This dissertation is the product of four years of research work and discussion in the subfield of the historyofeconomics. The whole dissertation project has been repeatedly presented and discussed in the Albert O. Hirschman (AOH) seminar organized in Paris by professors Annie L. Cot and Jérôme Lallement. I am very thankful to them and to all of the other participants of the AOH seminar. Early versions of chapters 1, 3, and 4 were presented at the 34 th , 35 th and 36 th meetings of the HistoryofEconomics Society (HES) and supported by the young scholar program of the HES. I benefited from useful reports and comments by, or discussions with, Mary S. Morgan, D. Wade Hands, André Van Hoorn, Floris Heukelom, Harro Maas, Neil Nimand, and Pedro Duarte. Chapters 3, 5 and 6 are now the result of extensive discussions on papers presented at the 2 nd and 3 rd conferences on the Historyof Recent Economics (HISRECO). I am also very thankful to the participants of these conferences: Philippe Fontaine, Roger Backhouse, Tiago Mata and Guido Erreygers (the organizers), and D. Wade Hands, Dan Hammond, Evelyn Forget, Marcel Boumans, Ross Emmett, Edward Nik-Khah and Steven Medema for their comments, which positively influenced this dissertation. First versions of papers that became chapters 3, 5 and 6 were presented in the 10 th and 11 th Summer Institutes on Economic History, Philosophy, and Historyof Economic Thought in France. An early version of chapter 3 was also presented at a session of the Atelier de Philosophie et Économie (PHARE). Financial and institutional support was granted by the University of Paris I (Allocation de
The oral face-to-face interview is commonly used and methodologically discussed across the social sciences and the humanities. A quick search for the use of such interviews by historians ofeconomics – as a research tool (when the historian is the interviewer) or as only a source (when the historian uses someone else’s interview) – reveals over a hundred papers and a dozen books over the last forty years. By contrast, there is only a few existing historiographical and methodological discussions of the use of interviews in the historyofeconomics, which are precious but either quite brief or focused on a narrow object (usually a set of interviews conducted by the author). This short paper proposes a broader perspective to highlight the diversity of practices regarding the use of interviews by historians ofeconomics. I will briefly discuss the evolution of these practices under one historiographical theme, which has been highlighted by previous historians of contemporary science and economics: that the research project for which the historian is conducting interviews might be perceived by some scientists as involving a potential threat to their scientific credit or even to the scientific legitimacy of their discipline 1 .
A fifth question deals with the origin of the perceived efficiency logic. If the common law reflects an efficiency logic, as Posner submits it does, it ought to be possible to formulate a theory accounting for the emergence of that logic. Various attempts have been made to articulate such a theory (Cooter and Kornhauser, 1980; Goodman, 1978; Hirshleifer, 1982; Hollander and Mackaay, 1982; Landes and Posner, 1976, 1979, 1980; Priest, 1977, 1980; Priest and Klein, 1984; Reese, 1989; Rizzo, 1980d; Rubin, 1977, 1982; Terrebonne, 1981). None so far has found general acceptance. It is submitted that the judges operating during the formative years of the common law doctrines a century ago were imbued with laissez faire values congenial to ‘efficient’ legal rules (Posner, 1992a, p. 255), or that given the constraints in judicial procedure under which judges operate, they are not, unlike Parliament, at liberty to pursue redistributive policies, nor are they subject to intense interest group pressure (Posner, 1992a, p. 524). Yet the judicial policies pursued by modern courts in deciding on the scope to be given to human rights proclaimed in constitutions clearly has distributive effects and their ‘efficiency’ in Posner’s sense would not be easy to demonstrate. Consider also Jules Coleman’s observation that what parties demand of the courts is not ‘the imposition of an efficient rule, but ... the imposition of any rule that will reduce uncertainty. For such a rule facilitates rational contracting, the long term consequences of which will be efficient’ (Coleman (Jules), 1989, p. 190). On this question it is well to remember Sir Arthur Eddington’s admonition that ‘[i]t is also a good rule not to put overmuch confidence in the observational results that are put forward until they are confirmed by theory’ (Anonymous, 1978, p. 132).
Choi and Kim (2010) 3 analyze the impact of vertical quality of service agreements on investment incentives. They consider an Internet access provider who has the ability to offer priority transmission in a congested network to two competing content providers. In a net neutrality regime both content providers receive the same treatment and hence compete for consumers in equal terms whereas in the unregulated regime the traffic of one content provider is favored over the traffic of the other one. In this framework, they find that content providers face a prisoners’ dilemma to pay for priority and they are worse-off without net neutrality. The Internet access provider faces a trade-off, either it invests in expanding its capacity to have a larger revenue from consumers or it maintains scarcity in order to charge content providers for priority. Overall welfare implications are not clearcut, however they show that network investment incentives could be higher under net neutrality, which contradicts the arguments of the opponents of a regulation. On the other hand, investment implications are clear for content providers, the authors affirm that these are undoubtedly reduced under the unregulated regime because the network operator has the power to expropriate content providers’ rents.
impacts of EU enlargement at the firm level. Giesing and Laurentsyeva (2017) employ cross-country data to investigate the connection between firm productivity and emigration rates from EU countries, exploiting the opening of EU labor markets between 2004 and 2014. Related work by Beerli et al. (2018) examines effects on firms in the context of freer labor movement across the Swiss border. Third, anecdotal evidence from Finland suggests that the use of foreign workforce was much more common in non-unionized firms. How unionization interacts with open border policies is an unexplored question. Furthermore, exploiting variation in unionization might offer another opportunity for causal identification. Fourth, we should also collect further evidence from the new EU countries to fully grasp the impacts of integration. Dustmann et al. (2015) and Elsner (2013) examine how emigration shaped the Polish and Lithuanian labor markets, respectively, around the eastern enlargement of the EU. Finally, a separate but related issue—that this paper abstracts from—is that the use of temporary posted workers is likely to lead to lost tax revenue. In our case, most of the cross-border workers do not live or pay taxes in Finland. This leads to both directly and indirectly lost tax revenue (income tax and VAT, respectively). 44 Assessing such effects would also be important.
Throughout the 19th century, liberalism, which was born in the midst of a general opposition of the rising bourgeoisie to the lavishness of the aristocracy, became progressively associated with the lavishness of the bourgeoisie itself. This fact has stimulated the rise of a socialist economics, which put emphasis on a better world made possible by the emancipation of the labour class, the advantages associated with sobriety and the development of new techniques. One of those socialist thinkers, Charles Fourier, did not hesitate to draw the architectural plans of the kind of building that he christened Phalanstère and considered appropriate for the community life that the emancipated workers were supposed to find particularly attractive 9 . The tension between a taste for a rather superficial ornamentation, more and more appreciated by the rising bourgeoisie, and the preference granted to the use of new technologies and the display of raw materials like iron, which was associated with machines and workers’ life, was central in 19 th Century architecture. Whereas most architects involved in “noble” architecture were designing public buildings and bourgeois housing according to the rules of highly ornamental historical styles, engineers and the most innovative architects were experimenting with the use of new materials and new techniques of construction on factories, warehouses and other commercial buildings, whose owners were involved in fierce economic competition. When governments had to respond to the special needs of the private industrial sector, as was typically the case with the construction of railway stations, this tension was even manifest inside single buildings. Indeed, if the problem is to provide an efficient shelter for trains inside the station, why not use the very materials and techniques that made the railway system possible? But, as such stations are among the most visible of the services provided by the State, why not emphasize the State’s prestige by using materials and forms more appropriate
the food security and nutritional status of formerly displaced households in Burundi and they find that individuals who remain much longer in a displacement status are worse off compared to those who returned earlier.
Chapter 3 uses the 1998-1999 Kosovo war and the following massive displacement of people as a natural experiment in order to estimate the impact of conflict displacement on labor market and education outcomes of Kosovars after they returned from exile. I exploit the interaction of the spatial variation in conflict intensity -as measured by casualties and bombings- and distance to the Albanian border as a source of exogenous variation in the displacement status. Results indicate that displaced Kosovar men are less likely to be employed in the agricultural sector and to work on their own account, while displaced Kosovar women are more likely to be inactive. Loss of assets (e.g. land, livestock) in an agrarian skill-based economy and also loss of social networks in an informal labor market might have further decreased the probability to find employment relative to stayers. However, shortly after the return home, the results also indicate that displaced Kosovar men and women are more likely to be working off-farm, especially in the construction and public administration sectors, which indicates a relatively quick recovery. In addition, displaced Kosovar girls are more likely to be enrolled in primary school, but I find no effect on education for boys. The refugee camp experience might have provided better conditions to young Kosovar girls compared to the the precarious pre-war “parallel" education system.
These historiographical perspectives generally lead the contributing authors of this special issue to elaborate on and correct traditional historical narratives which have sometimes been presented as myths introduced by dominant scientists to promote their own scientific successes. This is particularly visible in those articles concerned with the historical retelling of the development of the DBS technique, forgotten aspects of Loeb’s early research in Europe, Bastian’s disappearance into historical oblivion with the ascendancy to major prominence of John Hughlings Jackson (1835–1911) at the beginning of the twentieth century, the overlooked role of neurophysiologists in the defense of Darwinism and materialism, or Cajal’s forgotten and generally positive attitude toward women scientists at the end of his career. Most importantly, the contributions assembled in this special issue explicitly bridge past perspectives with areas of live current debate. They demonstrate how history can inform present understandings by exploring historical neuroscientific issues, placed in a theoretical frame, and contextualized with sociological and epistemological considerations. Several of these articles employ sociological concepts from actor network theory in their historical approaches to the description and analysis of neuroscience as an interdisciplinary scientific endeavor with a high degree of institutionalization, be it at the level of research laboratories, institutes, international organizations. Further epistemological perspectives draw on the complex interdisciplinary relations and the contingency of their respective place and time. For example, Eling and Finger link Gall’s philosophical understanding of brain localization in the late 19th century to the theory and practice of present-day brain imaging studies. Lorch demonstrates how Bastian conceived of theoretical localization models for their utility to understand the relationship of clinical patient observations and with bedside nosography. At the same time, Bastian proposed that the neurophysiological architecture was in the form of a network of connected regions with individual variation, thereby bringing together theory-laden observations and hypotheses. Such issues are topics of live debate in current epistemological conceptualizations, as far as present epigenetic neurocognitive models are concerned.
In the recent years, various models were built to explain the "demographic transition", i.e. the shift from a regime with high mortality and high fertility to a regime with low mortality and low fertility. Blackburn and Cipriani (2002) studied a three-period OLG setting where both mortality and fertility are func- tions of human capital. They showed that, under standard functional forms for production and utility, the chosen education is increasing in life expectancy (i.e. Ben Porath e¤ect), while early fertility is decreasing with it. Several stationary equilibria exist: one with high fertility and low life expectancy; another one with low fertility and high life expectancy, as well as an intermediate unstable equilibrium. Hence, an economy that starts up with poor situation may be des- tined to remain poor (so called poverty trap), unless there are major exogenous shocks. Initial conditions matter for demographic transition or stagnation.
Table 1. Comparison of three price policies. Quantities in MMcf, prices in $/MMcf, surpluses in M$.
A limit to this exercise is that, in accordance with the estimation results, the optimal policy should be conditional on observables like temperature or GDP. More importantly, though the elasticity of imports seems low and thus “justifies” high tariffs, in the long run elasticity, through investment by producers to deliver gas towards more profitable regions, is certainly much greater. The extent of US market power over external providers is also hard to measure. Obviously, the NAFTA prevents any such attempts towards Canadian imports, which nevertheless leaves some leeway for other imports. In any case, the modest extra surplus calculated (in absolute value) could be
1 1+l 1+l ’
Figure 4. Shifts of the survival curve in a two-period model.
Naturally, the survival curve shown on Figure 4 is quite different from the actual sur- vival curves, shown in the previous section. But it is a simple way to capture the various phe- nomena at work behind the observed rise in life expectancy. The distinction between a rise in the probability of reaching the old age and a lengthening of the old age becomes, as we shall see, quite crucial when public policy is to be based on egalitarian ethical principles 10 . Finally, note that the economicsof increasing longevity can hardly take p and 艎 as mere parameters, but most often regards these as the output of a health production process. The relationship between longevity outcomes and their determinants is represented by means of functional forms, which regard the demographic variable as the output of a production process using particular inputs. Those inputs can be various, and correspond to longevity de- terminants on which individuals have some infiuence (e.g. physical effort), or to longevity determinants on which they have no impact at all (e.g. genetic background) 11 .
Development economics, as a branch ofeconomics that attempts to show how the world’s poor economies can develop, had its origins in the 1940s and 1950s. One of its earliest ideas was that the economies of the less developed countries were mired in a cycle of poverty and needed a “big push” to develop. This push was seen as a large boost in investment, helped by the state’s infrastructural and social spending, as well as by private foreign capital spending and aid from the governments of the developed nations. Much of development economics was expressed in narrative form; it was one of the least formal and mathematically modelled branches ofeconomics. For this reason (and others as we shall see), it fell out of favor less than a generation after it began. Mainstream economics thought of itself as a rigorous “science,” and for its economists what wasn’t rigorously mathematical was simply not economics. However, in the late 1980s, development economics began to rise again, thanks to its reformulation in more “scientific” terms. According to some economists, the previous demise of development economics was a pity—if only its originators had been more rigorous. Paul Krugman, noted neoclassical economist and New York Times columnist, put it this way: “When I look at the Murphy et al. [whose article helped resurrect development economics] representation of the Big Push idea, I find myself wondering whether the long slump in development theory was really necessary. The model is so simple: three pages, two equations, and one diagram.”1 This is how Krugman summarizes the “fall and rise of development economics,” a half-century ofhistoryof development thought, between the “big push” formulation by Paul Rosenstein-Rodan in 1943 and its formalization by Kevin M. Murphy, Andrei Shleifer, and Robert W. Vishny in 1989. Because of its lack of rigor, by this account, the “glory days of ‘high development theory’” lasted only fifteen years
Palavras-chave: Nova economia institucional; Teoria da organizac¸ão; Análise institucional
夽 This paper is a revised version of a lecture delivered at ‘The Third Great Minds China Forum’ of the National Economics Foundation held in Shanghai in May
2017, and is published with the authorization of the NEF. I would like to thank Dr. Xia Bin, the NEF Chairman, for the kind invitation, Wei Sen, Cheryl Long, Song Bingtao, Qian Yingyi, Xu Xiaonian and Zhang Shuguang, who commented on the lecture, and the numerous participants for their feedback. Special thanks to Qinxi Li and her staff for the wonderful organization of the forum.
J. Clin. Med. 2021, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 17
Figure 3. Mechanisms of carcinogenesis according to the presence/absence of cirrhosis and disease modifiers involved
Obesity is associated with increased release of cytokines from dysfunctional adipose tissue, particularly TNF-α and IL-6, which further activates pro-oncogenic pathways in- volving NF-κβ, JNK and mTOR and controls cell proliferation and apoptosis. Hyperin- sulinemia increases the circulating levels of insulin-like growth factor 1 (IGF1) and thus inhibits apoptosis and favors cell division . These mechanisms explain the particu- larities of the clinical phenotype of HCC in NAFLD and a slower rate of oncogenic transformation in NAFLD. In line with that, patients with NAFLD-HCC are a decade older than patients with HCV-HCC and almost two decades older compared to HBV-HCC patients . NAFLD-HCC is often diagnosed at a later stage, with more ad- vanced disease because of the lack of surveillance strategies. Because of a delayed diag- nosis, patients are less eligible for curative interventions  but for the same tumor stage, the prognosis of NAFLD-HCC is similar to HCC associated to other causes of chronic liver disease . Because almost half of NAFLD-related HCC occurs in the ab- sence of cirrhosis, it is a major challenge to develop risk stratification models and to adapt the surveillance strategies. Although the current guidelines recommend HCC screening only in patients with cirrhosis , several aspects should be considered. First, the “non-cirrhotic” stages covers a large spectrum of liver disease severity from the absence of fibrosis to bridging fibrosis, which is actually a “pre-cirrhotic” stage; whether patients with bridging fibrosis should benefit from HCC screening is of debate. Second, when these guidelines have been developed, the recommendations targeted mainly patients with viral hepatitis. Although some “disease modifiers” (Figure 3), including clinical (i.e., presence and clustering of the metabolic traits) , biological (transaminases levels)  and genetic (PNPLA3, TM6SF2, HSD17B13) [93,94] factors allow for a “general” estima- tion of the HCC risk, these approaches are not accurate enough to justify the implemen- tation of the screening strategies in the absence of cirrhosis. A polygenic approach , coupled with clinical risk factors, could potentially be useful to refine HCC risk in pa- tients with non-cirrhotic NAFLD but its use in every day practice has to be validated.
competition between full-service and low-cost airlines serving adjacent airports in the Greater London area, with a particular interest in estimating own- and cross-price elasticities with respect to airfares. They compared nested logit, cross-nested logit and mixed multinomial logit models to capture three key dimensions of passenger choice including air fare, surface-access costs and flight frequency; and obtained statistically significant estimates of price elasticities, which appeared to be on the low side. Ishii et al. ( 2009 ) studied the trade-off across airline and airport characteristics for passengers departing from airports in San Francisco Bay area, using mixed multinomial logit and weighted conditional logit models. The weighted conditional logit allows to incorporate the effect of airport dominance and travel delay in a multinomial logit specification while explicitly controlling for the airline offerings and observable airport characteristics at competing airports. They found that both mixed multinomial and weighted conditional logit models yield similar results, suggesting that access time, airport delay, flight frequency, the availability of particular airport-airline combinations, and early arrival times strongly affect choice probabilities. More recently, de Luca ( 2012 ) investigated the effects of type of flight connection, trip duration and departure date on airport choice in Italian multi- airport region with three airports. He considered multinomial logit, mixed multinomial logit and cross-nested logit models to account for correlation structures among perceived utilities (geographical, operating airlines, airport type) and heteroscedasticity.
Since ρ i ∈ [0, 1] , it is clear that ∆ (τ u , ρ i , z i ) is strictly increasing in the subsidy rate, z i , implying
that tuition subsidies tend to expand college enrollment. In the absence of college subsidies (i.e, z i = 0 , all
i ), K-12 graduates from poor family backgrounds (i.e., those coming from families with low levels of W i ) may
face higher college costs, and thus miss out on college. There are three ways in which government intervention can tackle this inequality, some of which are related. First, since an agent's socioeconomic background aects her acquired ability at K-12 level, the government may raise the level of inputs into K-12 education so as to boost ability. This then will leave higher education costs as the most important barrier to access to the opportunity to earn a college premium for K-12 graduates from low-income backgrounds. Second, to boost access for this sub-group of prospective students, the government may make access to subsidies need-based. This second intervention, however, has received criticism from Caucutt and Khumar (2003) who show it to be inecient. However it is not clear whether the Caucutt and Khumar critique which was made in the context where abilities are exogeneous, also holds in the context of endogeneous abilities. Third, as argued by Hanushek et al. (2003), the government may also directly subsidize the wage of workers with no higher education degrees (for example, by applying a revenue neutral progressive income tax code), with the subsidies nanced by a proportional tax on the wages of college graduates. But, like the Caucutt and Khumar critique, this policy recommendation was also made in the context of exogeneous abilities. The present study aims to quantitatively determine the optimal combination of these three form of interventions. We will return to this issue further below.
to the individual themselves. In this sense even ‘deviant’ activity can be understood only in relation to the norms or modes of intelligibility from which the activity deviates. Agency “takes place in the context of an enabling and limiting field of constraint” (Butler 2005, pp19).
So how does a subject – understood here as an individual with an identity – emerge from this matrix of intelligibility and how does the subject live and appropriate the norms set out by this matrix? For Butler “a subject produced by morality must find his or her relation to morality” (2005, pp10). She argues, starting with Nietzsche but going on to take issue with his claims, that a person begins to reflect on their actions in the face of another person who demands an account of them. In order to answer the person questioned must form a narrative of their action, its purpose and their relation to it. So giving an account of oneself must take a narrative form. For Foucault, the reflexivity of the subject emerges not as a response to punishment connecting the perpetrator to the crime, as it is to Nietzsche, but in response to particular moral codes. In this way the subject establishes itself in relation to its position on the right or wrong of its action. In this sense the narrative of the account aims to persuade – either another or the subject itself – of the correctness of their position, it critiques the moral codes and its stand on them and it depends also on the ‘scene of address’. Foucault (1985, pp28) claims that the acts of critique “delimit that part of the self that will form the object of his moral practice”, that is, the subject does not write its own narrative from nothing, but undertakes a process of making part of itself intelligible with reference to norms. Thus the norms set “the limits to what will be considered to be an intelligible formation of the subject within a given historical scheme of things” (Butler 2005, pp17). Furthermore, the critique undertaken as part of this process “exposes the limits of the historical scheme of things, the epistemological and ontological horizon within which subjects come to be at all” (Butler 2005, pp17).
Children are trafficked away for several purposes. Some end up working as modern slaves in plantations or factories, some wind up on the sex market, some others find themselves as child soldiers on the frontline of a conflict foreign to them. There may be several market segments, depending on the purpose, but they all share key economic characteristics. First, and foremost, each market is an international market with an international price. Well- meaning individual efforts by some governments may thus not be very meaningful in the end. Worse, as we show in this paper, such individual efforts may be counter-productive for the global fight against child trafficking. Second, the trafficking of children obeys the laws of supply and demand. A rise in the price of children attracts new traffickers on the market, while a drop in the price makes children affordable to a wider audience. Third, traffickers prey on children who are most vulnerable, either because parental supervision is lacking or because parents are excessively credulous, to the point of confiding their children to the care of well-speaking strangers. There are two ways of protecting children. On the one hand, parents may invest time and energy in the supervision of their children. On the other hand, governments may invest in the education of parents or in public protection mechanisms to supplement parental supervision. Both types of protections entail a cost. Fourth, this cost of protecting children is an increasing function of the number of traffickers. Fifth, the success of traffickers is a decreasing function of the private and public investments in the protection of children. Last but not least, child traffickers operate in well organized rings and follow