by Joseph Foumbi, UNECA, and Moussa Djibrillou, SIMEC Consulting, Niamey, Niger
Introduction
This study is an account of the different crises and potential conflicts impacting negatively on eco-nomic development in Niger. An examination of all available documentation reveals that these may be classified into two major crises, namely, the Tuareg rebellion and social crises. A description of these two phenomena is followed by an analysis of their socio-economic impacts.
The term fragile (or failing) State was coined at the end of the Cold War, a period which coincided with the comeback of the concept of State in scientific studies on international relations63. Countries like Haiti, Afghanistan, Somalia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo were the stage for the enact-ment of dramatic economic, political and social events from the early 1990s. Some of these States collapsed, while others imploded. Observation of these events led certain writers to build an entire field of study around the concept of the failed State.
However, during the 1990s, the concept of fragile State remained relatively unimportant. It was not until the September 11 attacks that the concept gained prominence in the international community.
Since then, the scientific and political community has given a new lease of life to this area of study.
Prior to this date, these weak States, which were deemed unable of imposing the rule of law and maintaining the monopoly of legal violence, were essentially perceived as a threat to their own peo-ples and to the stability of those in their immediate vicinity. The September 11 attacks changed this perception, and a new consensus emerged around the idea that the instability of a single country is likely to encourage the development of terrorist activities, and thereby jeopardize international security. During this same period, a plethora of definitions of the concept of fragile State were for-mulated. According to the OECD definition64: “States are fragile when state structures lack the
politi-63 By Lionel Gallet, Research Assistant on the International Peace and Security Programme, “Index of Fragile States: a New Interna-tional Relations Tool”.
64 Lodge D. (2008). “Fragile States in Africa: a Useful Paradigm for Action”, Report of the South Africa Conference, 12 and 13 May 2008.
cal will and/or capacity to provide the basic functions needed for poverty reduction, development and to safeguard the security and human rights of their populations”. The United Nations considers the phenomenon of fragility to be an erosion of the capability of a State to provide its citizens with social services, effective government and/or viable economic opportunities65. However, these defini-tions are very general, and it is extremely difficult to identify the criteria for fragility with precision.
Nonetheless, there is a general consensus that the concept comprises economic, social, security and political dimensions which are, by definition, closely interlinked. States which are defined as “fragile”
may present very different profiles: some may be emerging from conflict situations while others may be undergoing a period of deep political, social and/or economic crisis.
In light of these observations, West Africa can be seen as the incarnation of a situation of multi-dimensional fragility: corruption, underemployment, conflict and insecurity remain powerful and recurrent conditions of its existence. Overall, Africa is characterised by the existence of four major structural problems which could explain the fragility of its States. These are: prevalence of strong au-thoritarianism; exclusion of minorities (generally for ethnic reasons); social, political and economic inadequacies coupled with injustice; and weakness of State structures which are unable to confront multidimensional crises.
In order for these States to make progress towards sustainable stability and development, a number of challenges must be overcome in state-, peace- and economy-building.
Mindful of the fact that each country has its specific characteristics and that the factors explaining the root causes of their crises and conflicts are not identical, the trajectory followed by individual recon-struction processes is not necessarily identical either. Niger, for example, did not experience the same type of armed conflict as Sierra Leone, Côte d’Ivoire and Liberia. The Tuareg identity conflict in Niger cannot be resolved in the same manner as the insurrection in Côte d’Ivoire, nor can peace-building in the two countries be identical. Unlike the other countries, Niger is landlocked, and considering the specificity of its natural resources, economy-building in this country cannot be identical to the process followed in other fragile states.
This paper uses the three pillars of state-building, peace-building and economy-building to provide a better understanding of the Nigerien context. As is the case of other national experiences presented in this publication, the paper explains the causes of the crises and conflicts which have resulted in the economic, political and social fragility of Niger. The roles of the stakeholders in both conflict/
crisis and post-conflict/crisis situations are presented, and so are the challenges that Niger faces in its pursuit of sustainable development.
65 Lodge, op. cit.
The study is divided into three major sections. A historical perspective on the crises and conflicts in Niger, and their causative factors, is provided in the first section. The discussion in the second section focuses on the three pillars (state-building, economy-building and peace-building) and the challenges faced in addressing the constraints. The last section analyzes at a post-conflict and post-crisis situa-tion, and details the agreements reached and the implementation status. It also provides conclusions and recommendations.
A Historical Perspective on Conflicts and Crises in Niger
For analytical purposes, the conflict and/or crises in Niger can be divided into three distinct cat-egories. These are: inter- and intra-community conflicts which encompass conflicts in rural areas;
conflicts between herdsmen and farmers, and conflicts between farmers; and religious and social conflicts.
Inter- and intra-community conflicts are defined as conflicts arising from cohabitation, or resulting from the conduct of an activity. They fall into several categories including conflicts in rural areas where disputes arise from access to agro-pastoral resources. In Niger, which is mostly a pastoral country, more than 80% of the population earning a living from agriculture and animal husbandry is rural, and competition for the scarce land can result in conflict. Conflicts also arise over the cultiva-tion of transhumance corridors, grazing areas, and areas surrounding animal watering points. The conflicts also arise when animals break into cultivated fields and cause crop damage.
The time-lapse between the vacation of cultivated fields and the return of transhumant animals (sea-sonal movement of herdsmen from North to South according to season) can also be a cause of con-flict. Conflict is often a result of the marginalization of certain pastoral communities in their former camping grounds. Further, traditional rivalries between farming and pastoral communities can also constitute a causative factor for conflict.
The causative factors for the conflict between farmers are often the delimitation of farmland, tradi-tional pledges, long-term loans, sales of land without corroborating paperwork, and gifts. In Niger, Plateforme Paysanne (rural workers’ platform), which is a direct-intervention civil society partnership organization, plays a key role in the resolution of this kind of conflict.
Religious conflicts are also common in Niger. These are bred through intolerance and the emergence of beliefs which sometimes split a single religious community. The proliferation of sects is becom-ing a threat to the peaceful cohabitation of Nigerien communities. With a population which is 90%
Muslim, Niger, as a lay country, is not really subject to this type of conflict, despite the penetration of
certain Muslim as well as Christian sects. Cohabitation has been largely successful, due to the free-dom of worship granted to each community.
In recent times there has been a rise in Islamic fundamentalism under the influence of Al Qaeda which, from its bases in Mauritania or Mali, launches sporadic forays into Niger, carrying out re-peated kidnappings of Western nationals. Recent kidnapping, involving the abduction of two French nationals from the heart of Niger’s capital city, is still making the headlines. In addition, Niger’s shared border with Nigeria has, in the last few years, led to infiltration by terrorist movements such as Boko Haram.
Outbreaks of social conflict are most frequently a manifestation of the poverty and precariousness experienced by different elements of the society in their areas of professional activity. These outbreaks are characteristic of disadvantaged households and the unemployed youth. Civil society organiza-tions intervene in an effort to control possible outbreaks and seek a means of resolving this type of conflict.
Conflict can also be engendered by the malfunctioning of the justice system. In other words, misap-plication of the law can trigger frustration and hence instigate conflict. Niger has, in the past, under-gone the painful experience of armed rebellion by a section of its population. Regrettably, this period of rebellion bred banditry due to arms proliferation. The northern part of the country is still subject to residual insecurity due to the failure of efforts to resolve and manage the two rebellions to which the country has been subjected.
The First Rebellion, 1990-1995
This was a social rebellion fomented by the young Tuareg population of Niger, manifesting both political and economic dimensions. The rebellion had a number of causative factors, including the drought, Tuareg youths, return of the Tuareg, and the political and economic situation.
In the early 1970s, a natural phenomenon of unprecedented intensity swept the Sahel and Saharan regions in the form of the great drought of 1972-1973, which changed the lives of the nomadic popu-lations of that area for ever. During this period, the herdsmen of Niger lost more than a quarter of their livestock. It is against this backdrop of crisis aggravated by famine that the massive exodus of Tuaregs to urban and administrative centres in the immediate vicinity of their traditional nomadic lands be-gan. Many young Tuaregs migrated to neighbouring countries such as Algeria, Chad and Libya, while others went to the Middle East.
The incursion of Libyan-trained Tuareg youths has also been a source of instability. These were mostly young exiles, who trained abroad in the art of war, mainly in Libya. They formed the bulk of the fighters in the 1990-1995 rebellion in Niger. At a congress organized in 1986, Malian and Nigerien