Compte-rendu de : David N. Gellner, Monk,
Householder, and Tantric Priest. Newar Buddhism and its Hierarchy of Ritual. Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press, 1992, xxiii + 428 p., bibl., index, ill., cartes (“ Cambridge Studies in SocialandCultural
Underutilization of Community Resources andSocial Capi- tal. As SLHDP was not based on any anthropological theo-
retical framework, the program faced multiple challenges. For example, it faced difficulties in continuing the home visit component, as it was human resource-intensive. But with adequate community engagement, training, and em- powering, volunteers could undertake this task. Providing sample food items for cooking demonstrations consumed most of the program budget but could be overcome by rely- ing on local products as there were four other running stores (Kakekagumick et al., 2013). By following social capi- tal theory (Moore, Salsberg, & Leroux, 2013), social net- works could be motivated to provide these items, which might encourage farming and self-sustenance. Moreover, the community had traditional healers and an elder council with skills and experience in which community members had full trust. Strategic alliances to mobilize this “network embedded” social capital could also reinforce the population health equity perspective (Moore et al., 2013, p. 3).
AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. 116, No. 4, pp. 829–838, ISSN 0002-7294, online ISSN 1548-1433. C 2014 by the American Anthropological
Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/aman.12143
approach to MOOCs as a media world—an orientation that links “media production, circulation, and reception in broad and intersecting socialandcultural fields: local, regional, national, transnational” while also attending to “the impacts of media technologies themselves” (Ginsburg et al. 2002:6). Each contribution focuses ethnographically on a partic- ular node within a broader network of media production, circulation, and reception—from the offices where pro- grammers build the underlying software platforms (Kelkar), production teams strategize digital pedagogy (Laserna), and professors film their online lessons (Downey, Starn) to the distant or not-so-distant places where students, with their own ambitions and abilities, take the resulting courses (Buyandelger, Flamenbaum). Others reflect critically on the conditions of the network itself, examining how con- ventions of style and content facilitate its global extension (Looser, Rouse). At the same time, these authors exemplify the variety of methodologies necessary to encompass the complexity of such a media world: participant-observation (Flamenbaum, Kelkar), visual anthropology (Rouse), symbolic anthropology (Buyandelger), comparative analysis (Looser), reflexive autoethnography (Downey, Starn), and participatory action research (Laserna).
But equality is not identity, and any equality in the respective positions of the anthropologist and the informant must not be confused with any similarity between their concerns. And indeed, their concerns are not the same. On the contrary, I feel that it is not only appropriate to reaf.rm the need to be outside the object under examination (‘outsideness is a most powerful factor in understanding’, wrote Mikhail M. Bakhtin) 8, actually echoing Levi-Strauss’ conviction of the necessity to look at things with a ‘view from afar’)9 and the incomparable bene.t of this outside position (‘we raise new questions for a foreign culture, ones that it did not raise for itself’, wrote Bakhtin). But it is also relevant to support the idea that the anthropologist’s distance from his/her object must prevail at home (Fainzang, 2000 ) and more particularly when confronted with the medical profession, with whom medical anthropologists are quite naturally led to work. Furthermore, when it is insufficient, this distance must be recreated. Any affinities between the ethnographer and the subject (be they linked to certain options or certain affiliations, be they national, social, religious, political, cultural, professional, etc.) must not be confused with complicity, which I believe, on the contrary, should be excluded, just as distance and otherness must be reconstructed when they are not present from the outset. It is often on this condition that I believe an anthropologist can work effectively. Note that it is because we are not accomplices that I felt it was inconceivable to accept the doctors’ request to give them my opinion of any given patient.
Until the 1950s the life and movements of the Inuinnait (as well as of all Inuit) were basically organised around hunting activities and a seasonal variation between the hunt of marine mammals, mostly seals, and that of land mammals, mostly caribou (Collignon, 1994). This variation had profound implications on the social organisation of all Inuit groups, described by Marcel Mauss (1905-1906) in an article that remains to this day a corner stone in the field of anthropology. From late fall to spring, they lived in igloos – the famous round-shaped snow-houses – and in summer time they stayed in seal-skin or caribou-skin tents. Those two kinds of dwellings were perfectly adapted to the high degree of mobility of the Inuit, as well as to the seasonal changes of their environment. But the new settlements to which the Inuit were moving rapidly proved to be ill adapted to a permanent use, and had to be abandoned. As the Federal Government had pushed for the sedentarisation of the Inuit (Christian missionaries were also in favor of such move) it had the responsibility to find a solution. It did so by providing them with prefabricated houses under the so-called "low-cost housing program", a social housing program. As years went by, the program improved: bigger and better quality houses were, and still are, rented to the Inuit. In the late 1980s another social housing program was started, in addition to the first one, which encourages home ownership on the part of the Inuit. In any case, all the houses found in northern settlements are designed by Southern Euro-Canadian architects who know little if anything about the Inuit and Arctic life and follow Western domestic andcultural values in their work, basically reproducing the low-cost suburban detached house model that can be seen everywhere in North America. For the Inuit, adapting to foreign surroundings which reflect a culture alien to them, has been tremendously difficult. Researchers and public servants alike have largely underestimated the impact of this change.
Another important author is Karen Ho, whose book Liquidated: An Ethnography of Wall Street, also published in 2009, has become a key point of reference for the anthropology of financial elites. Ho’s study, which is based on research carried out mainly within the environment of American investment banks, is an analysis of the influence of power that also discusses the failures of a shareholder value-based system. It describes how investment bankers construct their identity through their job insecurity. Most of the data are based on participant observation and prearranged interviews. Inspired by other authors and her own fieldwork, Ho discusses important issues using a range of different anthropological concepts, such as the idea of ‘legitimate’ and ‘delegitimate’, the basic values of ‘high finance’, abstract versus concrete social problems and family economies, whiteness as a racial construct and the art of performing smartness (Ho 2009: 30, 32, 33-34, 37, 52). Similar concepts can be applied to the analysis of private bankers, although the principles and way of working of private bankers differ from those of investment bankers in a number of respects. In October 2010, I was able to meet Ho and a number of other social scientists at a workshop in London to which I had been invited. This workshop, on the subject of anthropologyand finance, was organised by Manchester University’s Centre for Research on Socio-Cultural Change (CRESC). Among the participants were Karen Ho, Gillian Tett and Bill Maurer, whom I have already mentioned, as well as Olivier Godechot, Keir Martin and Sarah Green, whose research I will discuss below. At the same time, I was attending two days’ training in London with my former bank’s international private banking university. Both seminars were composed of small groups of around 15 people, so, even if I tried to be discreet, my comings and goings were quite visible. I was moving between two different buildings, under the surprised gaze of both groups. Fortunately, the conferences were located only 10 minutes’ walking distance apart, in the heart of the City. Because my certifying trainer for the university module, a French lawyer specialising in asset management, was a former professor with an interest in behavioural finance, he was happy to tolerate my periods of absence.
1 Introduction 1
At rst glance, it might come as a surprise to nd a chapter on molecular anthropology in a handbook of historical linguistics. And yet, as will be outlined below, molecular anthropological studies can provide insights into prehistoric processes that may have had an impact on language change, thus offering the potential of deepening our understanding of such changes. The reasons for this potential are that both ‘genes’ (DNA molecules) and languages are passed on by human beings through social interactions, and both genes and languages can retain traces of prehistory, leading to the expectation that genes and languages should coevolve. As will be outlined brie y in section 2 below, this potential coevolution of genes and languages has stimulated research predominantly among geneticists who are interested in elucidating whether cultural factors like language might have an impact on biological evolution. A different approach to genetic insights into language change, which is driven by questions concerning language evolution (speci cally, contact-induced language change) rather than genetic evolution, is at the heart of this chapter and will be described in section 3. Since this is still a very young eld of research, the focus will be not so much on a review of results, but rather on introducing this interdisciplinary approach to population and language contact and the insights it can provide into processes underlying language change. For readers who might need a (re-)introduction to genetics, the Appendix provides a brief overview of some of the most important concepts needed to follow this chapter.
c Aix-Marseille Université, CNRS, ESPACE UMR 7300, 29, avenue Robert Schuman F-13621 Aix-en-Provence cedex 1, France
Human activity space is well-known to be related to his geographic, social-culture position, build environment and modal usage. The interrelationships between these observed and unobserved factors shape a person’s spatial usage and visited activity locations. This study applies the structural equation modeling approach to identify the direct and indirect effects of these factors on the size of an individual’s activity space. The data is based on the recent mobility survey for three European Institutions: the European Investment Bank and the Court of Justice of the European Union in Luxembourg city and the Council of Europe in Strasbourg (France). The empirical analysis shows that the size of a person’s activity space is mainly explained by the build environment and less related to the socio-demographic variable when a workplace is controlled. The suggested structural equation model provides a flexible framework to investigate empirical effects of these factors on the activity space.
En estas líneas, el comité local de la Moving Anthropology Student Network, integrado por estudiantes de licenciatura y doctorado de la UAB, pretende dar a conocer el nacimiento, funcionamiento y la estructura de la red europea de estudiantes de antropologia social, hacer balance del primer año de vida del grupo de la UAB y valorar las actividades transnacionales de la red durante su primer año de vida.
An interesting research has recently tried to identify the effects of parental beliefs on the nature of the production function of children human capital. For instance, Rowe ( 2008 ) argues that gaps in the early home language environment exist because poor, uneducated mothers do not know about the role they play in determining the language and cognitive development of their children. This, in turn, may be explained by the lower time horizon of uneducated women, since it is precisely what makes them underestimate their influence in their children accumulation of skills. Similarly, Aizer and Stroud ( 2010 ) have tracked the smoking habits of educated and uneducated pregnant women before and after the release of the 1964 Surgeon General’s Report on Smoking and Health. Before the release of the report, educated and uneducated pregnant women smoked at roughly the same rates. After the report however, the smoking habits of educated women decreased and a ten percentage point gap in pregnancy smoking rates between educated and uneducated women was observed. Again - and consistently with both the seminal theory of Becker and Murphy ( 1988 ) on addictive behaviors and the closely related model of this paper - the difference in smoking behaviors of educated and uneducated pregnant women may be explained by differences in time horizons. Finally, Cunha, Elo, and Culhane ( 2013 ) have interviewed a sample of disadvantaged pregnant African-American women. They find that the median significantly underestimates the elasticity of child development with respect to maternal investments in child rearing. They report as well that remediations could have tremendous effects, since if the disadvantaged women of the sample were to correctly estimate their influence on the development of their offspring, their investments will go up 4 to 24% and the stocks of cognitive skills at age 24 months would increase between 1 and 5%.
2.1 Reproductive health in Cambodia
2.1.1 Access to mother-child health care services
According to the last estimates, there are 377 000 births per year in Cambodia. Every day, five women die while giving birth and the maternal mortality rate is 472/100 000. Mortality rate for infants under 5 years is 82/1000 (UNICEF 2008). In 2005, 78.3% of women gave birth at home (NIPH 2006) and only 44% of childbirths were delivered with the help of qualified people (doctors, midwives, nurses). The prenatal coverage rate is 69% (UNICEF 2008). Better management of mother and child health has been laid out as a priority by the government in the ‘Health Strategic Plan 2008-2015‘, with specific actions to be implemented in this field. These activities are part of the Millennium Declaration signed by the Kingdom of Cambodia in September 2000, specifically Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 4 which aims to reduce child mortality, and MDG 5 which aims to reduce mother mortality, The national plan aims to have a midwife posted in every health center, to increase prenatal and postnatal consultations, and to promote HIV tests, and birth spacing methods. Many other activities related to the implementation of an emergency obstetrical care system are in progress (MediaNews 2008). Nevertheless, despite many improvements noticed with the increasing number of prenatal consultations and deliveries made by qualified people over the last three years (NIPH 2006), the main challenge is still the lack of midwives working in public health institutions, particularly in rural areas (Bunnack 2009).
with a Tahitian mistress in the longboat off the Endeavour to get some privacy as early as 1769; at this time, many sailors had mistresses ashore or even on board since the Dolphin (1767), when they would try to denail the ship to exchange the then precious items (the nail’s value would soon fall). Actually, as in the Dolphin’ s case, James Cook himself was at a loss to prevent sexual relationships with the sailors as soon as 1769: “ I had reason (…) to think that we had brought [VD] along with us which gave me no small uneasiness (…) the Women were so very liberal with their favours or else Nails, Shirts, Etc were temptations that they could not withstand, that this distemper spread it self over the greatest part of the Ship Compney but now I have the satisfaction to find that the Natives all agree that we did not bring it here” (in Beaglehole ed. 1955: 84, quoted by Salmond: 69-70). More interesting to me a woman’s case: the Tahitian 1767 “Queen” Purea, Wallis’s “Oberea”, (a kin title chief in Douglas Oliver terminology) had at least close flirts with officers and petty officers from the account of midshipmen Robertson and Henry Ibbott. The latter notes “Women were far from being Coy. For when a Man found A Girl to his Mind, which he might Easly Do Amongst so Many, their was not much Cermony on Either Side ,and I belive Whoever Comes here hereafter will find that they are not will find Evident Proofs that they are not the first
As the world becomes increasingly dependent on digital resources, there is an important opportunity to develop a platform that enhances the transmission of traditional knowledge and skills by using cur- rent advances in the field of digital technologies. Platforms such as i-Treasures offer services for knowledge exchange between researchers and for the transmission of rare ICH know-how from LHTs to apprentices, acting as a means for stimulating creative and game industry and education as well as promoting local cultural tourism. A big challenge is to find the optimal technologies to capture, analy- sis, presentation and re-use of ICH, which typically contains a huge wealth of multimodal information and corresponds to a rich knowledge domain. In the future, further advances in technologies for digiti- zation (i.e. audio, visual and motion capture), e-documentation (3D modelling enriched with multime- dia metadata and ontologies), e-preservation (standards), visualization (virtual/augmented reality and gamification technologies) and re-use (e.g. applications for research and application) of ICH are ex- pected to exploit the full potential of ICH and offer multiple benefits to the different stakeholders in- volved. So technology is no longer a threat to the survival of customs and traditions, but a tool for their sustained development in an increasingly global 21st century.
Arguably, the cultural identity of nursing is evident in its ‘values, visions, norms, nomenclature, systems, symbols, beliefs, and habits’[11, p242] and this identity affects the way nurses interact with one another, different professional groups, those receiving care and other stakeholders. Although not without its critics, Social Identity Theory (SIT), developed by Tajfel and Turner four decades ago, has been described as ‘one of social psychology’s pre-eminent theoretical perspectives’.[12, p745] This theory suggests social identity emerges from ‘people’s identification with the groups andsocial categories to which they belong’.[13, p282] Each social category into which an individual either falls or feels an association provides a definition of who this individual is in terms of the defining characteristics of this category. SIT suggests social identification initially involves forming ‘a reflexive knowledge of group membership’ and then developing ‘an emotional attachment or specific disposition to this belonging’ [15,p.25]. Categorization and a drive for self-enhancement affect an individual’s beliefs about relations between their own ‘ingroup’ and identified ‘outgroups’; accentuating the perceived similarities between the individual and other ingroup members and their differences to outgroup members . Although such beliefs may not reflect reality, they still affect ‘the specific behaviours that group members adopt in the pursuit of self-enhancement’.[14, p260]
As a final remark, we might consider the role of the BYZART project in relation to the dialectic between the “revelation” of the cultural heritage object, in its extant form, to the viewer, and the “reconstruction” of the original experience of the object. The contribution of our initiative may be best described as a “restitution,” especially in the case of projects dealing with the recovery and enhancement of archival materials in various forms (images and audio-visual content). It is obvious that the BYZART web database, like many others of the same type, cannot make the materiality of the cultural heritage object directly accessible to viewer, as in other modes of preservation and display of cultural objects (such as gypsum casts and models and 3-D prints based on laser scans). In the case of BYZART, the archival record itself is nothing but a representation of the object or the monument. Nevertheless, in such a collection, the metadata associated with the digital items mediate and contextualize the works of art, allowing users to better understand the historical and artistic heritage. This is especially relevant for Byzantium, as for centuries this civilization has been evaluated according to a Western-Eurocentric perspective, in the academic as well as the general public’s milieu, without adequately considering its legacy. BYZART contributes to “restore” the knowledge of a complex world–various and yet homogeneous, and far from foreign to the cultural development of Europe and the Mediterranean–to a specialist and a non-specialist audience. Moreover, by adopting the conscious gaze of outstanding scholars in the history of European and Mediterranean Art, the user can reclaim the multifaceted foundations of his or her own cultural heritage and identity.
New Approach to Global Governance? Chair: Professor Sven Grimm (Deutsches Institut für
Entwicklungspolitik), Discussant and RapporteurProfessor Radu Mares (Raul Wallenberg Institute) Rafael Leal-Arcas (Queen Mary University): A new governance for trade and sustainable development Irma Mosquera (Leiden University): Legitimacy of the EU standard of good governance and fair competition
imply that if EFSA doesn't allow any pre- or probiotic claims, and rejects the science behind it, the agency is actually throwing away a century-old knowledge of the influence of bacteria on the human gut microflora and human health. And, as the gut researchers add in the same letter to Barrosso, "we feel that this is not benefiting public health". In their collaboration with industry, these scientists feel frustrated that the development of certain products is compromised. As 'scientists in gut research', they feel that their identity is threatened and they feel offended that the benefits of their science and products are not recognized. It is interesting to note that 'gut health' and 'gut science' are rather new terms, and the website has been called into existence because of the problems with EFSA. This means that a group of scientists within the larger community of the life sciences has gathered around a certain product, technology and science to forge an identity. The space of mobilisation of health claims has in fact called into existence a new concerned group. Next to the gut scientists 162 , there also emerged the gut flora foundation with its annual ‘gut day’ 163 . The issue at stake has to do with putting molecules (for prebiotics) and bacteria (for probiotics) to the test. As the gut scientists argue in the letter: "One of the major obstacles is the regulatory ban on clinical endpoints". This is not entirely correct. Clinical endpoints are actually demanded by EFSA, but they must not be related to disease symptoms. Indeed, the disappearance of diarrhoea is not accepted by EFSA as a clinical endpoint. If a substance can alleviate diarrhoea it is no longer a food but a drug. Enterol, for instance, is a probiotic drug. Yakult, anno 2012, is – according to this definition – only a yoghurt. But EFSA is not necessarily hostile towards health
Gedajlovic, E., Honig, B., Moore, C. B., Payne, G. T., & Wright, M. (2013). Social capital and entrepreneurship: A schema and research agenda. Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice, 37(3), 455-478.
Granovetter, M. (2005). The impact of social structure on economic outcomes. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 19(1), 35-50.