The Ashanti’s Political, Military, Judicial, and
Economic Organization
Evolution and Change
(1750-1824)
ALGERIA
MINISTRY OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH
UNIVERSITY OF ORAN
INSTITUTE OF FOREIGN LANGUAGES
FACULTY OF LETTERS LANGUAGES AND ARTS
DEPARTMENT OF ANGLO-SAXON LANGUAGES
SECTION OF ENGLISH
THEME
This study is submitted to the Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages in
candidature for the Degree of magister in African Civilization
Submitted by: Under the supervision of:
ALACHAHER ( Mme BENZERDJEB) Dr. BOUHADIBA ZOULIKHA
FAZILET
Jury :
President Mrs Moulfi Leila (MCA) University of Oran
Rapporteur Mrs Bouhadiba Zoulikha (MCA) University of Oran
Examiner Mr Belmekki Belkacem (MCA) University of Oran
Examiner Mr Mestfaoui Aziz (MCA) University of Adrar
Academic Year: 2011/2012
The Ashanti’s Political, Military, Judicial, and
Economic Organization
Evolution and Change
(1750-1824)
ALGERIA
MINISTRY OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND
SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH
UNIVERSITY OF ORAN
INSTITUTE OF FOREIGN LANGUAGES
FACULTY OF LETTERS LANGUAGES AND ARTS
DEPARTMENT OF ANGLO-SAXON LANGUAGES
SECTION OF ENGLISH
THEME
This study is submitted to the Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages in
candidature for the Degree of magister in African Civilization
Submitted by: Under the supervision of:
ALACHAHER ( Mme BENZERDJEB)
Dr. BOUHADIBA ZOULIKHA
FAZILET
Jury :
President Mrs Moulfi Leila (MCA) University of Oran
Rapporteur Mrs Bouhadiba Zoulikha (MCA) University of Oran
Examiner Mr Belmekki Belkacem (MCA) University of Oran
Examiner Mr Mestfaoui Aziz (MCA) University of Adrar
Dedication
This work is dedicated to the memory of my father, Belkacem, my
grandfather and my uncles.
To my mother and my sister whose kindness and support inspire me
daily, and to my devoted husband, whose guidance, love and passion for
life are my foundation.
To my three enlightening candles, my princesses, my beloved
daughters Lydia (who showed comprehension and warm support), Alaa
(whose suggestions contributed to the design of the dust jacket) and Dallal
(who seemed always curious about her mother’s interminable work).
Acknowledgment
My heartfelt thanks go to a number of people for helping me to make this
magister thesis possible. First and foremost, my deepest gratitude goes to Mrs
Zoulikha Bouhadiba without her consolidated support, guidance and patience
my thesis would not have been possible.
I would like to sincerely thank Mrs Leila Moulfi and Professor Fouzi
Borsali for their precious help, valuable remarks and constructive criticism
despite their busy timetable.
The completion of this work would not have been possible without the
help and references provided by the virtual library, Questia.com. I also benefited
from the help of Mrs Maureen Davis, the secretary of the Aberdeen Library who
sent me the photocopies of chapters considered as precious references for my
research.
Very special thanks are due to my close friends and colleagues. My
appreciation is also extended to a number of staff members from the university
of Adrar, Mr. Mestfaoui, Mr. Bouhania, Mr Benkraled and their respected wives,
and from the University of Tlemcen, Mr.Frid, Mrs. Senouci, and Mrs.Khenafou
(without their outstanding cooperation, this thesis would not have recently come
to light).
However, my biggest debt has been to my husband who helped me ‘to
keep on keeping on’.
And last, but by no means least, my thanks go to the members of jury,
who accepted to read my thesis and to take part in refining this dissertation.
Quotation
“
Despite the three-centuries-long slave trade which sent some
twelve million Africans into servitude…. The interior of Africa was still
mainly in the hands of African peoples, whose hostility, combined with
the rigors of tropical diseases, kept European penetration to a
minimum. It was still a time when African princes could think
themselves magnanimous in according European newcomers the title of
masters of the water, secure in the knowledge that they retained the
vastly more important title of lords of the land
”
Bruce Vandervort
Wars of Imperial Conquest in Africa
(1830 – 1914), p.1.
II
Abstract
The cent ral theme of thi s stud y deals with the Ashanti’s politi cal , judi ci al, militar y, and economic s ys t ems of organization and t he i dentifi cation of vari ous internal factors whi ch det erm ined fi rst the st ructure of t he Ashanti i nstit utions and second the performance of its ruling aut horiti es. It ret races t he hi stori cal rise of the Ashanti’s West African kingdom originating from the Gold Coast region through a period stret ching from t heir fi rst settl em ent s into t he forest regi on till the years of progress ive decli ne. Thi s res earch paper s crutinizes the evoluti on o f the politi cal and economi c s ys tem s in Ashanti in relat ion wit h hi ghl y developed militar y and j udi ci al inst ituti ons m ade in the hands of suprem e ki ngs , the As ant ehenes. Four As ant ehenes are present ed in the enclosed thesis . Two of them , the As ant ehene Os ei Bonsu (1695 -1731) and Apoku Ware (1731 -1750) formed the his torical background for the st ereot ype of a t raditi onal s ys t em of ruling and managing the Ashanti people who pledged allegiance to the ‘Golden Stool’ and to traditional rules and customs. Then, the work will follow the pres ent ation of how the t hi rd Asant ehene, Os ei Kwadwo (1750 -1800) refused to rem ai n under a st ati c decent ral ized chieftainc y and a subs ist ence econom y . Os ei Bonsu’s revolutionary changes (1800 -1824) will be analyzed later notably by the introducti on of new agents in charge of t he whol e i nstitutions of what was known at th at tim e as the Ashanti empi re. Hence, t his paper examines t he As ant ehenes’ genius roles i n centralizing politi cal rule and economi c ent erpris e whi ch underwent radi cal changes in ruli ng the poli tical , judici al, m ilit ar y, and economic organizati on. The m ajor causes for s uch changes are due to t he interact ion of various factors rel at ed t o the Ashanti int ernal confli cts , the existence northern comm uniti es in the Ashanti t erri tor y. Unfortunatel y, the Ashanti es witness ed man y years of successive revolts from the nei ghbouring subdued peopl e who sought prot ecti on from Europeans on t he coast and that marked the Ashanties decline that will be anal yz ed l at er for such a satisfact or y constructed account .
Contents
Acknowledgment……..………...I Quotation………....………...……...II Abstract ...………...………....III Contents ………...………...…………...IV List of Maps ………....………...…VII List of Tables and Diagrams………...…….... VIII
General Introduction………...………1
Cha pter I : The Ashanti ’s Political, Military, Judicial , and Econo mic Organi zatio n bef ore 1750 ▪Introduction ………... .. .. ... ... .... .. ... 5
1.1. The Political Divisions ………..….……6
1.2. The Military Institutions……….…….……….…..20
1.3. The Judicial Institution………..………..22
1.4. The Economic Organization .………..24
1.4.1. Fr om169 5to17 31 ……….………...…24
1.4 . 1. 1. The foo d- Producin g Sy stem……….……….. ... 25
1 .4. 1.2. The G old Producin g Sy stem ……….………...….….28
1.4 .2. Fr om173 1to1 750 ………...……….31
1.4.2.1. The Cultivati o n of a New Ro ot C rop : Ca ssava ……… ……... 32
1.4. 2.2. The Exploitati on of t he Gol d S ource s….. ……….…..………...33
1.4.2 .3. The Sup ply of Slaves ……….………....33
▪Conclusion ……….………...33
O r g an i za t i o n u n d er O s ei Kw ad w o ’s R e i gn ( 17 5 0 -1 8 00 )
▪Introduction ………... .... ... ... . ... .. ... 36
2.1. Osei Kwadwo’s Political reforms………...……….….37
2.1.1. T h e E s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e I n n e r C o u n c i l … … … . . . . 3 7
2.1.2. The Nhenkwa’s Functions in the Central Division ……….39 2.1.3. The Adamfo’s and the Amradofo ’s Functions in the
Local Di vision ……….…….39
2.2. Th e Cr eation of New Mil itary C om panies ……… …….44
2.3. Th e Judi cial In stitution ……… ……….……….…….4 6
2.4. Osei Kwadwo’s Economic Reforms……….….49
2.4.1. The Development of Food Production………49
2.4.2. The Gold Producing System……….... 52
2.4.2.1 The Incr eas e i n Gol d Product ion ……… .52
2. 4.2.2 The Development of the Taxation System … ……….. 5 4
2.4.2.3. The Establishment of the Long Di stance Tr ade:
the Tr ade i n Gold ………...55
2.4.3. The Slave Trade……….….58
▪Conclusion ……….………....60
Cha pter III : The Asha nti’ s Political, Military, Judicial, and Econo mic Organi zatio n under Osei Bo nsu’ s Reig n ( 1800 - 1824 )
▪Introduction ………... .... ... ... .... .. .62
3.1. Th e Lim its of th e Ash anti Em pir e……… …….…62
3.2. Os ei Bonsu ’s Politi cal R eform s……… …….64
3.2.1. The C onduct of For eign Aff airs in the C entr al Di vision: ……….6 5 The Akyeame 3.2.1.1 The Ns eni efo: t he Agents of Communication ………65
3.2.1.2 The Ahenkwa ( Expr ess Mess enger s )……… ………. …68
3.2.2. The Admi ni strati on of the Pr ovi nces……… 69
3 .2.2.1. The Afenas oafo ( Offi cial Envoys)……… …69
3. 2.2.2. The Local Division: The Amradof o and the Adamf o………70
(Resident C ommissi oners) 3.2.2.2. a. The Amradofo of the Southern and the South Eastern Provinces……….70
3.2.2.2. b. The Adamfos of the Northern Territories……….….…71
3.3. Th e Maint enan ce of Int ern al S ecur ity………..72
3.4. Th e R ein forcem ent of the Court ………..…73
3.5. Osei Bonsu’s Economic Reforms……… ……… ……….76
3.5.1. T he Management of t he Empi re Enterpris e…… ……… .…… ...77
. 3.5.1.1. Local Tr ade ……… .………..…7 7 3.5.1.2.The K ola Enterpris e……… …….… ...7 8 3.5.1.3.Gold Product ion and Stat e Ent erprise ……….8 4 3.5.2. T axation and General Finance ……… .. ……90
▪General Conclusion ………..……….………..…...98
▪Bibliography………..………..…..………...…105
▪Index………..113
List of Maps
Map 1: The Asante Empire (1695- 1750)...p.7
Map 2: Linguistic, Cultural and Vegetation Zones...p.26
Map 3: Sources of Gold and Market Centres (1696-1750)...p.30
Map 4: The Asante Empire (1750-1800)(The New Appointed Officials Regions)...p.42
Map 5: The Ashanti’s sources of gold and Slave Market Centres (1750-1800) ...p.53
Map 6: The Asante empire and its Neighbours: The Northern Trade Routes...p.57
Map 7: Ashanti Empire during the 19th century...p.63
Map 8: Areas of Kola trade and Gold Deposits in t he Ashanti’s Forest R egi on (1800)……….………..………..p. 80
Map9: Rout es to the Volt a Bass in... ...p.82
Map10: The Two Main Gol d pr oducin g are as in t he Nineteent h Centur y Asante ..p .86
Map11: Major Trade Rout es t hrough the C apit al of Kum asi i n Asant e…..…… .p.88
List of Tables and Diagrams
Table 1: The Adamfos of the northern, north eastern and north western provinces...p.41
Table2: The Am radofos of t he southern and the sout h east ern Akan and non -Akan provinces...p.43 Table3: Estimated Outputs of One - Hectare Field over Three Years of Cultivation...p.51
Table4: Osei Bonsu’s appointed Officials...p.67
Diagram1: The Divisions of the Empire (1696-1750)...p.9
Diagram2: The Council of the Empire (1696-1750)...p.12
Diagram3: The Omanhene’s Local Councils...p.15
Diagram4: The Council of the Empire under Osei Kwadwo’s reign...p.38
Diagram5: The Council of the Empire under Osei Bonsu’s reign...p.66
Diagram6: The Ashanti Kings...p.96
African peopl e were i niti all y viewed as primiti ve peopl e scatt ered i n small groups and devoid of a definite s yst em of organiz ation. Europe an soldi ers and st ates men who engi neered the conquest of Afri ca in t he lat e nineteenth centur y li ked t o think of t hem selves as ambass adors of innovation
and progres s to a continent mi red in ti mel ess s avager y( 1 ). Contrar y to t hese
views, hist orical res earch es have demons trated that several ki nds of soci eti es
em erged with developed politi cal and economi c s ys t ems( 2 ).
A m ulti plicit y of illustrati ons c an be given on thes e kinds of African soci eti es such as the Zulu em pire t hat appeared from the „ crushing‟ of the neighbouring tribes or „ Mfecane‟ as it was known in Zulu; the Jihad states of Al-hadj Um ar, Ahm adu S eku an S amori in W est Africa; t he rejuvenated Solomonic empi re of Ethi opi a; t he Sokot o empi re of northern Ni geri a; and the tribal politi cal and econo mi c organiz ation the Ashanti em pire not abl y chos en for our res earch purposes . Act uall y, t he Ashanti es (or the Asant es ) are a major Akan ethni c group present -da y Ghana, who founded a powerful militarist ic empi re t o the north of the coast al areas of t he Gold Coast , whi ch had prevailed from t he beginning of t he ei ghteenth centur y t o the end of t he nineteenth. Since the y ha v e a histor y spanning s everal centuries and evolved a s ys t em that is perhaps the most hi ghl y developed am ong thos e found in West Afri ca, t he Ashanti es have t he component feat ures that are us eful for the purpos es of th e encl osed thes is .
We know more about As hanti t han of any other, thanks to the records of visitors to i ts capit al Kum asi at di fferent tim es i n the ni net eenth centur y. Ashanti has ins pired one of the ri chest et hnographic and hist orical lit erat ures on an y part of W est Afri ca. At al l tim es, there are great di fferences in the quantit y and form of sources on speci fic institutions, not abl y becaus e of d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e e n c a t e g o r i e s o f s o u r c e i n t h e e x t e n t a n d n a t u r e o f t h e i r
( 1 ) B r u c e V a nd e r vo r t , W a r s o f I mp e r i a l C o n q ue s t i n A fr i c a ( 1 8 3 0 -1 9 1 4 ) , U ni ve r s i t y C o l l e g e Lo nd o n P r e s s , F i r s t E d i t i o n, 1 9 9 8 , p . 2 .
(2) D a v i d C M c C l e l l a nd , T he A c hi e vi n g S o c i e t y, P r i n c e t o n, 1 9 6 1 , p . 1 5 2 .
concern with the As hanti‟s inst ituti ons. For inst ance, the rate of output of source m at erial on t he polit ical i nstit uti ons i n rel ati ons wit h product ion and trade withi n As hanti becam e more voluminous with tim e during 1800s . The most import ant research conduct ed duri ng t he coloni al peri od was ethnographi c, pioneered in the 1920s by R.S.R att ra y, the official colonial governm ent anthropologist . He sought t o gi ve an account of what he regarded as t he authenti c Ashanti s ociet y, freed from the di storti ons of „forei gn infl uences ‟ s uch as col oni al rul e and cocoa growing. His int erpret ations emphas ised t he functi onal effi ci enc y of the As hanti institutions, and downpl a yed the expl oitat ive and confli ct aspects of some of them, sl aver y and
hum an pawning( 3 ). The anthropological and so ciol ogi cal work most not abl y
made b y K.A.Busi a, was als o of great importance for the enclos ed stud y. Res earch on Ashant i histor y has al so examined the aspects of indi genous politi cal and economic l ife. The pioneer was Ivor Wilks, perhaps the fundam ental achi evement of whose earl y work was t o show t hat t he Ashanti stat e was preci sel y t hat , rather than the m at rilineage writ l arge, as R.S.Rattra y had urged.
More important is the cont ribut ion of king Nana Agye man P rempeh I (1888 -1886) for t he understa ndi ng of the histor y of the Ashanti kingdom in „The History of Ashanti Kings and the whole country itself ‟. It is among the earli est exampl e of histor y writing i n English b y an Afri can rul er and his am anuenses. The chief source was his mother t he As antehem aa Yaa K yaa, who poss es sed and enc yclopaedic knowl edge of t he oral his tor y of her own lineage, which was also the ro yal d ynast y of the Ashant i. The result is an indis pens abl y det ail ed docum ent that charts t he hi stor y of the Ashanti monarch y. However, o ver the l ast thirt y years studies have appeared from man y writi ngs on a vari et y of i ssues
( 3 ) W he n t he A s a n t e he n e p r e mp e h I r e t ur n e d a s a p r i va t e c i t i z e n , fr o m a l o n g e x i l e he me n t i o n e d R a t t r a y : “ f r o m h i m we l e a r n wh a t ki nd o f a l a b yr i n t h t he r e s i d e nc e o f a r o ya l p e r s o n a ge mi g h t b e a nd h i s s t ud i e s o f t he na t u r e o f A s a n t e ki n g s h i p we r e ma d e v i s i t i n g the different chiefs and collecting their versions o f r ememb ered stor y”. Otumfo Nana A g ye ma n P r e mp e h , T h e H i s t o r y o f A s ha nt i K i n g s a nd t he wh o l e c o u n t r y i t s e l f , O x fo r d U ni ve r s i t y P r e s s , p . 1 5 0 , 2 0 0 3 . 2
relevant to the encl osed res earch addressed in th is thesi s( 4 ). These will be cit ed and dis cuss ed, as appropri ate, in the chapters below.
The central t hem e of t his st ud y t he m ain part of this research work s prang from the rol e and the perform ance of the As hanti ‟s ruling indi genous aut horiti es whi ch l ed to the evoluti on and change of t he local politi cal and economic insti tuti ons together with t he interact ion of vari ous i nternal and external factors. This paper is , therefore, an att em pt to provi de a modest contri buti on and t o dem onst rate that, far from being st ati c and im pervi ous to change, the As hant i soci et y was constantl y i n flux; and al so t he st ud y emphas izes on the main changes or reforms of the As hanti institutions. Specificall y, thi s paper anal ys es the factors l eadi ng to t he creation of the Ashanti st at e, the process es of st at e consoli dati on and expansi on , and the chi ef purposes in the t rans formation of t he st at e m achiner y int o a sophi sti cat ed bureaucrati c and achievem ent -ori ent ed apparat us . The peri od covered in thi s res earch goes back to the ver y ori gi ns of the Ashanti es and the histori cal process which gave bi rth to the Ashanti empi re. The date 1824 was chosen as t he end of the peri od under stud y because it repres ents the year duri ng whi ch the As hanties of the Gold Coast were under t heir last years of a full y soverei gn em pire, thereb y comi ng to the pre -col oni al period, i.e. the Britis h intervent ion.
The i nt erpret ation put forward here is to explain how the As hanti ‟s politi cal, economic, judi cial and milit ar y organiz ation evolved and changed. The work pres ent ed in Chapter1 is princi pal l y t he identi ficati on of the stereot ype of a t radi tional s ys te m of rul i ng and m anagi ng the Ashanti peopl e who pledged allegiance to the „Golden Stool‟ and to traditional rules and cust oms.
The anal ysi s in Chapt er2 was t o pres ent a rel ati vel y advanced st age of cent raliz ed politi cal organiz ati on charact eri z ed b y an effici ent and adapt able d i r e c t e d e c o n o m y. I t w a s s e t o n a p yr a m i d a l s t r u c t u r e w i t h t h e k i n g a n d t h e
traditi onal elders at its peak and t he sub chiefs at the bott om. This governm ent focus ed on the expansion and the consolidation of the empi re to suit t he purpos es of t he authorit y holders.
C hapt er3 wi ll consider the fact that the indi genous authorit y hol der t hat is the king m anaged the shi ft of authorit y to him alone at the t op of the p yrami dal structure through non-heredit ar y offici al s at t he bottom inst ead of the subchiefs tr yi ng to monopolize the s t at e affairs.
Among the most powerful and dominant Akan -speaking people of the Gold Coast (Ghana nowadays), the Ashanties seemed to have emerged within the forest region to make up well -organized groups of people able to control, to direct and t o manage their day-to-da y activities.
The identification of the Ashanti groups of people and the brief examination of their political and economic aspects of life before 1731 will then help as a historical background to the study of the evol ution of the Ashanti‟s political, judicial, military and economic institutions up to 1824.
In the eighteenth century, the Ashanties( 1 ) were identified as people resulting from the amalgamation of five ethnic groups known as the Akans( 2 ), the Ga, th e Ewe, the Guan and the Mole -Dagbani who spread over three different regions of the Gold Coast.
The Akans counted eighteen clans known as the Oyoko (considered as the Ashanti‟s royal clan), the Aduana, the Agona, the Asakyri, the Asenie, the Asona, the Bretuo, the Ekoona, the Dako, the Asokore, the Tena, the Dwum, the Atwea, the Adaa, the Kuona, the Atena, the Toa and the Abrade clans( 3 ). In 1669, most of the
Akans spread over the core of the forest region called the Tafo country( 4 ). The members of the Oyoko clan were located in Kumasi, Dwaben, Kokofu, Bekwai, Nsuta. Thirteen other non -Oyoko clans were situated in Mampon, Asumenya, Ofinso, Adansi, Edweso, Kumawu, Denyaase, Kwahu, Akwamu, Denkyira, Wassa, Nzima, and Assin while the other four Akan cla ns were situated in the south east and the north west of Kumasi in Akim, Accra, Gyaman and Bono, respectively.
( 1 ) A c c o r d i n g t o a r c h e o l o g i c a l r e c o r d s a n d t o A k a n o r a l t r a d i t i o n , t h e f i r s t A s h a n t i e s e m e r g e d i n t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y i n t h e r e g i o n o f B u n a i n t h e n o r t h w e s t o f t h e G o l d C o a s t f o r e s t . In t h e 1 6 6 0 s , t h e A s h a n t i e s c o u n t e d f i v e b r o t h e r s f r o m t h e A k a n O yo k o c l a n l e d b y t h e i r q u e e n m o t h e r – w h o b e c a m e a f t e r t h e g r e a t A s h a n t i ‟ s a n c e s t r e s s - A n k y e w a N ya m e . Fe w ye a r s l a t e r , i n 1 6 6 7 , t h e y m o v e d d o w n t o A s a n t e m a n s o a n d l a t e r i n t o t h e T a f o c o u n t r y k n o w n a s Ku m a s i . I. W i l k s , Fo r e s t s o f G o l d : E s s a ys o n t h e A k a n a n d t h e k i n g d o m o f A s a n t e , O h i o U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , S e c o n d E d i t i o n , 1 9 9 3 , p . 6 5 . ( 2 ) “ Th e A k a n s a r e d i v i d e d i n t o t w o c a t e g o r i e s , t h e A k a n - F o s u c h a s : A s h a n t i , A d a n s i , A k i m , A s s i n , D e n k yi r a , A k i m , A c c r a , G ya m a n a n d B o n o s p e a k i n g t h e T w i l a n g u a g e a n d c o n s i d e r e d a s t h e f i r s t A k a n a u t o c h t h o ne s o f t he f o r e s t r e g i o n a nd t he E p e t o - F o ( t h e fo r e i g n p e o p l e ) wh o ha v e mi no r c u l t u r a l d i f f e r e nc e s a nd r e p r e s e n t e d t h e F a nt e , W a s s a , S e f w i a nd t he o t he r gr o up s of the so uth o f the for est”. I.W ilks, “T he State o f the Akan and the Akan States”, Cahier s d‟E tudes Africaines ,( v:xxvii, 3 -4 , p.23). 5
The other four ethnic group s namely, the Ga and the Ewe consisted of seven small communities while the Guan and Mole Dagbani included respectively the Gonja and Dagomba tribes. The Ewe and Ga communities were situated in the seven regions of Ewe, Ga, Shai, Ada, Asogli, Ho and Peki i n the south east of the forest while the Gonja and Dagomba tribes were in the north (See map n°1 p.7). Thus, what will be examined first below will be the organization of the political
institutions that were set to gather the Ashanti‟s ethnic groups
.
The Ashanti‟ s ethnic gro up s spo ke di fferent langua ge s with distin guisha ble sub -cultural traits and ori gin s, while some o f t hese sub -c ultural gro ups were small an d compact, some other s were large an d stro n g enou gh to or gani ze their kingdom s o f var yin g si ze an d de gree o f aut onom y, to make up th ree main divi sio ns within the core and the periphe r y o f what was kno wn at that time as the Ashanti empire.
These three di visio ns compri sed the ce ntral, pro vincial and local di visio ns known as the Met ro politan A sha nti or t he Asha nti Co nfederacy , the P rovincial
Ashanti( with it s Int ernal and External Provinces a nd th e Local Divisio n) ,
respecti vel y. What were the criteria c hose n b y the main author ities to set up t heir political orga nizatio n ? And what kind of political control was then instituted into the di visi on s o f the e mpire to u nite the di fferent ethnic group s a ltoget her?
I.I.The Political Divisions
In side the three divi sio ns, a certain h ierarch y was greatl y instituted amon g the main a uthorit y holde rs. T he Metr opolitan Ashanti inclu ded th e kin g and hi s ei ght Office Holders (the king‟s local advisers). The Provincial Ashanti included seven Omanhene (k nown as su b -chie fs leadin g the Akan States) an d the Local Asha nti divi sio n compri sed t he Local District C hi efs (in the Akan Stat es) and the Oh yene (the Li nea ge -Head s i n the Ga and E we co mmunities)( See Dia gr am1 p.9) .
( 3 ) Ko f i A k w a b i - A m e ya w , “ A s h a n t i S o c i a l O r g a n i s a t i o n : s o m e e t h n o g r a p h i c c l a r i f i c a t i o n s ” , E t h n o l o g y, U n i v e r s i t y o f C i n c i n n a t i , 1 9 8 9 , p . 2 3 .
( 4 ) W . W . C l a r i d g e , A H i s t o r y o f t h e G o l d C o a s t a n d t h e A s h a n t i , L o n d o n : Fr a n k C l a s s a n d C o . L T D , S e c o n d E d i t i o n , 1 9 6 4 , p . 1 9 3 .
Map1: The Asante Empire (1695-1750)
Source: Gérard Pescheux, “Le Royaume Asante (Ghana)”, Parenté, Pouvoir,Histoire :XVIIe -XXesiécles”, Paris, Editions Karthala,2003, p.29.
7
Central Division
Provincial Division
Internal Division
1.1.a. The Central Division
As it i s sho wn o n Dia gram1 , the kin g was t he head o f the e mpire within the Metropolitan Ashanti; he was eligible to such a position through Akan‟ s
establishe d criteria. First, t he election was set up b y a bod y o f ki n g maker s in t he capital o f Kumasi( 5 ). The y compri sed linea ge - heads con sidered a s traditio nal elders re sidin g in Ku masi. The y c ounted fi ve member s kno wn a s the Krontihe ne, the Ado ntenhe ne, the Kydomhe ne, the Benk umhene and t he O yok ohene to gether with the member s o f t he Oyo ko ro yal famil y that is, the Queen mother and t he king‟s maternal uncles whose attendance was of a great importance.
The election was in staure d accord ing to a system o f matrilineal hereditar y succession whereby only the former king‟s brothers and nephews from the mother‟s side could inherit pr opert y a nd be entitled to successi on. In a ddition to matrilineal succession , ph ysical and moral qualities o f t he candi date to suc cession were greatl y considered , that is, h e had to be free fro m ph ysical blemish and quite str on g an d wise( 6 ) with a certain militar y a nd politic al experience respect ing the whole local and traditional beliefs( 7 ). Two Ashanti ki n gs marked the l ate se venteenth centur y and the fir st hal f o f the eighteenth cent ur y: Osei Tutu (169 5 -173 1), commonl y considered a s the fou nder o f the Ashanti‟ s political institution s with the help o f hi s fello w chie fs and Ap oku Wa re (17 31 -1 75 0) wh o follo wed hi s predecess or‟ s work and de velope d the p ol itical or gani zation o f the empire.
(5 ) “ W h e n a k i n g d i e d a n d a n e w o n e h a d t o b e a p p o i n t e d , t h e e l d e r s h e l d a m e e t i n g a t w h i c h t h e K r o n t i h e n e p r e s i d e d . A t t h e m e e t i n g t h e e l d e r s s e l e c t e d t w o f r o m a m o n g t h e m s e l v e s t o a p p r o a c h t h e q u e e n m o t h e r a n d a s k h e r t o n o m i n a t e a c a n d i d a t e f o r t h e s t o o l . T h e q u e e n m o t h e r t h e n h e l d a m e e t i n g w i t h a l l t h e a d u l t m e n a n d t h e s e n i o r w o m e n o f t h e b r a n c h e s o f t h e r o ya l l i n e a g e . T h e y c o n s i d e r e d t h e e l i g i b l e c a n d i d a t e s i n t u r n a n d c h o s e t h e o n e t h e y t h o u g h t t h e m o s t s u i t a b l e … . W h e n t h e y h a d d e c i d e d o n t h e c a n d i d a t e , t h e q u e e n m o t h e r s e n t t o i n f o r m t h e K r o n t i h e n e . T h e latt e r su mmoned a mee tin g and told th e m of the qu een moth er‟s no min at ed c andidat e”.
K . A . B u s i a , Th e P o s i t i o n o f t h e C h i e f i n t h e M o d e r n P o l i t i c a l S ys t e m o f A s h a n t i : A S t u d y o f t h e I n f l u e n c e o f C o n t e m p o r a r y S o c i a l C h a n g e s o n A s h a n t i P o l i t i c a l I n s t i t u t i o n s , Lo n d o n , 1 9 5 1 , p . 9 . ( 6 ) T h e n e c e s s a r y q u a l i t i e s w e r e “ i n t e l l i g e n c e ( a d w e p a ) , h u m i l i t y ( a h o b r - a s e ) , g e n e r o s i t y ( n e ya m
ye ), manl iness (abooduru), and ph ysi ca l fitness ”. R.S.R att ra y, A shant i La w and Constitut ion , O x f o r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , S e c o n d E d i t i o n , 1 9 6 9 , p . 9 0 .
( 7 ) “The Asantehene was not allowed to cross the Pra River (in the South of Kumasi) and he had to remain free from physical blemish. Besides, neither his bare feet nor the other parts of his body were supposed to touch the ground”. R.O.Lagace, “Society Twi: Ashanti”, Australian National University, retrieved March 24, 2006 from (http://www.Ashanti Culture/1708/doc/html). 8
Diagram 1: The Divisions of the Empire (1696-1750)
Division 1
The Ashanti Confederacy
The Metropolitan Ashanti
Head chief: the Asantehene
Kumasi Office Holders
Division 2 Division 3
The Provincial Division The Local Division
Omanhene
Local District Chiefs Ohyene
The Internal The External
Provinces Provinces
Ofinso-Adansi-Edweso-Akwamu- Ga and Ewe
Denyaase-Denkyira-Wassa- Ewe-Ga-Ada-
Kwahu-Nzima-Assin-Amansi-kumawu- Shai- Asogli-
Akim-Accra-Gyaman-Bono
Ho- Peki
Gonja- Dagomba
Osei Tutu or Tut u the conq ueror was t he main candidate fo r ro yal succession . In 1695, he in herited hi s so verei gnt y a fter t h e death of his u ncle Obiri Ye boa (16 63 -1695) . Born about 1 645 , he spent hi s yo uth in the ro yal cou rt of De nk yira , the south easte rn o verlo r ds o f the Ta fo - Kwam an regio n o f the time. He later spent some time in the court of Ansa ra Sasra ku , lead er of Akwamu , and prior to his retur n to Kwaman (n orth o f Kumasi) i n the late 1670s to take o ve r fr om Obiri Yeboa . Henceforth, tracing O.Tutu‟s moves after his rise to power furnished important insi ght s int o a state formation in Ashanti.
Osei Tutu was a political strate gist . He wa s said t o be a stron g c onquer or who acquired a large polit ical and militar y exp erience durin g hi s st a y in bot h Denk yi ra and Akwamu nei ghbo urin g state s to become a military leader. He was also a wise so verei gn at the head of t he Oyo ko clan. He be gan b y e stablishin g control o ver the regi on surr oundi n g Kumasi (See map1 p.7). T hen, he grou ped other clan chie fs around hi s cou rt, u si n g Kuma si as his ba se. Later, he co nque red the su rrou ndin g Akan chie fdoms. In d oin g so he took the ti tle o f Asantehene( 8 ).
Within the e mpire, the Asantehe ne held a sacre d p osition . Thro u gh the creation o f the Golde n Stool b y the p riest Akom fo An ok ye, the Asantehe ne was t he most venerated li vin g pe rso n in Ashanti. The people o f the empire, mainl y t he Akan s feared and bel ieved that the Stool embodied the spi rit o r soul o f t he whole Asha nti nation an d t hat the Asantehene was the sol e and pe rpe tual guardian o f the Stool. The latter repr esented the ties o f ki nship that ga ve ultim ate sanction to t he different opponents. It was a fictitious extension of control among the king‟s subjects so t hat di fferent s t a t e s c o u l d b e e a s i l y i n c o r p o r a t e d w i t h i n t h e A s h a n t i e m p i r e a n d t h r o u g h which th e Asa ntehene became the gua rdian o f the Ashanties‟ spirit and unity( 9 )
. B y t he instit ution o f the Golden Stool, the Asantehene gained the sup port o f the reli gio us chie fs and became the cen tre to which all th e authorit y holder s o f t he Ashanti empire we re connected( 1 0 ).
( 8 ) R . S . R a t t r a y, o p . c i t , p p . 9 1 - 9 2 .
(9) “ Th e Gold en Stool was th e most i mpo rtan t stool made of go ld. It was c all ed Si ka Du a i n Ashant i‟s Twi lan gua ge and ac co rdin g to l e ge nd, Tutu‟s ad vi se r, th e pri est A komfo Anok ye o r i g i n a t e d t h e m yt h o f t h i s s t o o l . H e c a l l e d d o w n t h e s t o o l f r o m t h e s k y a n d s l o w l y c a m e d o w n o n Kin g Os ei Tutu‟s Kn ees without touchin g th e gro und” . Ot umfo N a na Ag ye ma n Pre mpe h, op.c it, p p . 1 0 0 -1 0 1 .
( 1 0 ) “ T h e A s h a n t i d o n o t l i k e t o s p e a k o f t h e A s a n t e h e n e , s t i l l l e s s t o b e q u e s t i o n e d a b o u t h i m . When th e y h a ve to ta l k a bout him the y do so in low tones, modulat in g graduall y in to whispe rs ” . K . A . B u s i a , o p . c i t , p . 9 6 .
The subordi nate members were ei ght lineage head s known as traditional elders. They consisted of the five electing members during the Asantehene‟s succession a nd th ree other Kumasi el ders who rei gned o ver ei ght di vi sion s o f the Kumasi State and we re distin gui shed acco rdin g to the name of their lineage s. The y were respecti vel y kn own a s the O yoko hene, the Kr ontihene, t he Kidomhene , the Benkumhene, the Ado ntenhene, the Ni fahe n e, the Akwamuhe ne a nd the Gyase hene.
In Metro poli tan Ashanti, mainl y in the capital Kumasi, the eight traditional elders were gi ven t he name of Office Holder s and had de finite stool s (special Ashanti‟s wooden chairs) that differentiated them from other authority holders in the exercise o f t heir function s close t o t heir kin g. In 17 20, t he y atten ded a new establishe d council, t he Ad vi sor y Council that was in stituted and preside d b y the Asantehe ne Osei Tut u to maintain the p ol itical or ganizati on o f the whole empi re( 1 1 ) (See Dia gram 2 p.12 ) .
The Office Hol ders re gularl y colla borated with the Asantehe ne in the establishment of new Ashanti‟s laws. They were engaged in making Akan and non -Akan people re spect their kin g as the supr eme authorit y o ver th e whole empire and to gi ve thei r entire re vere n ce, contributi on and allegiance to the kin g‟s subc hie fs a s members o f the r o yal court. In return, the Asantehe ne promi sed to rule his su bjects with the help and ad vice o f hi s ei ght ad vi sors.
Out side the Ad vi sor y Council , the Office Holder s‟ p re ro gative s extended to a constant supervision over the Asantehene‟s functions and decisions through their establishe d Kumasi Assembl y (kno wn al so a s the Cou ncil o f Elders). The Office Holder s o ften gather ed and were grante d few prer o gati ve s. The y had the ri ght to destitute the kin g and to attribute him the political control of the other provi ncial divi sio n( 1 2 ).
( 1 1 ) K . A . B u s i a , i b i d , p . 2 3 2 .
(12) “ …t h e A s a n t e h e n e wa s b o u n d b y c u s t o m t o a c t w i t h t h e c o n s e n t a n d o n t h e a d v i c e o f h i s o f f i c e h o l d e r s . T h e y h a d u l t i m a t e l y t h e c o n s t i t u t i o n a l r i g h t t o d e s t o o l t h e k i n g . A s t h e f u n d a m e n t a l p rin cip l e was th a t o n l y th o se wh o e le ct ed a kin g c o u ld d esto o l h i m”. K. A.B u sia, ib id , p .2 1 . Fo r th e As an teh en e ‟s d e sto o l men t I.Wil ks sta ted : “… so me ti mes th e o ffi ceh o l d er s i n itiat ed a d e sto o l men t t h e m s e l v e s wh e n , f o r e x a m p l e , a k i n g r e p e a t e d l y r e j e c t e d t h e i r a d v i c e , o r w h e n h e b r o k e a t a b o o , o r co mmit ed a s a cril e gio u s a ct” . I. Wil k s, Th e As an te i n th e 1 9t h
c e n t u r y : T h e S t r u c t u r e a n d E v o l u t i o n o f a P o l i t i c a l O r d e r , C a mb r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 5 , p p . 3 4 - 35 .
Diagram 2: The Council of the Empire
Asantehene
Local Councils
Apoku Ware Advisory Council
The Council of the
Empire
Kumasihene- Dwabenhene Asumeyahene- Mamponhene Seven Ohyene
( lineage heads )
Kokofuhene- Bekwehene
Nsutahene
Key:
Centralized political control
Decentralized political control
12 Wassa- Nzima- Assin- Akim- Accra Denkyira Amansi- Kwahu- Kumawu- Gonja- Dagomba Gyaman
Adansi
Offinso/BonoEwe- ga-
Ada-
Shai-
Asogli-
Ho- Peki
Akwamu
Edweso
Denyaase
Oyohene krontihene
Nifahene
Benkumhene
Adontenhene
Akwamuhene
Kydomhene
Gyasehene
1.1. b. The P rovincial Divisio n
Six sub -chie fs called Omanhene to gether with the Asantehene ruled the Pro vi ncial Ashanti. The y were kno wn a s the Dwabenhene, t he Koko fuhene, the Bekwaihene, the Nsut ahene, the Mamponhe ne and the Asumen ya hene, in addition t o the Asantehene wh o remained Kumasi hene. The six Omanhene lived in the different Oman( 1 3 )or states i ncludin g an d su rrou ndin g the c entral fore st re gio n such a s Dwaben , Kok o fu , Bekwai, Nsuta, Mampon, Asumen ya ( See map n °1 p .7).
The Asantehene and his six Omanhene we re cautiousl y attribut ed the control o ver ei ghteen Ashan ti States. The Kuma sihene (t he kin g) co ntrolled Ofin so an d Bono. Four ot her Omanhene includin g, the Dwabenhen e , th e Koko fu hene, the Bekwaihene an d the Nsuta hene contr olled respecti vel y, Adan si , Edwe so, Akwamu and De n yaase and the other Omanhe ne: the Mamponhene controlled Kwa hu , Kumawu , Denk yi ra, Amansi, Gonja, Da go mba, Gyaman and the Asumen yahe ne took Wassa, Nzim a, Assin, Akim an d Accra .
It wa s mainl y thro u gh he reditar y mem bership that t he Ku masihene, t he Dwaben hene, t he Ko ko fuhene , the Bekwe ihene, and the Nsuta hene were cho sen to rule the Akan group s surrou ndin g Kumasi . The y were in major it y elected into the Asha nti‟s ro yal matri clan that is, the y wer e linked to gether b y kinshi p relation s into the Oyoko clan. In a ddition, the Dwabenh ene, the Bekweihene, the Koko fuhene and the Nsutahene were c onsidere d as con feder ated people who join ed the Ashanti ro yal members b y a diplo matic agreement o f cooperation. Thro u gh this unio n, t he four Omanhene acquired the Asantehene‟s absolute trust in controlling the most important Akan peop le of the central emp ire who wa nted to maintain their identit y again st the nei ghb our ing o ppre ssi ve an d t yrannical ruler kno wn as the Denk yira hene (the ruler o f t he Den k yira State)( 1 4 ).
Besides the four Omanhene‟s hereditary membership, the two other Omanhene, the Mampo nhene an d the Asumen yahene ha d political ran ks than ks to their acquired status i n the Asha nti empire. These Omanh ene had not the same kinship li nks as the
other Om anhene. The y were no n -O yok o sub -chie fs who were chose n b y the
Asantehe ne thro u gh t heir militar y a ssi stan ce in the Ashanti arm y. The Mamponhe ne ( 1 3 ) S i n g u l a r A ma n , W . W . C l a r i d ge , o p . c i t , p . 1 7 0 .
(14) R . S . R a t t r a y, o p . c i t , p p . 9 4 - 9 5 .
was the head chief o f the ri ght wi n g o f the Ashanti arm y whil e the Asumen yahen e was the head chie f o f the le ft o ne. The y were appointed a s Omanhene after thei r campaign s a gainst th e mai n Southern Aka n States which were incorporated into th e Asha nti empire mainl y a fter the Denk yira conquest ( since they we re allies to the Denkyirahene and refused the Ashanti‟s union).
Furthe rmore, wit h the int ro duc tion o f the Gol den Sto ol in stitutio n the Omanhene had a Cer emonial Stool whic h was o f great si gni fic ance to the authorit y holders but to ensu re direct super vi sion o ver the p ro vincial Akans, the Oman hene toget her wit h the Asantehene needed per manent cont act with their respecti ve l ocal subchie fs an d a ne w i nstitution wa s th us e stablished.
In 17 30s, it wa s the new Asantehene Apo ku Ware (17 30 -1 750) who maintained further accomplishm ents within the Pro vincial Ashanti t o establish the Local
Councils . The six Omanhene and the Asa nt ehene assi sted thei r o wn cou ncils in their
own state s gathe rin g their local sub -chiefs under their direct rule .(See Dia gram 3p.15 ).
Each C ouncil was at tended b y its respect ive l eader in addition to t he l o cal Dist ri ct Chi ef and Vi llage Heads of t he relevant s tat e. The latt er m et to report all the provincial people‟s activities and to solve any important political issue on
order to preserve Ashanti‟s political control and order in the local provinces( 1 5 )
.
1.1.c. The Local Division
District Chie fs and Linea ge -Head s were appointed in the Local Di visio n o f the empire. The District Chiefs gi ven the control o f the interna l pro vinces and the Linea ge - Heads (k no wn as Oh yh ene) rule d the external provi nces . In the int ernal provinces, the Dist ri ct chiefs were subordinate Akan heredit ar y chi efs who had the di rect supervis ion of the local Akan stat es. The y were hel ped, in thei r rule b y
other sub -chi efs who were i n t hei r t urn assisted b y t he vill age -head chiefs( 1 6 ).
( 1 5 ) I . W i l k s , T h e A s a nt e i n t he 1 9t h c e n t u r y : T h e S t r uc t ur e a nd E vo l ut i o n o f a P o l i t i c a l O r d e r , p . 3 9 .
( 1 6 ) O t u mf o N a na A g ye ma n P r e mp e h, o p . c i t , p . 1 4 2 .
The Dwabenhene‟s Council The kokofuhene‟s Council The Kumasihene‟s (the Asantehene‟s) Council The Nsutahene‟s Council The Bekwaihene‟s Council The Asumenyahene‟s Council The Momponhene‟s Council
Diagram 3: The Omanhene’s Local Councils
The District chiefs The District chief The District chief
in Ofinso and Bono in Adansi in Edweso
The District chief The District chief
in Akwamu in Denyaase
The District chiefs The District chiefs
in Wassa, Nzima, Assin, in Denkyira, Amansi, Kwahu,
Akim and Accra and Kumawu
The Local Caboceers in
Gonja and Dagomba
The Local GovernorKofi
Sono in Gyaman
15Denkyira
Amansi-
Kwahu-
Kumawu
Gonja
Dagomba
Gyaman
Some o f t he Distr ict Chiefs were cho sen accordin g to th eir ro yal hereditar y membership. Some o f them were taken as ro yal Akan members a nd others were non -Akan ro yal chie fs . As it i s sho wn on Dia gram 3, the local go ver nor Ko fi Sono in Gyaman and t he loc al chief Ba fo Pim i n the capital o f B o no were amo n g the Asantehene‟s relatives. The other District Chiefs in Gonja and Dagomba were the local royal „caboceers‟ of the northern tribes.
Moreo ve r, the se District Chie fs were chosen t o rule imp ort ant territorie s where different local eth nic group s re sided . Ko fi So no ( 174 6-176 0), the l ocal representati ve i n the Gyaman Council was appoi nted Gyamanhene si nce A. Ware chose him amon g his ro yal relati ves an d go verned all the local representati ves o f the Gyaman ethnic gr oups such a s the Na fana and Gbin autocht hones, the Kulan go and western B ondu k u people, the Tambi in the north, Comoe in the west and the Do gma, Ntakima in t he east( 1 7 ).
Ba fo Pim , in his tu rn, was appoi n ted as the Bon o Di strict Chie f ( he wa s considered as the Asanthene‟s cousin from the maternal side), he contributed in the Ashanti‟s campaigns against Gyaman and got the control over the Bono ethnic group s in Nk yraa , T ubodom, Tanoso, Sa bino, Nkora nsa, Tak yiman , Wa nk yi and Kintampo. In his dire ct super visi on o f the Bono a reas, fi ve new Office Holder s were chosen amon g t he Kumasi di gnitaries to help Ba fo Pim in hi s local control . The y were known as the Ad umhene, the Dadiesoahene, th e Amantahene, the Nsuman kewahene an d the Adamankwahe ne. The fir st four o ffice holder s were attributed the super vi sion o f Nk yma, T ubodo n, Tano so an d Sabino while the Adamankwa hene was attributed the super visio n o f the other parts o f the state includin g Nko ransa , Tak yiman , Wa nk yi an d Kintamp o( 1 8 ).
The Gonja an d Da gomba local re presentati ve s were n ot Ashanti‟s ro yal hereditar y member s, the y were the nati ve Guan and Mole Da gb ani ro yal chie fs. In fact, the Gonja a nd Da gomba states con sisted o f Muslim stat es which were le ft under the government of their own supreme chiefs called the „caboceers‟.
( 1 7 ) W . W . C l a r i d g e , o p . c i t , p . 2 0 9 . ( 1 8 ) R . S . R a t t r a y, o p . c i t , p . 2 5 6 .
Th rou gh a syste m o f patrilineal succ essio n, these „caboce ers‟ were elected b y the chiefs and elder s of the capitals o f e ach state. In the Go nja state, the Gonja caboceer was elected (from the capital o f the state Buipe) b y Muslim chie fs and dignitaries. He rule d the di ffere nt Gonja areas which co nsi st ed o f Kpembi near Da gomba, B ole, Wa a nd Dabo ya wherea s t he Da gomba chie fs el ected their caboceer fr om the ( Metropoli tan state o f Sala ga) for the cont rol o ver Yendi, Kpabia, Sa velu gu an d Gamb aga. In their contr ol, the Go nja and D a gomba caboceer s attributed the directi on o f each area t o he reditar y chie fs who were the membe rs o f the caboceers‟ royal clan from the paternal side. The latter assisted the caboceers in the direction o f thei r attributed areas follo win g t heir o wn syste m o f go vernment a nd their de vi sed political institutio n.
Outside the int ernal pro vince s, se ven non - Akan Line age - Heads called Oh yhene o f the sout h eastern re gio ns were gi ve n contr ol o f the external pro vi nces (See Dia gram 3 p. 15) . The y were t he nati ve tra ditional chie fs o f the Ga a nd Ewe regi ons. The y were attributed more auton om y than t he Akans (without an y dist rict chief or villa ge head control) an d the y o ften depended on the super visio n o f the king‟s intermediaries and messengers and this rather showed the absence of the Ashanti‟s direct supervision( 1 9 )
.
To super vi se h is sub -c hie fs whether unde r a cent ralize d or decentrali zed control, the Asa ntehe ne Apok u Wa re held a third council called the Council o f the Empire. The latter an nuall y gathered the main authorit y holder s and su b -chie fs that is the six Omanhene of the different Akan States, the Asantehene‟s intermediaries in the so uth easte rn co mmunities, the ei ght Office Holder s, t he Asha nti di gnitaries i n addition to the chie f o f the co uncil, the Asantehene.
All the membe rs o f the cou ncil o f t he Empire assisted t h e Asantehe ne in the most important a ffair s o f the Ashanti empi re. The y met to discu ss war and repo rted all the political con flicts. The y participated in the per io dic Odwira ceremonie s, a large gatheri n g that r ekindled sentiment s o f solidarit y and nati o nhood amon g all the c h i e f s a n d c o m m o n e r s . T h e y a t t e n d e d t h e n a t i o n a l t r i b u n a l i n t o w h i c h e v e n t h e Asantehe ne could b e tried and the y al so supe r vise d the e conomic an d socia l condition s o f the pe o ple under their super v ision an d cont rol.
( 1 9 ) W . W . C l a r i d g e , o p . c i t , p . 2 0 9 .
The sou rce o f A . Ware‟ s p olitical po sition was t o continu e his pre decessor ‟ s achievement s. He st ood at the head o f his kin shi p unit in Kumasi an d came to articulate the kin sol idarit y o f hi s o wn clan, the Oyo ko . He so u ght to au gment his power with that o f an ascri bed status w ith the help o f the Office Holders, the Omanhene, the Dist r ict Chiefs and the Oh yhene in leading p olitical control, the Ashanti‟s political structure was subsequently organized and political control was distrib uted foll owin g a p yramidal str u cture stren gthened b y subor dinate kin members and political instituti on s that made up its basis. Thi s p yramidal structure was heade d b y t he ki n g or t he Asantehene and hi s Office Hol d ers and based on the local sub chiefs‟ centralized and decentralized political control.
From the Metr opolitan th rou gh the Pr o vincial to the lo cal Ashanti in each Akan state, e ver y Omanhene, Dist rict Ch ief and Villa ge -Head chief repr oduced the pattern of the authori t y exercise d in the centre of the Ashanti empire as the y wer e organized in a way that showed the centralized Asantehene‟s co ntrol. However, the south -eastern di vi sio n o f t he empire was left under the decent ralized Asantehene‟ s control since the Ohyhene‟s communities were rather remote areas but situated in a regi on which was to open later on route s for fu rther con quest s and tra de especiall y with the Eur opeans o n the coast( 2 0 ). E ver y Office Holder, Oman hene, Di strict Chie fs or Oh yhene i nherited their o ffice s th rou gh their o wn respecti ve lineage s to which the y belo n ged. That is to sa y, their lineage members app ointed them in an y succession or desto ol ment made b y the Asantehene( 2 1 ).
The establi shm ent of the Ad vi sor y, Local and Empire political councils facilitated the exerci se of political control and respect o f or der o ver the subdue d provincial people. The Ashanti‟s poli tical organization needed then the administrati ve or gan ization that linked these councils wi th the different divi sio ns.
( 2 0 ) N a o mi C h a z a n , Th e E a r l y S t a t e i n A f r i c a n P e r s p e c t i ve , S t u d i e s i n H u m a n S o c i e t y, V : 2 , H e b r e w U n i v e r s i t y o f J e r u s a l e m , 1 9 8 8 , p . 6 6 .
( 2 1 ) W . W . W . C l a r i d g e , o p . c i t , p . 2 1 1 .
1.1.d.T he Adminis trati ve Instit ution U n d e r t h e r e i g n o f t h e A s a n t e h e n e Ap o k u Wa r e , n e w a d m i n i s t r a t i v e o f f i c i a l s w e r e a p p o i n t e d i n t h e c e n t r a l a n d p r o v i n c i a l d i v i s i o n s . T h e y c o n s i s t e d o f t w o c a t e g o r i e s o f O f f i c e H o l d e r s w h o d e a l t w i t h t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n o f e f f i c i e n t l o c a l c o u n c i l s .
Inside the ro ya l court, the Office Holders were the Gyasehe ne and the
Birempo mhene wh o were chosen amon g the kin g‟ s fait h ful ser va nts. T he G yasehene
ser ved the Asante h ene as the head o f drummer s an d h ornblo wer s and the Birempomhene p ro vi ded a wide ran ge o f personal ser vices includin g umbrella carriers and messengers in the internal servant‟s organization of each Oman( 2 2 )
.
Besides thei r wor k within the ro yal court, th e Asa ntehene left some administrati ve functi ons to the G ya sehen e and the Biremponh ene. The Gyasehene controlled the royal revenues that came to the king‟s treasuries and supervised any expense s amon g th e ro yal famil y me mbers an d Office Holder s while the Biremponhene was t he kin g‟ s reliable m essen ge r to the Offi ce Holders a nd o ften attended the Ad vi so r y Council to super vise the administration o f the di fferent i ssues and to register all the decisions taken during the Office Holders‟ meetings.
The ro yal Gya sehene and Birempon hene exercised also other administ rati ve prero gati ve s insi de the pro vincial di vi sio n. The y ensured the super vi sio n o f th e local Gya sehene and Biremponhene who were appointed b y t he Omanhene( 2 3 ). Like the ro yal Gya sehen e, the local Gyase hene were, in the Oman, gi ven the administration of the Omanhene‟s revenues and properties whereas the local Biremponhene were messengers supervising the local chiefs‟ work in the local districts and having to report the local chiefs‟ activities espec ially concerning their possible conflicts, revolts and revenues. The Gyasehene‟s and Birempomhene‟s administration ensured the Omanhene‟s organization of both political and economic affair s. ( 2 2 ) R . S . R a t t r a y, o p . c i t , p . 2 5 6 ( 2 3 ) “ T h e t e r m „ G y a s e ‟ a p p l i e s t o t h e m o s t i m m e d i a t e a d h e r e n t s a t t a c h e d t o t h e h o u s e h o l d o f a n y i m p o r t a n t p e r s o n a g e . I n t h i s i n s t a n c e , e v e n a n o r d i n a r y w e l l - t o - d o m a n ( r i c h m a n ) m a y h a v e h i s o w n G y a s e , s o m u c h s o t h a t t h e h e a d o f t h e f a m i l y ( O p a n y i n o r A t r a n k o n n u a ) o r a r u l e r o f a t o w n ( O d e k r o ) , o r a h e a d o f a d i v i s i o n o f a s t a t e ( O h e n e ) o r t h e s u p r e m e h e a d o r k i n g o f a s t a t e ( O m a n h e n e ) s h o u l d n e c e s s a r i l y h a v e h i s o w n G ya s e - m e n , a n d t h e n u m b e r o f t h e m e m b e r s c o n s t i t u t i n g t h e G y a s e o f e a c h o f t h e a b o v e h e a d s d e p e n d s o n t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e p a r t y
T he kin g‟ s creati on o f the G yasehene ‟ s and the Biremp onh ene‟s o ffices were to ensure the e fficient or gani zation o f the empire meetings and also the permanen t acknowled ge o ver t he dail y repo rts t h at were st udied an d re gistere d b y the Bi remponhene. These admi nist rative officers were t o interfere int o the Omanhene‟s military activities, too (especially the Mamponhene and the
Asum en yahene)( 2 4 ).
1 .2. The Military I nstitutio n
In 1732 , the fi rm or gani zation o f t h e Ashanti ‟s arm y in t he Central Di vi sion
and the creation o f new militar y com p anies in the Pro vin cial Divi sion were compulso r y for furthe r conque st s.
Insi de the centra l divi sion , the Ashanti arm y comp rised fi ve Office Hol ders (chosen within the Kumasi di vi sion s) who were trained to exe rcise their militar y prero gati ve s into wha t was called the Abontendom group . The Abontendom members were fi ve members k nown as the Abonte n hene (the chie f o f the arm y), the Ni fahene (the chie f o f the ri ght win g o f the arm y), the Benkumhe ne ( the chie f o f the le ft win g) , the Kydom hene (the chief o f the reargua rd) and fina ll y the Kontirehen e known as t he Bantam ahene who led the ar m y durin g the Asant ehene‟s ab sence ( he could be replaced also b y t he Akwamuhene )( 2 5 ).
In times o f wa r, the Abonten dom members led the Ashanti troops that were mobilized for a full militar y a ssi stance. Helped b y the con fe d erated Omanhene an d the local c hie fs, the Abo ntendom members u sed to p repare t he A k a n a n d n o n -A k a n p r o v i n c i a l p e o p l e w h o s e e n g a g e m e n t w a s o f g r e a t i m p o r t a n c e i n the Asha nti arm y. The pr o vincial people had t o assi st the militar y Asha nti campaign s to subd ue their nei ghb ours. The militar y a ssi stance o f the De nki yra and Ak wamu people, for in stance, amon g the Ashanti mi litar y force s was o f a great importance in
c o n c e r n e d . Th a t i s t o s a y, t h e n u m b e r o f t h e m e m b e r s o f t h e G ya s e a t t a c h e d t o t h e O h e n e s h o u s e h o l d i s b y f a r f e w e r t h a n t h a t a t t a c h e d t o t h e O m a n h e n e h o u s e h o l d ” . I . W i l k s , Fo r e s t s o f G o l d : E s s a ys o n t h e A k a n a n d t h e K i n g d o m o f A s a n t e , o p . c i t , p . 1 0 0 .
(24) “ The Bono Bi re mpo nhene le arn t re adin g and wri tin g fro m the Mu sli ms of the north (as th e y w e r e c a p t i v e s o f t h e B o n o k i n g ) a n d t a u g h t t h e A s h a n t i a d m i n i s t r a t o r s t h e a r t o f w r i t i n g a n d r e g i s t e r i n g t h e i m p o r t a n t e v e n t s t h a t c a m e t o t h e c o u r t ” . E . T e r r a y, o p . c i t , p . 3 2 7 .
( 2 5 ) R . C o r n e v i n , H i s t o i r e d e s p e u p l e s d e l ‟ A f r i q u e N o i r e , Fr a n c e : E d i t i o n B e r g e r L e v e r A u l t , P a r i s , T r o i s i è m e E d i t i o n , 1 9 6 3 , p 4 3 7 . A n d E . T e r r a y, “ C o n t r i b u t i o n à u n e E t u d e d e l ‟ A r m é e Asant e”, Cahi e rs d‟Etude s Africa ines , 61-62, V: X V I (1 -2), pp.104 -105.
the conquest o f the neighbou rin g people such as Nzi ma, Wa ssa, Ewe, Ga… who assi sted, i n their turn , the Ashanti t roop s fo r furt her in va sion s( 2 6 ).
Thi s Abontend o m‟s command o ve r pro vincial militar y assi stance wa s to strengthen the Ashanti‟s army by preparing the states of the empire, willy-nilly, in supp ortin g the Asante hene to spread his co ntrol o ve r rebellio us people.
Out side the C entral Di vi sion , the Asa ntehene and t he six Omanhe ne establishe d their own militar y in stitution in the Pro vi ncial Di vi sion th rou gh their headship o f se ven ne w per sonal militar y companies k nown a s Fekuo. Each Fekuo compan y con si sted o f di fferent militar y tro ops who se member s were trained o fficer s and sol diers ch osen amon g the war -cap tive s and amon g th e Omanhene‟ s own subjects an d ser va nt s( 2 7 ) (who were bro u ght or le ft as sla ves b y an a rm y chie f or b y a deceased local c hief).
Each company functioned as the local Omanhene‟s personal guard. Its members had to maint ain local securit y in e ach Aman. The y pr ot ected the Omanhene fr om an y rebellio n a nd esta blished re spec t and o rder. In times o f war a nd militar y con flicts, the Feku o troop s were traine d to execute missi o ns and o rder. The y secured also the conquered people‟s submission to a complete military assistance that was o f a great i mportance in times o f war. The militar y a ssi stance o f the Bono people for example besides the Ashanti‟s army officers had a major contribution in the Ashanti‟s expansion northwards for the control over the northern Gonja and Da gomba pe ople( 2 8 ).
( 2 6 ) T h e A s a n t e h e n e w a s a l s o a s s i s t e d b y t h e B o n o p e o p l e t o c o n f i s c a t e l e g a l l y s o m e o f t h e Omanhen e‟s vi lla ges. A s T.C. McCas kie st at ed: “ The As ant ehene Apoku Wa re w as gi ven th e j uridica l ri ght for the c onfiscat ion on some O manhene‟s t erri tories ma i nl y th e Ma mponhene‟s o n e s . In d e e d , s o m e v i l l a g e s s i t u a t e d i n t h e N o r t h o f t h e M a m p o n s t a t e ( c a l l e d A s o n o m a s o , N a n t a n a n d S a f o ) w e r e l e g a l l y c o n f i s c a t e d b y t h e e s t a b l i s h e d l a w w h i c h s t a t e d t h a t n o o n e o f a r e s p e c t e d r o ya l f a m i l y s h o u l d b e i n s u l t e d b y h i s n a m e . Th i s w a s w h a t a m e m b e r o f t h e M a m p o n c l a n ( t h e Tan a c lan ) mad e b y insu ltin g th e A sant ehen e‟s name and thus th e Ma mp onhene w as o rde red to comp ensa te hi s so ve re i gn ”.
T.C. McC as ki e, “ Ah yia mu : A pla ce of Me etin g. A n essa y on P roc ess and Event in the Histo r y of the A sant e S tat e”, Journ a l of Afri can His tor y , V2 5, 1984, p .125.
( 2 7 ) “ T h e m e m b e r s o f t h e c o m p a n i e s c o n s i s t e d o f c a p t i v e s , h e ( t h a t i s , O . T u t u ) h a d t a k e n i n t h e wa r fro m B anda, Be re ku m, A kw a mu, D en kyi ra and Dogma.” R.S.R at tra y, o p. cit, pp .94-95.
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