Albania’s actions

Like the SRS and the SFRY in general, the Republic of Albania also stepped up its foreign propaganda efforts. Albanian embassies were mobilized to distribute audio and video materials and books for Kosovars. The increase in propagandistic materials, as well as the presence of groups of artists in the countries where many Kosovars were based (Germany, Switzerland, etc.), was initiated by the Albanian embassies (AMFA 1104-2/1982). The Albanian authorities developed a plan for creating and disseminating propaganda about the rights of Kosovo and of other Albanian-inhabited territories in the SFRY. These efforts were implemented by the Institute of History, the Institute of Language and Literature, the Institute of National Culture, and the Center for Archeological Research. The plan included different publications, pedagogical activities, and activities for mass propaganda distributed through the press, radio, TV, etc. (AMFA 1165/1982). During the 10th plenary meeting of the Albanian Workers Party held June 15-16, 1981, members of the Workers Party agreed on the content of the articles in "Zëri i Popullit" as well as highlighted injustices against

"brothers in Kosovo who demonstrated to increase their political dignity" (CAA 14/1981/109). While the SFRY and the SRS blamed the Republic of Albania for their nationalistic indoctrination of Albanians in the SFRY, Albania claimed that the degradation of relations with Yugoslavia was a result of the "bloodthirsty and barbaric positions of the nationalistic Serbs" (ibid.).

It is worth mentioning that, when compared to the representatives of the southern part of Albania, the members of northern towns were far more critical of the SFRY and of developments in Kosovo in general. Enver Hoxha kept repeating that despite the fact that the number of Albanians was twice that of two other nations in the SFRY (Macedonians and Montenegrins), still they lived split among two republics and one province. It was also stated that while Albanians in Kosovo enjoyed a bit more in the way of rights, those living in Macedonia and Montenegro were totally disenfranchised. Indeed, though “totally” is an exaggeration, it was in certain respects the case. Macedonian communist authorities viewed

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Albanians as a threat to the territorial integrity and existence of Macedonia (Koinova, 2013:

37). During the 1950s-1960s, many Albanians were pressured to declare themselves as Turks and migrate to Turkey to escape from communism (Poulton, 1995:138). Even after the changes to the SFRY constitution (1974), Albanians in Macedonia had limited ethnic rights (Peshkopia, 2015; 61). In his writings, Enver Hoxha insisted that the "Albanian question" and the territories where they lived had not yet been resolved yet. The Republic of Albania's leadership’s detailed platforms regarding the demonstrations of 1981 were published in the April 8 and April 23 issues of "Zëri i Popullit." The Republic of Albania

"justified" the actions of the organizers of the demonstrations and viewed the Albanian communist elites in the SFRY as "traitors and servants of Belgrade." These articles mentioned the demands of demonstrators to create a Republic of Kosovo or the creation of a Republic of Albanians living in the federation. However, they did not mention the unification of these territories with Albania, but rather the intent to form a new republic.

While highlighting that the "destiny of Albanian society in the SFRY will be solved," the Republic of Albania tried to present its acts as being in accordance with international law, claiming that though it had no intention of interfering in the SFRY's internal affairs, it still had the right to support the "legal demands of Albanian people in the SFRY" (Zëri i Popullit, April 8 and 23, 1981). In the same articles, the Republic of Albania provided "explanations for the tragic events" of March and April 1981. The article, "Kosovo's demands for the status of a republic is a human right," published May 17, 1981, highlighted some of Yugoslavia’s national issues since 1940, which, according to the Republic of Albania, proved that the student demands for a Republic of Kosovo were legitimate. The articles emphasized the promises and initial agreements that, according to the Republic of Albania, the SFRY was supposed to respect after the Second World War. The article stated that Moša Pijade, during the Communist Party’s fifth conference held in Zagreb in October 1940, proposed that "the solution of the national movements in Kosovo can be reached only through forming the free national Republic in Kosovo" (cited after Archive of SFRY. Fond CC of CPY. No. 12-14).

Furthermore, in December 1942 "Proleter" had published a written piece entitled

"The national issues in Yugoslavia in the light of League of National Liberators," which was considered to be a programmatic document of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) for national issues. After this article was published, in December 1942 Tito himself

161 published another one where he declared that Yugoslavia would respect the basic principle that every nation has the right to self-determination. When Yugoslavia was liberated, Albanians were waiting for their right to self-determination, but instead Kosovo became the base for a military administration (1945). Hoxha mentioned that while the majority of Kosovo Albanian brigades were fighting in Slovenia and Croatia for the liberation of Yugoslavia, in Kosovo, Serbian and Montenegrin divisions 52, 46, and division 50 of Macedonia killed Albanians on the pretext of various different accusations (Zëri i Popullit, May 17, 1981). The Republic of Albania accused the SFRY, and particularly Serbian authorities, of systematically ignoring the rights of Albanians, starting from the second ANVOJ meeting held on November 29, 1943, when Albanians in the SFRY were considered as a national minority which should live under the umbrella of republics such as Montenegro, Macedonia, and Serbia (ibid.). Thus, the Republic of Albania considered the 1981 demonstrations as peaceful actions which were turned into bloody events by Serbian authorities from Belgrade. These articles, which were published by the Republic of Albania, added to the already tense situation. However, they also encouraged and proved that the illegal groups were “right” when they continuously spread propaganda that the Republic of Albania was militarily "strong" and would protect Albanians of the SFRY, whereas the SFRY, and especially the SRS intelligence services, increased both their levels of aggression against Albanians in the SFRY as well as their accusations of the Republic of Albania’s interference in the SFRY's internal affairs. The Republic of Albania could not or did not do anything else to support the Kosovo Albanians. They kept rejecting SFRY and SRS accusations, saying that their actions could not be considered to be interference: They were only saying that the people of Kosovo wanted a republic and that this was their legitimate right. During this period, and in the name of the further intensification of propaganda, Enver Hoxha urged responsible institutions to launch historical programs, patriotic music, a celebration of historical anniversaries, etc., aimed at the SFRY/Albanian emigrés. He also ordered the translation of articles from "Zëri i Populli" into various languages and their distribution in various countries. The distribution of the articles and brochures in the SFRY was also considered an important part of the propaganda effort.

Given that even diplomatic posts to the SFRY were checked and opened, the articles and other propagandistic materials for the SFRY were sent first to other embassies and then somehow transported from other countries to the SFRY (CAA 14/1981/117).

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