Non-agency or surrendered religious agency

2.2.1. General background

The most adverse analysis of women in patriarchal religions simply claims that male authority strips them of agency. Though genuinely meant as an indictment of male abuse, such studies sometimes proceed from a rough colonial bias that views women “as the impotent objects of an aggressive, religious, and male-dominant cultural system”

(Sehlikoglu 2018, 78). According to Ewing (2008), the portrayal of Muslim women “as victims of male brutality who must be rescued from traditional, oppressive male morality” does not only stereotype women, but has as infelicitous effect to stir moral outrage against all Muslim men. Such partiality in this “accusatory approach” may taint objective research.

Still, a major question remains: to what extent are the more fundamentalist or scrupulous adherents of a religion capable of personal agentic action when they are governed by faith-based convictions, including fear of eternal consequences in case of the slightest non-compliance? This question is at the heart of debates on a specific kind of religious agency, when the agent surrenders agency, at least partially, to an all-encompassing divine system dictating daily life (Bilge 2010; Bracke 2008; Davis 2006; Nisa 2012). But even such a surrendering is basically an act of agency, which problematizes the accusatory approach when women claim to willingly submit to the conditions. Discussing the psychological complexity of this type of constrained agency is not part of my research, but, where applicable to Mormon women, the consequences are to be considered in the framework of gender roles.

2.2.2. In Mormon studies

Also in research pertaining to Mormon women, a number of studies view them from the perspective of subjugation. Madsen (1991) notes that early feminist historians of the 1960s and 70s considered women’s history within the framework of oppression. She cites Marilyn Warenski's book on Mormon women, Patriarchs and Politics: The Plight of the Mormon Woman (1978) as an example of this mode. Even more provocative was Sonia Johnson’s 1979 speech to the American Psychological Association, “Patriarchal Panic:

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Sexual Politics in the Mormon Church,” which excoriated the Mormon patriarchal system for its suppression of women (Johnson 1979, see also 3.4.2.4).

Part of the strategy to denounce present-day oppressive patriarchy is to highlight the agency and strength of past Mormon women, as a more inspiring approach to honor exemplary figures and to sustain present rights. Madsen (1991, 47) refers to that tendency as “compensatory or contributory history.” I discuss this historical perspective in chapter 3.

One particular aspect in this Mormon realm is the effect of the emphasis on compliance with commandments and on the mandate to “follow the prophet.” It extends to obedience to the priesthood down to the lowest level of the hierarchy (4.2). Such obedience and deference can instill fundamentalist tendencies in one’s religiosity, both for men and women, and be interpreted as a surrender of agency. In some Mormon families children can be obsessively constricted by religious trust and rules from infancy on, in particular if parents also choose for homeschooling (Hinton 2012; Kunzman 2009). The pressure to

“be an example” at all times prolongs into adulthood. Some converts, in the fervor of their acceptance of Mormonism, are anxious to make sure they comply. Some ask frequent questions as to what is permissible or not. If they address their queries to the more zealous members, there is a fair chance they will receive more rigorous answers than officially valid. Moreover, sermons by church leaders frequently focus in general terms on progress and perfection, thus creating angst regarding insufficient performance, in particular among those already amenable to strict compliance.

Perfectionism in itself becomes the drive for agentic action, not a personal assessment of what is feasible and reasonable. The concept of legalism—the conviction that only strict obedience to specific rules guarantees God’s approval and acceptance—is paramount for such subjects. It may lead to scrupulosity—an OCD (obsessive compulsive disorder). In 2017, even one church leader, apostle Holland, addressed the problem as “toxic perfectionism.”¹

For Mormon women, matters can be even more acute because of the high expectations related to motherhood, modesty, chastity, personal development, church service, and community involvement. Successful women with a large family are extolled as models.

The psychological and psychiatric consequences of this pressure have been studied since the 1970s, as Burgoyne and Burgoyne stated (1978, 51):

Mormon women are supposed to feel happy and blessed no matter what happens.

Armed with a tradition of strength and dominance, programmed by a dogma of conformity and acceptance, faced with a changing world and annoyed by observable paradoxes between espoused ideals and practice, many Mormon women

1 Jeffrey R. Holland, “Be Ye Therefore Perfect—Eventually,” Conference Address (October 2017).

https://www.lds.org/general-conference/2017/10/be-ye-therefore-perfect-eventually. Accessed November 17, 2018.

49 are in conflict and unhappy. But church teachings tell them that they must be happier and healthier than other women and therefore better able to handle adversity. Because seeking psychiatric help is an admission of personal failure far beyond that of the nonreligious person, it is usually done secretly or with the explicit approval of some church authority with whom counseling has failed.

Whenever possible, the Mormon woman seeks a Mormon psychiatrist, hoping he will somehow make her comfortable with all of the compromises she has heretofore been unable to tolerate. She hopes he will reestablish her paradoxical image of strength combined with passive acceptance of her role in her church.

Research on these problems among Mormon women not only investigates the causes and consequences, but is also meant to give appropriate advice to therapists to whom women turn to for help (Abegg 2018; Allen, Wang, and Stokes 2015; Edgington et al. 2008;

Koltko 1990; Medeiros 2015; Norton et al. 2006; Peer and McGraw 2017). Of these authors, Koltko in particular examined the issue of agency more deeply as an essential part of therapy. He recognized the centrality of agency in Mormon theology and used it as a leverage to help clients find solutions within the belief system itself:

The agency doctrine has implications for the types of therapy to which Mormons seem to be most receptive. Mormons are comfortable with the notion that one must do something to make progress and see change. Mormons prefer modalities which appear to “enhance” agency by emphasizing conscious thought and overt behavior, like cognitive or behavioral interventions . . . The wise therapist does not attempt to excise or change normative religious beliefs and values . . . (he) skillfully uses the power inherent in a client's beliefs to enhance the client's functioning. (p. 135, 139).

In other words, Mormon women (and men) who seemingly surrendered their agency in “toxic perfectionism” need to learn how the doctrine of agency can help them set reasonable and acceptable boundaries.

Relevance for my research

Compliance with commandments and acceptance of priesthood decisions are common themes in church talks and lessons. They belong to the constructs of religiousness and church (I-2.2). For women, obedience to the male priesthood authority has a gendered dimension and raises the question of agency. The topic is foreseen in my interviews under, among others, the following items (translated from Dutch).

Q.R.10 – The doctrine of the church stresses free will, namely the possibility to choose between good and evil and to be responsible for decisions. When we look at the church, people freely choose to become members or stay in it if they are already born in the church. It is a basic choice. But does that mean that church members

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then surrender part of their free will? In other words: is a church member then obliged to do everything the church asks for? How do we see the free will in this?

Q.R.12 – (vignette) Evelyne is a woman in her forties with a few teenage children at home, which requires much care. She is also committed to the school committee where her children attend school. Her husband has a demanding job and can only partly help in the household. Evelyne often feels very tired. The bishop has now asked her to become Relief Society president. She knows that this will be very hard.

When she prays about it, she feels that she should accept the calling as the will of the Lord. But her common sense tells her that it is not wise to accept that calling.

How should Evelyne decide?

Of course, answers to such questions, intended to probe compliance or even non-agency, can lead to answers revealing “resistance, subversion, or emancipation” or

“inside valorization”—realms discussed next.

Just like in Utah and elsewhere, some Mormon women in Flanders can also struggle with scrupulosity or suffer from depression. My research does not seek them out specifically, but when respondents talk about such challenges among some women they know, or (by proxy) talking about themselves, the data from the literature inform my analysis. The topic is foreseen:

Q.R.09 – Church lessons and talks often speak of perfection. This creates an image of the ideal woman in the church. Is that something which is feasible for women, or just helpful, or sometimes rather depressing?