The incidence of sexual slavery in Africa : sexual abuse of women in Cameroon

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THE INCIDENCE OF

SEXUAL SLAVERY IN AFRICA:

SEXUAL ABUSE OF WOMEN IN CAMEROON

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ECA/ATRCW/3.5|ii(a)|/88/l

UNITED NATIONS

ECONOMIC COMMISSION FOR AFRICA

THE INCIDENCE OF SEXUAL SLAVERY IN AFRICAs SEXUAL ABUSE OF WOMEN IN CAMEROON

January 1988

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

I INTRODUCTION 1

n POSITION OF THE WOMEN IN THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC

POLITICAL SECTORS IN TRADITIONAL CAMEROON 2

A. MARRIAGE 2

1 - Polygamy 3

2 - Bride-price 6

3 - Divorce 4

B. WOMAN'S SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLES 4

C. WOMEN'S TRADITIONAL GROUPS 6

m THE CURRENT SITUATION 6

A. LEGAL STATUS OF THE WOMAN 6

B. ECONOMIC STATUS 8

C. SOCIAL STATUS 9

1 - Marriage 9

2 - Children sterility J°

3 - Malnutrition 11

4 - Divorce **

5 - Widowhood 12

6 - Other institutionalized sexist practices 12

D. WOMEN'S ATTITUDE TOWARD THEIR PLIGHT 13

IV TOWARD SOLUTIONS: GOVERNMENT APPROACH

AND OTHER RECOMMENDATIONS 14

A. GOVERNMENT APPROACH *4

B. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER ACTION 16

1 - Strategy for promoting solidarity 16

2 - Education strategy 17

3 - Economic strategy 17

4 - Political strategy ***

V CONCLUSION 18

NOTES 19

BIBLIOGRAPHY 21

MAP OF CAMEROON 23

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PREFACE

This study was commissioned by the African Training and Research Centre for Women

of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA). It's main objectiveisto gam

Sisight into the extent women and or girls are exploited, ill-treated and abused because of

sex, the femal3 sex. Hence, traditions and customs that underline sexual abuse of women ta the socio-economic political context are examined *nd strategies for improving these

problems are recommended.

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I. INTRODUCTION

TERMS OF REFERENCE

A three months desk study on "Sexual Abuse of Women in Cameroon" was undertaken towards the end of 1987 and beginning 1088. Hie main objectives of the study were to; bring up-to-date the data on prostitution and all aspects of the sexual exploitation of women; carry out an analysis of the habits and customs which underline sexual exploitations, family violence, prostitution, and eerly pregnancies; recapitulate ■ b'n information relative to the attitudes and psychosocial behaviour, including socio-economic factors, tending to perpetuate or supress the sexual exploitation of women, and make recommendations for a solution to these problems.

METHODOLOGY

As a desk study, the work consisted mostly of reviewing the literature. On so doing, the author discovered right away the dearth of write ups and research on Cameroon women and particularly on their roles and status in society. Wo:..en are -gnored m most research projects except in very'general eyploratory terms even on topics like agricultural production and commercialization of crops, craft? etc. liven in reports on rural people or peasants, it is the men who make the headlines or cover pictures. The domination and exploitation ol the woman is hardly a subject of focus either in the family or society at large where she shoulders the biggest burden of ensuring its survival with the least compensation and acknowledgement.

In addition, to reviewing the literatures, the' Writer • held informal conversations with her immediate colleagues at work, in attempt to confirm or dispute the literature as well as her personal observation. Altogether, twenty four people comprising 15 women and 9 men were interviewed. Their ages ranged from 3b to about 54 years and they represented five out of the ten Provinces of the Republic namely the North West, West, Littoral, East and Center Provinces. They also represented about 12 different ethnic groups. Each colleague was interviewed individually. The questions were as follows:

1. Traditionally, what were the characteristics of an ideal girl for marriage?

2. What was the role of the bride price traditionally? What is its significance today?

3. Traditionally, what were the duties'of the woman in the family? How has that

changed today?

4. Traditionally, what were the duties of the man in the family? How has that changed

today? " "

5. Did divorce exist in the old days? In what circumstances? Are those reasons still

important today or are there different ones?

6. What was the woman supDOsed to do when her husband died? Has this changed

today?

7. What was the man suoposed to do when his wife died? Has this changed today?

8. Traditionally, what did women inherit from their husbands? What did they inherent

from their families? .,.-■■■.,

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9. What were the implications 0(1 - a woman being childless - a man being sterile

traditionally, what are the implications today?

10. What were the implications o,f a couple having only female children in the olden

days? What are the implications today?

What characterized the responses to these questions was that there,.was very little variation between males and females in the contents; there was even less variation along

ethnic or tribel lines. :

What differed, however, was the attitude towards their information. Men saw their obligations and those of the women toward the family as n rmal and natural. The women felt that there were too many demands on them. Women occupied a subordinate position, inspite

of all their obligations and yes, men had a much, easier life traditionally and today.

PRESENTATION

In Webster's Seventh New Collegiate Dictionary, II, tht word "abuse" is defined as follows:

"improper use or treatment... physical maltreatment... a corrupt practice or custom". "Sexual"

on the other hand is defined as "of, relating to or associated with st.x or the sexes".

For the purposes of this study, "Sexual abuse" thus refers to improper use or treatment of women in Cameroon simply because of their sex, the female sex. The choice of Cameroon does not imply a predominence of this phenomenon in relation to-other countries, or even the presence of aspects in this practice that are peculiar to Cameroon*

Rather, Cameroon is just a microcosm of the resolute world order of practices and customs that have resulted in Universal Female Sexual Abuse.

In the United Nations Report on the major obstacles to women's advancement presented at the world conference of the UN Decade for women in Nairobi in July 1985, "... cultural and traditional practices encompassing phychological, structural and ideological attitudes which persist in many different forms..,11 2' "were cited as a major problem to be attacked before women could achieve equality and freedom from sexual abuse. In this study, traditions and customs that underline sexual abuse of women in the socio-economic-political context is examined in the first part. The second part comprises of an analysis of significant gains that have been achieved in the legal, economic and social arena. The final part concentrates on the measures that the Government of Cameroon has taken and .gives suggestions for further action towards improving this deep rooted phenomenon.

II. POSITION OF THE WOMEN IN THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC POLITICAL SECTORS IN TRADITIONAL CAMEROON

A. MARRIAGE , . , ,

In the African tradition, the basic value of a woman is designated according to the degree of closeness of her relationship to men. Thus, in Cameroon as elsewhere in Africa, marriage is a must for a girl, if she is to be fully respected; not only respected but if she is to fit into her normal status once she reaches puberty. The question of marriage, therefore is simply ont of when and sometimes, to how many men consecutively.

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When DAMON and DJAM 1! (1987) recently carried out a study on the participation of women on Economic, Health and Social Development across Camerbon, they found out that traditionally, one of the responsibilities of a father is to marry off his daughter with little consideration of her opinion as to whom she should marry. Thus in the Extreme North, West and North West Provinces, for example, it is not unusual for baby girls to be betrothed in marriage as soon as they are born. A father can give his new born daughter to his best friend for marriage as proof of the depth of their friendship. The girls will be raised by their parents but as among the Fulbes, for example, as soon as she reaches puberty, she is taken to her husband who immediately starts having sexual relations with her. By age 12 and 13, these girls are physically developed to accommodate this important responsibility. Death at child birth is quite a Usual phenomenon in the Extreme North and Damon and DJAM i' (1987) wonder whether

these precocious marriages might not explain this.

Whether one talks to the Bassa, the Douala of the Littoral Province, the Bamilike, the Fouban of the West Province or the Aghem and the Banso of the North West Province etc..., the qualities of a desirable gpri in marriage are the same. She must be hard working and obedient to her husband. "Physical beauty was and still is of no consequence", says Mr. N. in an interview with the author, as long as she can feed the family and take care of her husband in humility and respect. "She might even be handicapped it makes no difference. It is the inner beauty

that matters".

1. Polygamy

This is synonymous with wealth and prestige. The woman is a very important source of labour for the mart, for she is practically the source of survival for the family. Although there are some ethnic groups that do not take too kindly to this, such as in the East and Extreme North Provinces, "(Damon and DJAM 1987 _/), it is the men who determine whether or not

they can afford polygamy. As soon as a man has improved his financial status, he lets the world know this by bringing more wives into the homestead.

2. Bride-price

Sociologists prefer to call it "bride-wealth" in order to avoid the connotation that a Woman is being1 bought. Yet in reality,1 that is practically what happens traditionally. Once the family of the bridegroom's request for the hand of such and such a girl has been received positively by the potential father-in-law, he has the green light to start paying the bride-price. It is paid installmentally both in kind and cash depending; on the value that has^ been attached to the bride to be by her family."' Beasts, liquor, cloth, kitchen objects, moneye|tcare itemized on the various members of the extended family. Although there is a tendency .to "exploit"this occasion to extract the maximum possible from the bridegroom and his family, the Government has been unable to control it: In 1965fcfor example, the Government tried to limit this fee at 34.000 F CFA (D&MON and D.JAM il 1987) in the North Province without much success.

Thus, female children are looked upon with ambivalence, for even though theypannot obtain the high status of a male child, they compensate by being an important source^,of income to

their fathers and maternal urtcles as one Aghem man explained in the course of an interview!/...

Once the bride-price payment procedure has started, the bride moves to her husband's compound and begins to cultivate his lands. But she is not officially married until all has been paid. As* soon1 as all is paid, she now belongs to her husband. She owes him complete obedience

and service. As among the Kirdi and the Fulbes in the Extreme North, 3? for example women

go on their knees while giving something to their husbands; among the Fulbes lack of respect of a woman to her husband can provoke immediate divorce especially in front of a third party.

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The children bom of this marriage now officially belong to the husband at all costs. If the bride-price is not complete and the woman has to go to her father, she goes back with her children who automatically belong to the father.

3. Divorce . ,

One of the unequivocal grounds for divorce is childlessness. A sterile woman is a useless wife in most tribes of Cameroon. Thus, the father returns the bride-price and the daughter comes back home in humuliation andjdespair. It is of course inconceivable that the husband could be sterile. Should the divorced girl conceive later on, it will be because of the treatment she will have received, or else, because of some mystical powers, either originating from her

or others.

Women will also be automatically divorced by their husbands if they oppose polygamy.

The latter is the way of life except for the poor and anybody who opposes it must be a witch.

Other causes for divorce, this time initiated by the woman's family, may be excessive beating with grave injuries on the woman- Although husbands have explicit rights to "discipline" their wives, there are rare cases where brothers or fathers of the bride could pull them out, of marriage for this reason. Among the women of the East Province, the Kirdi and the Fulbes of the North and Extreme North, women can also run away from marriages at their own initiative either when their husbands are not "good" to them or because they have new proposals for what they estimate to be better marriages. Where they run away because of ill treatment, they often meet with much pressure from their fathers and brothers to return to their husbands.

Often, this is motivated by the fact that the bride-price has already been consumed and they are not in a position to reimburse it. WJrile there is a second marriage proposal the onus is on the prospective^ husband to reimburse what has, been paid, and perhaps with interest. Where a woman is going to leave children behind, the amount to be reimbursed is tfien reduced.

B. WOMAN'S SOCIO-ECONOMIC ROLES

An unmarried woman has little or no social role to play either in her family or in her ethnic environment in traditional Camerocn. She remains a "minor" under the orders of her fathers and brothers. But once she is married, she falls under the authority of her husband and that of her father in law in some ethnic groups if he is still alive and living in the same

compound. ■ . . ,

Except perhaps among the Fulbes who consider that farm work for the woman is degrading, most of the rural women in other ethnic groups in Cameroon are responsible for planting, weeding, harvesting, storing and cooking the largest percentage of the food that is eaten by their children, their husbands and everybody else in the compound. :,

■■ ■ ■ ■ ■ . : '. ■. I-. . ■

Among the Kirdi, for example, the woman works on her husband's millet and cotton farms.

When she. has time, she then works on hor own farms. At harvest time, the husband will give her some of the millet from his farm, but the money earned;; from sale of cotton belongs to the man exclusively. If he feels like it, he may give a gift of cloth to his wife. But this remains discretionary. The situation is similar among the Bamilike who grow coffee and plantains with the help of their wives, the Aghem. Bameta, Banso, Bali who grow coffee and tea with the help of their wives. The picture is no different among the coastal people of the Littoral Province or the Fishermen of the East Province. The woman may sell the proceeds pf;^er labour on these conditions:

1. That she tells her husband at his demand how much she sold and how much she collected.

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case

2. Tnat if she is told not to sell she does not.

3. That if she is asked to share this money with her husband she does so without noise.

In addition to feeding the family with the food they have grown, tl

gathered and the water they have drawn, women are also respc«sibkifor-a maintenance, care of the sick and the education and clothing of the children,

illness, the man can decide to go to a medicine man in which case he pays. But f chUdren are treated in hospitals or dispensaries, the woman is generally responsible for this. As la.

a ch Wren education is concerned, whether it is formal in school structures or '"formal around the home environment, she assumes it for both boys and girls until at least age 8 (DA&.OH and DJAM JU 1987).

It must be pointed out here that the man of the house is responsible for _all money transactions, officially. Thus, hospital, school, clothing bills, purchase of oil mea^^

maintenance etc are officially his problems yet, as DAMON and DJAM M< 1987) l«

Td over again, without their wive's monetary participation, these th.ngs cannot be done at

all.

Despite all her responsibilities, a woman cannot officially own land in most Cameraman

ethnic groups. Where land belongs to the Chiefs and allocated to '* '"{"^^^Hl

as in the North West Province, it is allocated to the men, the heads of households. They .r.

?urn allocate parts of it to their wives to cultivate while they live there. Once they wives lecve the compound after divorce etc, they leave with nothing. The general saying i. that

they came with nothing so they leave with nothing.

This picture is very much the same even where the land tenure system may be different.

In the East Province, a woman can have right to land after exploiting it ov*r a long period

of time. Though cash crops belong exclusively to men as do domestic animals, a woman in

?he Easi Province can inherent her husband's cash crop if she had worked suff.ciently ham

on the farm while he lived.

On the whole, however, women own little beyond the clothes they wear and occasionally

the pots and pans they use.

The man has the exclusive right to choose which part of the land he exploits and which part is exploited by his wives. Needless to say that the best parts are reserved for his cash crops and other subsistence crops of his choice. The woman who has to feed the family all

year round is instead left to make do with what is left over.

Socially and economically therefore, the woman is dominated by the man. She is

responsible for the physical survival of the family. Yet as far as recognition, power and

influence are concerned, she occupies no place in her community. Her personal nee<te and

these related to her activities and responsibilities are secondary; those of the men come nrst whether it is her husband, her father, her brothers or her sons. Though her relationship with her children is a very close one, especially in polygamous homes, her children grow up to take their rightful places in society as men or women. And her life continues.

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C. WOP.1EN'S TRADITIONAL GROUPS

Although women organize themselves in groups for leisure, to accomplish certain tasks or for religious purposes, their groups are functional within the circles of women only. Women in the North Western Province, for example, have their own secret societies but their influence is limited in the society at large. They still submit to the more "formidable" and authoritative organizations of the men through exclusion and services demanded of them e.g. cooking for them during rituals, staying out of tne streets completely when men have their manifestations etc. These are backed up, of course, by deeply believed myths such as if a woman meets the male secret society on the road ("juju") or discovers the identity of the masked men, she would become automatically sterile/ This then gives these men the right to clear the streets of all females, children and adults alike by force before they make their formal appearance. The word "juju" is synonymous with terror and punishment to children, and they must all be at their best behaviour at all times, for they never know when "juju" might come and get them. Women

are expected to have similar feelings. '

The women in the East Province have traditional secret societies that are said to'be a source of fear to men because of their ability to demand retribution from male women offenders. Their impact, however still remains limited to certain parts of the Province. In the Provinces in the Northern part of Cameroon (Adamaous, North and Extreme North) women hardly ever organize around activities. Perhaps because of the nomadic nature of some of the ethnic groups (mostly the Fulbes) the people tend tc be jhore individualistic, (fcoth men' and women) and confirm their activities to family groups. Today, with the influence of other

as readily to the traditional male authority.

It is evident, therefore. that women as a whole have little political clout in traditional

politics. Decisions that aiiect the running 01 the cbmmuniues are orcen made in male gatherings

in which women are inadmissible, : '" . '

III. THE CURRENT SITUATION

The current situation In us far as the position oi tiie woman is concerned in Cameroon is almost a paradoxical one. Enormous gains have been made by or for the woman in various fields such as law, education, employment, salaries etc. 7et, in the minds and attitudes that so closely influence the day to day interactions big gaps are noti cable between what has been officially gained and what is actually being practiced vis a vis the woman. Perhaps the Government with the different structures that it has put into place is way ahead of its people in its attitude toward the place of the woman in society. Let us look at it more closely.

A. LEGAL STATUS OF THE WOMEN . -

The Cameroon constitution guarantees the equality of all men and women. Under the law, therefore, the two sexes are equal. The Legal and Civil Code used today p.re based ort the French Napoleonic Law and the British Law, both of which, once again guarantee equal rights for both men and women. Thus in areas of marriage, property ownership, divorce, child custody etc, when the intervention of the courts is called upon the parties concerned should expect justice and fairness irrespective of their sex.

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nut these are laws that are based on the British and French Customary Law and

Jurisprudence and take little or no consideration of the customs, traditions and values of the Camepocnian people. And because of this discrepancy between the origin of what is being applied and the sociological context in which it is being applied, there are Raps, contradictions and at times outright rejection of this Law at the implementation level.

The Government, on the other hand, very conscious of these problems, and the fact that people cannot be transformed overnight no matter how badly they need to be transformed, has riven, the Cameroon people a choice. The choice is to apply Customary Law wjiere^one so desires, or the Civil and Penal Code if one is so inclined. Courts of First Instance, therefore are available all around the country and the Judges in those Courts are advised by a council of experts in the customary laws of various ethnic and tribal groups.

Furthermore, the Cameroon marriage law has mrTntainod some of the traditional characteristics in the sense that limitless polygamy is still officially acceptable. An upcoming younp entertainer recently captured national headlines when he went to contract his twenty third marriage at City Hall accompanied by all the 22 previous wives, his ambition was to marry up tc- 35, a duty he felt called to fulfill in building the nation!! When a couple contracts the first marriage, they must indicate on the marriage certificate whether it will remain a monogamous or a polygamous marriage (The majority indicate polygamous mamages even though precise statistics are not available). Similarly, thy couple indicates whether property ownership would be joini or separate. In case of problems in these areas later, these references

help remind the couple of their commitments*

People beinf- creatures of habit,'"however, find it ecsier.to stick tc the familiar. The men in most cases prefer polygamous marriages even if they marry officially. The requirement that they declare the type of marriage they contract and what kind of property ownership they opt for is often ignored both by those officiating the marriage and those that are yetting married. When the type of marriage is not indicated it becomes recognised automatically as polygamous: the law recognizes it as such, When a contract has not been made on property ownership by the couple, the lew considers that it is jointly owned. 3ut when there is conflict over the matter, jurisprudence plays a major role in the final decision, often using Customary

Law as a basis for decision.

In fact when conflicts arise in marriage or over property ownership, most people ro to the Courts of First Instance, i.s. Customary Courts where they -ire judged usin? customs and tradition of the Cameroon society, Thus, a couple could contract a Civil marria£revdeclaro joint ownership of property and monogamous marriage yet when these are violated, po to Customary Court for settlement. There, a woman has no riefht tc property ownership nor can she object to polygamy. Unless she is sophisticated enough to write to the President of the Court within a month of the summons that this Court is not competent to judge her case, the judgement holds and she automatically loses.

Application of the modern law therefore is her.vily handicapped by the fact that the mentality of the people to whom it is applied remains at the traditional level. The woman

often finds herself the loser in these situations.

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The picture that was presented earlier on the traditional economic status of the woman has not changed much. What may have changed is that more women Can read and write, have office jobs and live in the cities in modern structures and that a few have travelled within the country and abroad.

But todayf S2% W of the women stili ^nvk in agriculture and are still solely responsible for planting, weeding, harvesting end storing the food that is;eaten in the households in rural areas and part of what finds its way int- the urban areas for sale. Only 896 of the women in Cameroon are on salary because they are hardly integrated in the modern sector. The food self sufficiency that Cameroon has so proudly attained is e.s a result of the hard, unremunerated work of the rural woman who is hardly conscious of the mmd >ar^ling impact of her labour.

Yet, she still remains unentitled to land ownership.1 Ghe still tills the land of her husbanc and still works on his cash ci'op farms when she is called upon to do so. She still has no ri^ht to the proceeds of the cash crops and she still has tc pxgvj her crops on the less choicy land.

The planners and extension workers have not taken her into consideration in. elaborating their programs, spreadinr their knowledge on more offieiont, more modern methods of farming.

Her hcef her cutlass, her axe are still the most primitive, the ones that they were usin?: several generations ago. 3he still pounds her yam and corn on the same mortar that her rrcat irrand-mother used, and grinds her groundnuts and pumpkin seeds on the same stone, all doublet?

up on. the floor. The effects of appropriate technology seem painfully slow in reaching, the rural woman. Where she has produced extra crop and v-rants to sell for cash? sno finds that a good percentage is lost in the process for various problems? transportation from the farm to the market is almost inexistant due to the ve*-y bad conditions of roads; storage methods and facilities are still very archaic and inefficient; selling prices are low and unrewarding because the market is saturated with the same foods at the sametime. Little attention has been p:iven to the problem of commercialization of the foods grown by the women and with their little or no education, lack of credit facilities and technology, they often work at a loss.

In the meantime, her task of finding firewood becomes oven more difficult as woods are cleared to expand farms for cash crops. Her responsibility expands as she finds herself with boys and girls to cloth and send to school with the hope that they can escape her plight when they grow up. She cannot count on her husband's regular financial support. A woman is supposed to take care of her own children and her husband.

As she continues to bear children as often as they appear, because children are Goc's gift and one must not interfere with their arrival, she finds herself obligated to remove the youngest daughter from school to come take care of the newest born. This frees her to continue with work on the farmf at home and everywhere else -she is supposed to be at the same time.

The dream of the daughters that one day education might save them from this plight gradually Vanishes.

But the working woman in the urban areas finds herself with equally difficult problems.

If she has a regular income from her job, there is also rent to pays food to be bought* a babysitter to be paid otherwise she cannot work. If her husband works, this may or may not be of help

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to her depending on the mentality that he has. If as in the rural areas the woman must feed the family, the husband may content himself with paying the rent only. Some may go a bit further and pay school fees. But the food, the babysitter and children clothing will then fall

on the woman.

Still there are husbands who insist that the wives give them all they earn to run. There again, the urban woman is not very different from the rural woman who has to ask for permission to sell the food that she has grown or when she sells must give all information about what fetched and what she did with the money.

The woman is not only overburdened with responsibility but the lack of structures that can ease her load such as day care centres, organized maid services etc render her situation really back breaking. Like the rural woman, the urban working woman still has to contend with housework, child care and homework supervision when she goes home in the evenings, this while the husband is reading and watching Television when he is not out with the "boys"

or girls for that matter.

The end product of all this is that the woman has practically no leisure time, a fundamental

right as declared by the United Nations Charter, is often malnutrated and in poor health. As

Kerenge 12/ 1987) points out, perhaps a study needs to be conducted to find out if women still

live longer and if so why after all they are subjected to. Carr £1/ (1982) and Baldeh !£/ (1985)

found put that women were fewer than men after the age of 44 and 59 respectively. Kerenge

¥iJ (1987) and Damon and Bjam JL§/ found that the rural woman's working day varied from

12 to 17 hours with not up to 2 hours break. The urban working woman who leaves the office after 8 hours of work only to begin household chores cannot have e very different day either.

Before she goes to the office, she has already put in at least two hours in preparation for the day, and after office hours, most definitely another three hours at least with the children, and housework in preparation for tomorrow when the children retire.

C. SOCIAL STATUS

1. MARRIAGE: As has been pointed out above, the traditional way of thinking that determines the relationship between the man and the woman have changed very little in today's Cameroon.

As Kerenge 121 (1987) found out in the course of her teaching at PAID-WA, women are

still considered male assets. They are their bodies while the men are the heads, after all they were created fromUthe rib of the man according to the Biblical story of creation. Tradition supports this with.the custom of paying bride price so that a man can own a woman, indeed several women, by right of having ^'bought" them. As stated earlier, in the short interviews conducted among colleagues with various ages and ethnic groups about the characteristics of a good wife, total, unconditional obedience was given by all of them as the most important

one.

Today, therefore as in traditional days, a woman's worth is judged by the degree of her closeness to men. In search for this close relationship, she must first, and at all costs find a husband. The practise of parents or brothers finding husbands for their daughters/sisters still exists in many ethnic and tribal groups. Many boys studying abroad come home to marry girls of their parents' choice and either take them or leave them pregnant with their parents.

Where girls must look for husbands for themselves, because of the pressure to marry before the mid twenties, it is not rare to find them throwing themselves in polygamous marriages or marrying men considerably older than them just so they can become "medames". Bride

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ll ?f >Kry ^?ratl0nal and even mope commercialized these days. A couple could easily

lnt f7 t r?1^" t0* SIart fe With bGCause a11 has S°ne for thG W<te Price and all the

^^^•?at aVe *° bGi CG}Gbmted' Fear °f disPleasi^ ^^tives who mWit consequently

beLre marriage **"* ^ ** "* ^°°m a"d hiS family t0 do aU t0 please the *n tow«

<H™Uh°,Ugh m°St WOrnen prefer mono^mo"s marriages today, still they readily accept

^Y f8m0US mamage contracts for "fear that if they do not, their fiances will leave

m. A polygamous marriage is better than no marriage at aU

tL^Y fUS mamage contracts for fear that if they

them. A polygamous marriage is better than no marriage at aU.

Once married, still in search for further closeness to the male, on bearing children. The more the better. As in traditional days, a sterile

EVen ^ CGUrts ^cept childlessness as grounds for divorce. A woman

consclldates her position in i i h h i

^1!? ^ ept childlessness as grounds for divorce. A woman

?i£ I Ti! Jen consclldates her position in marriage since she has given birth to the

heir and the perpetuators of the family name. Female children are useful for bride price

but their value is short-lived and therefore less desirable.

n,t Lac* of cini.ldren is explained in many different ways, most of which are supernatural.

Otten, it is explained today as in the past, as having been brought about by a third party. This

phenomenon, therefore is often surrounded by accusations and counter accusations which add a lot of tension to the already very difficult situation. Money galore is also spent to try and

SSSSLSld^SS:not only in modern hospitals but also with traditionai doctors and

A coUeague at work in a monogamous marriage was always broke. She was alwavs borrowing money from her co-workers. It turned out that she was moving from one native doctor to another in attempt to cure her sterility, years after her husband had left her. Another friend living about three hundred miles away would often appear in all kinds of unexpected hours in the capital city. One never saw her leave the following morning - Why? She would leave around 3.00 am to start the native treatment with the latest native doctor. If its not done m such mysterious hours, it would not work. Inspite of her Western training up to the Masters degree level in the sciences, she still believed that these rituals might remove the

curse put en her by a -friend of hers who was jelous of her for having become pregnant with

her first baby (and her only child) before her.

Desperation to increase ones worth by being c mother at ell costs, to avoid the prave

consequences that bear on the unfortunate woman who fails to fulfil this vital duty, thus sends many women m search of the authors of their misfortune. And which easier culprints tc find

Tt^^^^^^ i ta it i ta "

On the other hand, family planning is something that is accepted with a lot of difficulty in Cameroon. It is only with the creation of the Ministry of Women's Affairs that child spacing and responsible parent-hood could be introduced officially in public group discussions in attempt

In SS^,™i2? Cf°nCi?£ lmll platininS' Men stm attach a lot of importance and prestige

to the number of children they have, while the thought of the quality of care given to them only comes later. It is the woman who is in close contact with the children? she is the one

nnt°^nW-S m k f dltai?S wuhat/hey lack> when t^y ^ve not eaten, and even when all is

not well m school. She is therefore the one likely to press her husband for it. Yet family

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Pa^re 11

planning is a source of many marital conflicts in homes. Women arc accused of having foreign ideas, inimical to the African culture when they insist on family planning. Some men will in fact use it as an excuse for marrying second wife. Even doctors will not prescribe birth

control methods to vives vtthvjut tneir husband's consent.

3. MALNUTRITION^ Inspite of the hard work that the women carry cut every day, the long hours of toiling out door and indoors, the multiple births that are only separated by months instead of years, they are also victims of malnutrition like their very children* Besides ignorance about what constitutes a balanced diet, food preparation methods also often result, in alot of loss of the nutritional values. Green vegetables for example, are steeped in water for too long; the water containing all the nutrients is thrown away while the same vegetable proceeds to be cooked for too lone. This is the case with "ndole",.for example, "njamanjama", "folong", all popular and highly nutritious vegetables that are, however, likely to be only pood as roughage after going through the cooking process. Corn, for example often loses its outer skin before

it is ground or pounded for various delicious dishes or drinks.

But even more importantly, women are last priority in the dishing out of meals. Men must get the choice parts and naturally the woman also assures that the children have eaten before' she herself eats. Add to this the fact that foods like gizzards, eres, certain types qf fishes and wild meats are not oaten by women as a rule in most ethnic groups. There are all kinds of explanations for examples a pregnant woman who eats eggs might hove.a bald child? if she eats crabs, she might have a child with skin problems etc. Sociologists tell us that when social change takes place too rapidly and traditional structures and mores are lost too quickly before they are replaced by new ones, superstition and witchcraft gets accentuated particularly in the urban areas. While no scientific study has been dene to confirm this in the case of Cameroon, daily observation and scan of the literature certainly shows that superstition prevalent in the traditional days has not gotten any less today irrespective of exposure to outside world that a lot. of people have received. Thus, taboos about foods continue to play an important role in aggravating the problem of women's balanced diet. They are orchestrated taboos that served to keep the best for the men of the house yet it is still very

difficult to elimintate them.

4. DIVORCE^ One of the accepted reasons for divorce is adultery- Once proven, it becomes immediate grounds for separation of the couple pending formal dissolution of the marriage.

Definition of adultery, however., is different when the man is accused than when the woman is accused. For a woman to accuse her husband of adultery, it is not enough to find him in bed with another woman somewhere. Punishable adultery is such that the man must be caught in the conjugal bed only with another wonrnn. But a woman can be accused of adultery if caught with a man anywhere. She need not even be caught in bed with him. The argument is that polygamy being in Cameroon, a man has tc look for women while the reverse must never be true. Few women have little courage to initiate divorce irrespective of what their husbands do to them. Many are abandoned with their children, many are beaten like drums regularly, and many are subjected to indecent humiliations. Yet, fear of family reprisals, and public ridicule, loss of the important social status, but mostly fear of the unknown, do not leave them the courage to initiate lepal action against their husbands. This leaves social workers and magistrates really paralyzed and frustrated, particularly from the point of view of protecting the young children who are abandoned by their fathers, are helpless too and in

moral danger.

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i-age

5. WIDGWHOODs This is yet another area where women sexual abuse is well demonstrated tcday as in tht pf,s>.. ""7hon the man f t>e ho-jso dies nd his wife or vdves survive him,1 the treatment that they go through clearly imply tnat they were the author of their husband's death.

Among most tribes, when the husband dies, vives are immediately expected tc burst into spontaneous loud and continuous wails accompanied by some kind of rhythmic dance that lasts for days? depending on the ethnic rroup. They are confined indoors, in a particular room mostly where they stay for at least nine day:;. During the nine days* they do not wash or take any kind of bath? they do not change clothes or comb their hair and most importantly, they must net sleep on beds. The floor becomes their bed, sometimes on a mat, sometimes not

(the Beti for 9 days, the Bassa 9 days, Samilike up to 3 months). Some may be allowed to eat,

some may not. The in-laws are stationed nearby to monitor how regular and loud the wails are day in day cut.

In the meantime, their house is takt-n over completely'by the in-laws.' The widow/s provide the money to entertain those who have come to sympathize with the berieved and who stay there for at least nine days. The in-laws start appropriating whatever is in the house as they wish and the widow/s are not expected to say a word about it.

After the initial mourning period; the widow/s are washed with all kinds of solutions to cleanse them from all the contamination of death. Their hair is cut and'then they wear either blue or white depending on the tribe. This identification symbol of their widowhood must be worn for as long as it pleases the family in-law. It is this latter family which decides when the blue or the white must be removed, at this point the widows must prepare a big feast for the in-laws. They undergo other rituals and then finally the in-laws decide which brother in-law or other member of the family is to become their husband. Before this decision? whether the wearing of blue (or whit:;, laciz a yjf.r ov i\i<; or several years (which is not all unusual) the widows must not be seen too far from home,, They can go to work and back, but must not go socializing with friends or in public places- It will be seen as a si^n of disrespect to their late husband. Most definitely they must not entertain any relationship with men or else it will be bad luck on them and their in-laws.

Should the widows refuse to accept one of the brother in-laws for a husband, they then

leave the home with absolutely nothing. Their children and the property they had with their husband is left behind. If they had the protection of the Law through a civil marriage and a joint property ownership contract then they mip.ht have to ask for the Court to intervene on their behalf. Cases that end up in better fights in such situations are becoming uncomfortably

numerous.

6, OTHER INSTITUTIONALIZED SEXIST 'PRACTICES: Legally in Cameroon, the husband is the legal head of the home. His wife/ves is/are only his assistant and her legal status is not much different from that of her children. Thus, her husband legally decides whether she should work cr not, whether she should travel out of the country or not and she #ets no'house allowance if her husband gets one or is housed by his employer. As soon as the husband is transferred to a different city on his job, his wife automatically gets transferred also irrespective of what nature of work she was doing previously; her position or whether or not she will be able to work in Her new location. The woman thus is almost totally dependent on her husband in as far as having n carreer is concerned, developing it and enriching it through outside contacts such as seminars, conferences and research outside the country. This becomes a direct contradiction to the concept of equal opportunity that the country declares each and everyone tc have in education and employment.

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Another almost institutionalized sexist tiabit is one whereby .men who are in a position to help women expect sexual favours from them before their problems are solved, A young girl looking for a secretarial position stands a much better opportunity of securing a job if she meets her future boss on a date in the evening. Once a secretary, her job is much more secure if she goes on weekend missions with him, this time as a companion rather4 than a secretary. Students in high schools and universities are more sure of good grades if they respond to tjieir male professors' propositions on a regular basic.

.i ■ * ■ ■ ~

Of course all,these are punishable offences if exposed and followed up. But what girls have; the"courage to do so? Often too, the risk of them ending up being the accused are pretty liighj they are naive and, inexperienced. Besides, it is done so often that making fuss about it sounds sanctimonious and ridiculous.:

D. WOMEN'S ATTITUDE TOWARD THEIR PLIGHT

Having been borji and bred in a culture that treats women as inferior to men, and is structured into institutions and practises that reinforce this on a daily basis, it is no wonder that when it comes to fighting, this inequality, women become the most difficult stumbling block.

The stumbling blocks are generally divided into two categories^ there are those who are too busy surviving on a day to day basis, too overwhelmed by their enormous responsibilities

and the inadequacies-of the means at their disposal to meet this challenge"of survival. To

them anything beyond a meal upon coming home after an impossible day, feeding tl?e children gojng to bed and repeating, the same routine the following day is too much. Unless someone, can show them how to do this more efficiently and still leave them a couple of hours a day to discuss inequalities and exploitation of women, they are simply not interested. The, men have always been the way they were and so have women. Women suffer and me'n^ have an easy life. But neither women nor men chose to be what they are. They do not wish to. criti.sfee

God by wanting to change the order of things. J \

The second category cf women are those who feel that they have too miic|i at'stake, to rock the boat. They have achieved the goal of being comfortably married, have beautiful children and their husbands are "good" to them. Others have achieved great heights in their professions, in politics etc; and dare not risk them by stirring the "anger of their male counterparts. Still others have achieved high social positions in their communities, great respect

from men and women, and dare not risk losing it. Tekobo 1£/ (1386), for example, \n the

metropolitan city of Buea, found that out of the elite women interviewed on the impact of the United Nations.. Women's Decade on them and women in general, 309& had not evenheard!

of it; another 57% said that it had net influenced their life in any way. These are women who live in homes with radios and televisions. The U.N. Decade for Women was well publicized in the National radio and television and Cameroon is one of the countrieV that was well represented both in, the official; Government World Conference and the Forum! for the Non-Government Organizations. Perhaps the Buea elite women found the issue a little too risky to discuss or even listen to in their homes in the company of their husbands and friends,

/it is no wonder that one of the Minister for Women's Affairs greatest wish on'the occasion

of International Women's Day on March 8th 1986 was "that women should rise up to the level

of the confidence, $hat the national and international community has put into' their horizon

to open themselves up to equality,: development and peace 12/. For unless we triilly do possess that which we are so afraid to risk in being ourselves, then we never had it in the first place and that which one does not have can never be lost.

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Page 14

IV, TOWARD SOLUTIONS: GOVERNMENT APPROACH AND OTHER RECOMMENDATIONS SPAIN (1984) in.her paper presented at the second International Interdisciplinary Congress on Women in Groningen, Holland quotes Machiavelli in "the Price" as saying, "there is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to handle, than to initiate a new order. This luke-warmness arises partly from fear of their adversaries/who

have the law in their favour; and partly from the incredulity of man kind, who do net trullv

beheve in anything new, until they have had actual experience of it" 20/. We cannot pretend that bringing about change so that the women of Cameroon who produce 9096 21/ of tne subsistence foods without indemnities, compensation or any form of concrete recognition, that these women with their multiple tasks and practically no resources begin to take their

rightful places along with the men in banks and financial institutions for credit and development loans, in seminar and conference halls for training and education on modern technologies and

farming and production methods, this inspite of the fact that their crops are consumed soon after production while the male yields are sold for visible big sums of money. It is not easv to change the mentality that over the years have learnt to prefer male to female at birth,

on the job, at moments of allocation of responsibility, the mentality that always expects a woman to prove her usefulness through childbearing, femininity and beauty, mastery of the kitchen, selflessness, obedience etc, a mentality that, in short considers the feminine sex as

interior.

The Cameroon Government has, in spite of the enormity of the task officially recognized the need to change this situation and as the President Paul BIYA himself puts its "we are

prepared to continue to promote the Cameroonian women because we think that this is part

of our party's policy" Ml. In the Bamenda Congress of the Cameroon National Union's Party

)n^i\ f theJI?ew Part.y of the New Deal, Cameroon People's Democratic Movement

(CPDM), was formed in his major policy speech on women, the President of Cameroon described woman as 'the man in her family, where she plays a crucial role, wife, mother, teacher, keeper

of the home and values which give protect and guide life; woman, a complete entity equal

partner, well-loved, worthy of our gratitude our kindness and our attention 2£/«. The President

described an ideal situation of the woman, that which all should aspire to achieve and maintain.

Consequently, he himself has put various structures to serve as mechanisms for the realization

ot this ideal situation. Let us examine them briefly below.

A. GOVERNMENT APPROACH

In the; early part of 1984; the President of the Republic of Cameroon created the Ministry of Women's Affairs. This Ministry is charged 24/ with the study and recommendation of ways and means of integrating women into the development process. It will achieve this in three

wayss

Studying social, commercial, civil monetary and penal laws that are operational in Cameroon today from the point of view of their impact (negative and positive) on the

woman.

1.

woman

2. Promotion, encouragement and coordination of efforts seeking to integrate woman in

the national development machinery. Particular attention should be paid to the promotion

ol appropriate technology development, study and realization of precooperative groups

of production and commercialization of subsistence crops; organizations that seek to

embark on various projects and therefore need technical help in writing up proposals

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Page 15

for financial aid at national and international levels? training of women at various levels

for development; gathering of comprehensive information relative to the general situation

of the woman.

3. initiating actions at the rural and urban levels that would stimulate women into getting

involved in development and self improvement proRrammes such as groups to learn about health and nutrition, adult literacy, responsible parenthood etc.

After its existence for a little over three years, this Ministry which is headed by a dynamic woman has already achieved reasonable amount of research on the Laws 01 Cameroon and worked closely with the commission that seeks to harmonize the Cameroon Laws that are based both on the English and French law and also elaborate a Cameroon Civil Code. They have taken an inventory cf the Cameroon woman in the Public Service and the impact of the public service code en'her; they have studied the customs and traditions that are inimical to

woman and have published brocnures to sensitise the public about their impact on the *oman

and the need to change mentality. Other brochures and public round table conferences have

been centered around women's rights and obligations in marriage, property ownership and what protection they can get from the law etc. On the economic development side, several studies have been done om a variety of women's projects around the country that might merit Government support; the improvement of technology to ease the burden of the woman, bodies

available to grant credit to women etc. A few structures of women's halls have been realized

where women can meet to learn various things and carry out certain activities together. Rural action Workers have been' trained and dispersed all over the Republic to work hand in hand with women groups and other technical services towards the promotion of the woman.

Many studies already realised hove led to various recommendations to the President for the promotion and improvement of the woman's situation e.£. on ratification ot U.W.

Conventions on women's Rights that have not yet been ratified, on the question of women s house, allowance. Full information on these recommendations, however, is not available since

no definite decisions have been made on them as yet.

Two important aspects characterize the operation of this Ministry. First, is the need to move siriserly into areas deeply rooted in the Cameroon culture yet continue to be detrimental to the woman. Polygamy is a case in point. Its gains have already been pointed out as bein* a preventive measures to prostitution given the fact that there are too many women for monogamy. It has its supporters among men and women. As said earlier, Cameroon marriage law accepts it. The timing as well as the methodology of conscience raising on such problems therefore must be ripht all around. The pace at which change comes about is and must be- slow in the interest of long life and lasting results," For the Ministry is very conscious of the proverb quoted by the President of the Republic at the 1985 Bamenda Party Congress that

"the wise woman builds her house, and the foolish one destroys it with her own hands" 42!.

The other equally important characteristic of the Ministry is its small size, (in personnel and budget) and its lack cf extensions at the local levals. The structures of women Hulls and the rural action workers arc. really under the authority of tho Party - the Women's Win*. The Women's Affairs Ministry provides and pays the personnel and plays a technical advisory role onlv. The small sise5 thus, coupled with Jack of local extensions compaired to the enormous

amount of work that they have been called to do leaves the Ministry with the definite feelinp

that they cannot and should not be left alone to accomplish the goals defined above. The Minister for Women's Affairs expressed this eloquently in her speech-at the World Conference

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ECA/ATRCW/3.5|ii<a)|/88/l Page 16

to examine and evaluate the United Nations Women's Decade in July 1985 in Nairobi when she saids "..„ total integration of women in the development process poses many problems ... it is preferable that projects directed towards women promotion are, not concentrated only in one specialized Ministry. In addition to one such Ministry, each Ministerial Deportment should have a section that follows up activities concerning the promotion and the development of women,.," _££',

Given the call of the Minister for Women's Affairs, and the truth that rings in it, what else could be done to attack the problem of women sexual abuse by the roots in addition to the plan of action already put into motion by the Cameroon Government?

B. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR FURTHER ACTION

As the Minister for Women's Affairs has said on occasion; "the integration of women into the development process is not the responsibility 01 one group but of society at large.

However, women must be conscious of the importance of the role that they themselves must play as the principle agents of this change" JI/. We women, therefore must understand that unless we have the course to bring about this change, it will not be brought to us. This courage must then be accompanied by dedication and hard work. The three ingredients, make up the necessary conditions for change.

But the necessary conditions must now be mobilised into togetherness; wonicn must realise that unless all women have equality, there is no equality. Those who have already had a headstart and have made some progress have a great responsibility towards those who are struggling to start. A solid foundation of our struggle must be built on togetherness with courage as the corner stone.

1» Strategy for promoting solidarity

The first step is to encourage the formation of community groups in order to join forces in the fight for equality, development end peace. These groups should now focus their attention on the very important question of what renders thorn powerless. Efforts should be made tc break down the psychological barrier to empowerment and reverse the negative self image that women have of themselves. Their activities when together should be directed towards meaningful and lasting change.

The second step for these groups would be to study the power structure around tiiem, economic, technological, political, social etc and enlist their support. Women must stop being afraid of power, for without it, they can do very little. Rather, they should understand "it. first and develop an appreciation of how power can be used for their good and for the good of society.

The third step would then be to form an umbrella body nationally for exchange of information and moral support. The fourth and final step would be to have an international group made up of other national groups that have, similar goals.

The recently formed Women Business Association in Cameroon fits the model just described. It has branches at Provincial levels and a national coordinating body. Their intentions

are to empower women through successful business ventures that are assured of adequate financial back up, sound technical advise and follow up. We are very hopeful. .Unfortunately, the many other existing women's Fcroups have not been very successful in empowering women for a number of reasons?

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Page 17

(i) ill-conceived problems as a basis for too bread nnd general objectives;

(ii) income generating activities that are inadequately planned, piecemeal and peripheral to the national development plans which perpetuate the marginalization of women in society?

(iii) funding that comes with predetermined priorities that perpetuate dependency^

(iv) structures and operations of organizations that do not adequately prepare women for participation in larger societal formal organizations?

(v) lack of meaningful political involvement which keaps women out of the decision-

making power structures of society.

2- Education strategy

Education, especially non-formal education is an essential means to achieving freedom to choose one's destiny and to implement these choices through the exploitation of the economic and political structures. Given the general deprivation of formal education of women through cultural and other discriminatory causes, it can also be an end in itself.

Muchena M/ (1984) found that the objectives of the education programmes of most

women's organizations was domestication. Women's roles as mothers, wives and homemakers have been enhanced through a variety of educational activities. Women's organizations must, therefore engage in an exercise of socializing women for roles that allow them to realize their full potential not just as wives end mothers but also as econpmic and political actors.

This means that both the content and methodology of women's educational progress shculd be radically oriented through:

(i) having well tested educational principals underline the structure of curricula rather than the current ad hoc or haphazard programmes. The women's level of knowledge should be identified first before proceeding to new areas or levels?

(ii) the methodology used should include a dialogue for analysing causes and remedies of problems encountered. The learning process should always be seen as a means to an end for women, i.e. the end of liberation or opening of horizons and possibilities not previously available. Whether the content is social, economic or political.

Professionals in this field have a lot of work to do in researching the principles on which the curricula should be based as well as the methodology that are efficient in establishing goals.

3. Economic strategy :: •>"

Women's organizations need to concentrate on economic strategies inorder to achieve economic power and independence. More organized well planned collective efforts are absolutely necessary since women have very little resources to begin with. The present income generating activities that have so far been ad hoc and piecemeal need to be looked at only as stepping stones to more viable economic ventures.

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ECA/ATRCW/3.5 I ii(a) 1/88/1

Page 18

»nri tS^rtS^ ^ -, ?%° the, womatVin the Process °f production and development

ESJfci^W underestimatlon * ** labour have led to the withholding of financial technical and information support from her. This has contributed greatly to the persistance

£Ln,,,? y,Td T"tntlonal standards as well as general low level of development in sodety!

Resources are directed instead to male activities because they produce money. We best land

credit and technology are reserved for their cash crops and%ommerciTv7nturec Yet the

proceeds are neither exclusively used for the survival and welfare of the family, nor would they be enough even if they were used in this way. uy' Jui0 w°menJn ^ organized way that have.to make this situation known and

? Wh6re lti b f

? J g y at have.to make this s

? Wh6re SOlUti°nS Can be f0Und- They are tne ones wh0 m^ oome up

l t

w^h ^ t ? t°nS Can be f0Und- They are tne ones wh0 m^ oome up

with concrete proposals as to how their labour must be valued differently, how their

compensation must be estimated and what protection and support they must get from society.

4. Political strategy

Although in political rallies and other political functions women turn out inlarge numbers it should not be mistaken for political participation and empowerment. This becomes crystal clear when we focus on the meagre numbers of women in decision making positions. The political strategy, therefore, would include systematic civic and political educational programmes

tiff? Z ^81Seihe e°nscl'ousness <* women on power struct

^y nd political educational programmes

i thi i Z ^i e°nscl'ousness <* women on power structures in their society, how they fwy.can be best used to achieve a radically transformed situation of women

j

The high levels of illiteracy among women does make it particularly difficult to imDlement

many of the ideas above. Professional experts need to search fcrSprie ways of puninF across economic and political concepts in a language that can be easily unLstodTby"hosf

who have not yet benefited from formal education. It is a challenge. UB">l"°a oy xnose

V. CONCLUSION

«•* ^efOTek.us »lt0 effect constructive change, but we cannot do this without first

abZ? l,ft n?net »hlCh h8l-■S'ffi* Setrified 0Ver years of w-Worced sexism or sexual

"T^f", ♦ ag H£"rmar«kP°W ^ a former Secretary General of the United Nations said:

"The longest journey of soul is inward. The journey begins with attitude. We can defile the

X^S^Ki^0 **■•""*. - — «** a mud puddle if we JS the

iV,he StPUg?le f0r equalit* for women are radical or reformist r«ke But £1LV£tThZ °f.-tht SIt.uations' for th^e are not even two homes that are

alike. But the strategies for all activities in groups or organizations must always be systematic

eCh1:LT!^Lr0 " "d ^ ^^ d til U^

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Page 19

NOTES

1/ Webster's seventh New Collegiate, Dictionary P.4.

2/ Apollonie Kerenge, Women in Development; Training Experiences, 1987, Pan African

Institute for Development (West Africa) Buea P,5.

3/ M. Damon and A. Djam, Projet de Participation des Femmes au Developpement Economique Sanitaire et Social (Provinces de I'Extreme-Nord, du Hord-Ouost de I'Est Cameroun) 1987. Institut Panafricain pour le Developpement (IPD/AC) Doyala.

4/ , Ibid

5/ Mr. N. was one of the repondents in an informal interview with the author in October

1987.

6/ M. Damon and A. Djam op- cit.

7/ Ibid.

8/ Mr. J. A. in an interview with the author in November 1987.

9/ M, Damon and A. Djam op. cit. .

10/. Ibid. , .

12/ Ministry of Women's Affairs, Promotion of Training of Trainers for Craftswomen with a View to organizing Women's Crafts Groups (project document) P.2.

13/ Apollonia Kerenge op= cit. P.73

14/ M. Carr, V^omen and Appropriate Technolop-yg two essays, London: Intermediate

Technology.

Publications 1932 (occasional paper N° 5) as quoted by A. Kerenge

_15/ FCK Bftldeh, Women in Food Production in Mautu village Cameroon; A case study

FA1D-WA 1985 as quoted by A, Kerenpc.

18/ Apollonia Kerenge op, cit.

17/ A Damon and A. Djam op. cit.

13/ Apollonia Kerenge op. cit.

19/ E.M. TEKOBO, Women and Development; Appraisal of the UN Decade for Women (1975-1985) and the impact on Buea womens a case study, PAID-WA Mineograph 1986.

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20/ The Ministry of Women's Affairs reports Le MINCQF deux ans apres sa creation, 1986, P.4.

21/ Jane Baker SPAIN, Trail of tears-bridge of sighs or strategies. Poper presented at the second International Interdisciplinary Congress on womens Groningen. The Netherlands, April 1984 P.14

22/ The Ministry of Women's Affairs reports Lg MINCOF deux ans apres sa creation, 1986, P.4

2V President Paul BIYA as quoted in the Cameroon Tribune March 3rd 1987. P.9.

24/ Ministry of Women's Affairs report Le MINCQF deux ans apres sa creation op. cit. P.

11.

25/ Ibid.

26/ Ibid.

27/ Ibid.

Ibid.

29/ Olivia Muchenas Strategies for Women's Organization in Developing Countries Paper presented at the second International Interdisciplinary Congress on Women, Groningen, Netherlands 1984.

30/ George Santayana as quoted by SPAIN op. cit. P.22,,