand side presents a smaller unit of language education than the one on the left. This half of the figure shows how language learning is embedded in the larger context of L2 teaching, similarly to the educational system, which forms a part of a given economy. However, instead of focusing on the market-related benefits circulating in both system and subsystem, this arrangement appears to be fueled by mostly non-market gains.

Therefore, profits at the highest level of this structure do not manifest in financial benefits but can rather be seen in fulfilled learning goals. While these goals often provide access to marketable advantages, these are not the main objectives of the system. Similarly, investment in language teaching refers, in addition to the costs incurred, to the efforts and non-market resources spent on aiding learning. These different contributions can result in successful teaching, provided certain goals are met through learning.

This interdependence is characteristic of the structure and explains the influence of the learning experience, as in a great part determined by the teaching context, over the outcome of the learning process. At the same time, that process itself is crucial to the success of the entire system. The dynamics displayed above illustrate that, while language learning greatly benefits from the resources dedicated to providing teaching, the smaller subsystem also has its own mechanics that need to ensure its “profitability”.

Those dynamics, the focal point of this dissertation, appear to form a more complex system.

To summarize my earlier definition of L2 motivation (cf. 2.2), this driving force that helps

transform determination into motivated learning behavior (MLB) also determines the efficiency of the learning process. It manifests in the investment individuals put into learning the target language and, as research shows, correlates strongly with the success of the learning process. In addition, an important feature of motivated learning behavior is that it not only leads to increased proficiency but can result in other, equally important, gains.

To summarize that section, theorists agree that L2 learning takes place in the larger context of learners’ lives and that it is closely interrelated with elements of that context. As a result, the resources that individuals mobilize when they engage in learning a foreign language, as well as the benefits they reap from doing so, tend to have important consequences for various aspects of their lives. Thus, it is not surprising that language learning can involve strong sensations of self fulfilment and can contribute to an elaborate, strengthened identity. Indeed, learners’ strong ideal L2 self, identified by research in a wide range of settings testifies to this enhanced sense of self.

The smaller subsystem of foreign language learning, within the greater framework of L2 teaching, captures some of these processes. Motivational dynamics are responsible for the internal efficiency of this structure, as motivated learning behavior permits the transformation of investment into profit. These investments can vary in form, from financial assets, such as course fees, the cost of travel and materials or the time dedicated to learning, to less tangible resources, for instance one’s energy and free time, commitment and courage.

It is interesting to note that many of these resources themselves are complex and span over several categories of economic value. Second, committing them requires adjustments at all levels of learners’ lives and their sacrifice may have far reaching consequences. Time, as an example, undoubtedly holds marketable value but can also be important for individuals’

personal goals and wellbeing. Moreover, dedicating one’s time to foreign language learning can not only influence one’s professional and personal life but can also induce further changes in the contexts one interacts with.

Thus, the results of this commitment also come in varying forms, encompassing both market and non-market benefits. It is, for instance, difficult to measure the full impact of learners’

investment of time as one has to take into account all the different costs and gains incurred. For instance, learners might have less time to spend with their friends and loved ones and, as a result, might feel that language learning becomes a strain on their relationships. At the same time, they might also inspire those around them to engage in similar endeavors, potentially

leading to positive changes in their lives. The examples are endless, and so are the possible effects of an individual’s decision to learn a foreign language and perseverance in doing so.

Therefore, while economic approaches focus on the measurable profits induced by individuals’

language development, which mostly take the shape of salary differentials, from a motivational perspective it is important to consider language learning and its consequences in the larger context(s) implicated.

As I argued earlier, one of these contexts is the economic milieu in which individuals participate, especially relevant in the case of would-be young professionals. I demonstrated above how the dynamics of economic efficiency can be echoed in the processes of language teaching and learning. Similarly, numerous concepts used in language economics find an echo in L2 motivation theory. Below, I discuss these relationships in detail, as I believe they can greatly contribute to an in-depth understanding of language learning in an economic context.