LANGUAGE IN ALGERIA : THE CONTINUING PROBLEM.
b y
AHMED DJABRI.
This Dissertation is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of M.Ed. of the University of Wales.
August, 1981.
TO MY FATHER AND MY DEAR MOTHER.
independent investigation except where I have indicated indebtedness to other sources.
I further declare that this work has not been submitted, in substance for any other degree or qualification and is not submitted concurrently for any other degree.
SUPERVISOR. CANDIDATE.
Dr. S. Delamont. Ahmed Djabri.
LANGUAGE IN ALGERIA:
THE CONTINUING PROBLEM.
LIST OF CONTENTS.
Page No.
I. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 1.
II. ABSTRACT 4.
III. LIST OF TABLES 7.
IV. LIST OF FIGURES 8.
V. GLOSSARY 9.
CHAPTER ONE: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF ALGERIAN SOCIETY. 14.
1.1 From Antiquity to the Seventh Century A.D. 15.
1.2 The Middle Ages from the Seventh to the
Fifteenth Century. 16.
1.3_ Algeria under the Turks, from the Sixteenth
to the Nineteenth Century. 17.
1.4 Social and Cultural Appraisal of Algeria
before 1830. 19.
1.5 The Algerian Education System before the
French Invasion of 1830. 24.
CHAPTER TWO: FRENCH CULTURAL-LANGUAGE POLICIES AND THE ALGERIAN
RESISTANCE. 30.
2.1 Challenges to the Islamic Culture and Arabic
as a means to impose French Culture and Language.32.
2.2 The Destruction of the Algerian Education System and the Implementing of the French System.
38.
2.3 The French Differentiating Language
Policy towards Algerians. 50.
2.4 The Algerian Request for Education. 55.
2.5 The Algerian Cultural Resistance. 60.
CHAPTER THREE: ALGERIAN CULTURAL-LANGUAGE POLICIES AFTER 1962. 73.
3.1 The Algerian Cultural and Linguistic Problems
Inherited from the Colonial Period. 74.
3.2 Some Aspects of Cultural Conflicts. 83.
3.3 Language and Literacy Efforts in Algeria. 90.
3.4 Equality of Opportunities in Education. 101.
3.5 Arabisation. 109.
CONCLUSIONS. 124.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. 127.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.
I am deeply indebted to my supervisor Dr. Sara Delamont, who guided this study with patience and understanding, and offered valuable advice, criticism and encouragement throughout the writing of this Dissertation.
I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to the Algerian Government whose encouragement and financial support have sustained me during my course here in Britain.
•
Finally, I wish to express my appreciation to Mrs.
Lindsey Nicholas for her secretarial assistance in assembling and typing this work.
3.
ABSTRACT.
ABSTRACT.
It is customary to say that most nations are multilingual, and the nation which can say, truly, that its citizens are united in
speaking only one language is unusual. The existence of more than one language in a nation does not by itself impose a problem, but the
favouring of one language at the expense of another, especially if this language is that of the colonial power / or of a small social group is a major issue. On the other hand the official use of more than one
language is perceived as a handicap to the country's economic and social progress. Obviously, government's decisions about language use is of great importance to the country's future development and stability.
The language problems in developing nations differ largely in degree rather than in kind from those developed nations. _This is because the latter nations have,by and large,based their political modernization and national development on fairly homogeneous language communities. In the case of developing nations (Algeria is one), their development is at an earlier stage. The problems and processes of adopting one single language are more acute in such nations.
[In Algeria after almost two decades of national rule, the
repreplacement French by Arabic, in administration, economic activities and as 4 medium of instruction in all levels of education, still remains the central issue. of the Algerian Government. French still enjoys an extremely high position, and it is essential to anyone wishing to win the high social and economic occupations.
5.
The purpose of this Dissertation is to analyse some
colcoloniald post-colonial language policies which have guaranteed the potion of French and have made language in Algeria a continuing problem.
Chapter One outlines briefly the general historical background of Algeria. It shows how the Algerians have adopted Arabic as a
national language, and describes the socio-linguistic and cultural situation in 1830.
Chapter Two consists of two parts, the first discusses the French efforts in making "French" the dominant language in the country. It
includes the destruction of the Algerian educational system, the removal of "Arabic" from its legitimate position and its ultimate consideration as a foreign language. The second part is concerned with the analysis of the Algerian cultural and linguistic resistance and how the French
reacted to it.
The-last Chapter deals with the major cultural and linguistic problems inherited from the French period. It discusses some of the cultural conflicts among the Algerian elite during the French
occupation and the first few years of independence. The Chapter also provides an examination for the three educational priorities (literacy, expansion of education and Arabisation) with regards to their
limitations and deficiencies. Particular attention is paid to the Arabisation policy efforts and their outcomes.
Finally, the findings of this study are stated in the conclusions.
LIST OF TABLES.
1. THE ASSIDUITY AND ABSENTEEISM OF ALGERIAN PUPILS IN THE ECOLE RUE PORTE NEUVE, ALGIERS, 1849-1850.
2. PROPORTION OF YEARLY APPROPRIATIONS ALLOCATED TO SCHOOLS' CONSTRUCTION (MILLION OF FRANCS).
3. THE PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF 'EUROPEANS' AND ALGERIANS IN EACH PROFESSIONAL CATEGORY IN 1954.
4. THE ESTIMATED LITERACY OBJECTIVES AND ACHIEVEMENTS FOR THE QUADRENNIAL PLAN (1970-73).
7.
LIST OF FIGURES.
Figure 1. THE PRINCIPLE BERBER SPEAKING ZONES.
9.
GLOSSARY.
GLOSSARY.
Algerian Arabic Dialect.
Baccalaureat.
Berber Dialect.
This concept is used here, in this Dissertation, to refer to the spoken language used mostly by Algerian
society (except, a small portion of the "
Berberphones" mostly old persons who have little contact with Arab speakers.) The Algerian Arabic dialect is not written under normal circumstances, although
French colonial policy sometimes Attempted this in order to avoid
classical Arabic. Charles F. Gallagher ( 1968).
Baccalaureate, a French and Algerian school leaving examination equivalent to "A" level certificate.
It is the mother tongue of the original inhabitants of North Africa. (Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia). The term used here to refer to the spoken language by small Algerian minority occasionally but rarely as in
'Kabyle'.
It is not used in school or in any officialorganisation except in Radio. Berber dialect has regional variant, for instance, Kabyle dialect is not
entirely identical to Mozabit dialect.
Certificat d'etudes primaire.A French examination equivalent to "0"
level certificate.
Ecoles Arabes Francaises. French schools specialised for Algerian children, established by the French during their occupation of Algeria..
Named Ecoles Arabes Francaises to distinguish it from the Schools of the colonists.
Fundamental schools. Called also polytechnic school, is a new and experimental type of school, founded in Algeria in 1975. It is stated that Arabic is the main language of the school curriculum. This school is
considered to be as binding together what is taught in school and all industrial
and agricultural activities, training the pupils how to cope with the manual work. The pupils in these schools remain until the age of sixteen.
F.L.N. Front de liberation Nationale. (National Liberation Front.) Algerian independence movement formed in 1954. Since 1962 the official and legal political party in independent Algeria's single party State.
Language.
L'enseignement Arabe Libre.
The term has been used throughout this Dissertation to refer either to the French language or Arabic. They are the languages employed in schools economic, and social administration.
(The Free Arab schooling) called also private education to distinguish it from the French education system. It is of three types: (1) primary Koranic schools where the young Muslim
Algerian learns little other than to recite the Koran and to read and write Arabic and sometimes French, (2)
primary schools and (3) some secondary modern schools run by the 'Society Reformist Ulema". 'Such schools were established by Muslim Ulema, given Free modern schools as an alternative to those operated for many years by the French in cities and villages throughout the country, to receive interest in Arabic language and culture". (Nelson, 1979, p. 41).
Marabout. In North Africa, a holy man, often a
sofi Mystic, and teacher venerated locally in rural areas and believed to be touched by divine grace, or baraka (quality of blessedness or grace found mainly in Marabout) which sometimes conferred the right to rule. Frequently called upon to arbitrate tribal disputes, the
Marabout was not usually a member of the Ulema.
.M'sids (sing. Msid).
Reformist Ulama.
Ribat (pl. Ribatat)
Ulama, (sing. Alim).
An Islamic type of educational institution for elementary and post elementary school for learning the Koran, the traditions of the prophet Mohammed and the literature of Islam in addition to Fikh (knowledge of jurisprudence) and the three R's. Medrasa is for children between the ages of five to sixteen.
Or Mosque school run in almost all Algerian towns by religious scholars in the Islamic field of learning, such as Arabic grammar, theology.
Is a Muslin political movement established in 1930 by the leadership of Ben Badis.
The Reformist Ulema organised the Algerian Muslim Alema (Association des Ulema
Musulmans Algerien) emphasising both the Arab and Islamic character of Algeria.
They are institutions established along the political boarders for teaching the Koran, Arabic and military training for adult Muslims. One of the major
functions of the learners is to defend the country.
Collective term of Muslim religious scholars learned in the Koran and responsible for interpreting and elaborating on the Sharia (
traditional code of Islam law baste on the Koran and drawn from the saying of prophet Mohammed) derived from Arabic verb alama (to know).
Medrasa (pl. Medaris) Medrasas Eng.
Wali. Chief executive (governor) and
representative of central government in the Wilaya.
Wilaya (pl. Wilayat.) Province, sometimes translated as governorate.
13.
Zaouia (pl. Zaouya.) Centre for Soofi (Muslim devotee) especially old people. The Zaouia is devoted to Islamic education alongside prayers and phakatic particular ways of Islamic explanation.
CHAPTER ONE.
(HISTORICAL BACKGROUND'OF ALGERIAN SOCIETY.)
FROM ANTIQUITY TO THE SEVENTH CENTURY A.D.
THE MIDDLE AGES, FROM THE SEVENTH TO THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
1.3 ALGERIA UNDER THE TURKS, FROM THE SIXTEENTH TO THE NINETEENTH CENTURY.
1.4 SOCIAL AND CULTURAL APPRAISAL OF ALGERIA BEFORE 1830.
1.5 THE ALGERIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM BEFORE THE FRENCH INVASION OF 1830.
CHAPTER ONE.
Historiai Background of Algerian Society:
This part of the Dissertation deals with the crucial period in the history of Algeria. It is an attempt to give a brief account of the unrest in Algerian society before the 18th - 19th. centuries, and the discontinuity. of their culture, for many reasons, essentially the successive military invasions (Phoenicians, Numidian, Romans...) to this part of the world. Also it shows how the original population adopted Arabic as a national language.
1.1 From Antiquity to the seventh Century A.D.
Due to the absence of archaeological studies, the
prehistorical period of Algeria remains unknown. However the common belief among historians is that the Berbers were the first population who lived in North Africa, even before the Phoenicians landed in this area in the year 1200 B.C. According to Humbaraci (1966):
The Berbers, apparently, are one of the oldest races in the world, no one seems able to trace their origins.
Humbaraci Arsalan (1966, p. 12).
From the twelfth century B.C. the Phoenicians used ports on the Algerian coasts Annaba, Skikda, which were among other ports of call, Collo and Algiers. These cities were unique in that everywhere else the population was in villages or nomadic. After the overthrow of Carthage in 146 B.C.
the Romans formed a province of Africa corresponding more or less to 15.
present day Tunisia. Simultaneously a Numidian Kingdom controlled by the greater Berber chiefs Massinissa and Jugurtha for the first time constituted a united and independent realm corresponding to modern Algeria.
In spite of the spread of the Romans on the whole country, tribal Berbers continued their separate existence in the high plateau of the South West even in the Roman Empire's greatest days. The
Berbers showed their rejection of the Romans' authority, sometimes in the form of revolts and sometimes by tribal incursions.
Unfortunately there are no documents which show to what extent Roman culture or language has effected the local population or survived them. Therefore it is possible to say that there was not much lasting impact from the Romans during all the period of their settlement in Algeria, apart from few traces of their cities such as: Thievest
(Tebessa), Tiaret, Lambez, Jamila and Cherchell.
1.2 The Middle Ages, from the seventh to the fifteenth Century:
From the seventh to the fifteenth century Algeria was no longer a separate land and its geographical name in Arabic was Al—maghreb El—awsat or Middle west. It was the central position of the Maghreb or Arab west.
The maghreb was at that time a great rural region, with little in the way of towns, inhabited by Nomadic shepherds in the west and by
peasants either settled or semi-Nomadic in the East.
The names of the two big Berber groups had survived: the Zenata who were nomadic, except in the Aures and the Sanhaja who were mainly settled except for the notable exception of the AZ—
moravids
by the middle of the seventh century.It is important to mention that Berbers had resisted even to the Arab
Fatihin
(conqueror). The first centre of resistance was in theregion of Tlemcen not far from the Moroccan border. The next place was near Biskra the entrance of the Algerian sahara where the Arab
conqueror
Okba Ibn-nafaa
died fighting for the major cause of spreading Islam religion among Algerian people. The natural fortress formed by the Aures mountains held out for three years under a legendary Queen known asEZ—kahina
in the original Berber. There is no doubt that her defeat involved submission and the loss of independence. Havingsubmitted the Berbers accepted Islam as a religion and Arabic as a language. As far as language is concerned, the impact of Arab conquest is to be discussed in the last two sections of this Chapter.
1.3 Algeria under the Turks, from the sixteenth to the nineteenth Century:
Although there were three centuries of Turkish domination in Algeria, very little attention is given by historians either to their influence on the language of the local people or those who immigrated from the Middle East. However, two important events are noticeable
17.
in the Turkish period. It was then that Algeria received its present frontiers, and it was also a time of fusion of the Berber and Arab elements of the population. Nonetheless, on the basis of impressions rather than detailed data, it is worth arguing that there was only a certain hesitancy associated with economic relations between Arabs and various Berber groups, and there was no sharp sort of barriers of interaction associated with marriage between members of each group.
There were only small groups of Turkish and their activities
were concentrated on the political side, however all important administrative positions were occupied by the Turkish and only a few positions were left to the Algerians. The Turkish dominated as well most of the Algerian land owned by wealthy Turkish people. (Vatin, J.C. 1974).
According to some historians the domination of Turkish in Algeria was the result of the Algerians asking for help against Spain from the Turkish government in Istanbul. The reason that Algeria at that time (sixteenth century) was occupied by the Spaniards; who settled along the coast, particularly in the Algerian cities Oran, Algiers and Bougie. Whereas El-Madani, T., (1969), has pointed out that the Turkish arrival in Algeria was not the result of the Istanbul plan, but it was an act of some private enterprise such as the Barbarossa brothers army and Kheir Edin who defeated the Spaniards many times in the Mediterranean sea.
1.4 Social and cultural appraisal of Algeria before 1830.
Although there have been Berbers throughout the Arab world from Morocco in the West to South Yemen in the Machrek (East), the term Berber is associated with the tribes who lived in North Africa (Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia). The Roman name for this population was Barbari from which is derived the European name Berbers and the Arabic names Berberi (sing) and Baraber (plural). The major Berber groups of Algeria are first the Shawiyas of the Aures range South of Constantine and Tebessa in the East.
They constitute the majority of the Algerian Berbers, concentrated more in the rural areas. The Kabyles are the second largest group surrounding Algiers city. In earlier times they lived in the Djardjura mountains East of Algiers. The Mozabites of the Northern part of the Sahara and the Twarege of the Southern Hoggar mountains have clearly definable
characteristics, but both exist in small numbers. In the hills North of the Chelief and some parts of the tell, Berbers live in villages among the sedentary Arabs, not sharply distinguished in the way of life from the Arabic speakers but only very few have maintained their own Berber dialect.
Throughout the history of the Berbers, there are no written documents about their own culture before the Islamic conquerors
(Fatihin). This is due to the political and social factors among them such as the unrest of the national kingdoms, and the fact they concentrated on economic activities. Moreover there has been a continuous process of colonialisation such as Numidian Kingdom, Romans, Vendales, Pyzantine, Turks and French. (El-Ibrahimi, A.T., 1972).
19.
There is a common belief among some French historians that all Berbers share the same dialect, but this is not always true throughout the Berber Zones. In fact the closest Berber dialects are those of the Shawiyas and to some extent the Mozabites Berber. The latter groups had a close relationship between its members and had little exchange with other tribes. It was only after the Algerian independence in 1962 when the Mozabites started to open themselves socially and culturally. The reason is that the Mozabites are
considered to be Kharidjistes Muslims. They had adopted this doctrine against the Shia and Sunni. In matters of Islamic religion Mozabites had never been too difficult to convert, however, the original and immediate cause of their disagreement with the Shia and Sunni was the fundamentalist belief that all Muslims were equal, and that the office of Shaikh el-islam or Caliph, or imam should be elected and not a hereditary one. Nelson, H.D. (1978) said:
Although they had affinities with the Shia, the Berber Kharidjites (seceders; literally, "those who emerge from impropriety") proclaimed in
opposition both to them and to the Sunni that any suitable Muslim candidate could be elected Caliph without regard to his race, station, or descent from the Prophet.
(Nelson, H.D., 1978, p. 15).
In order to maintain their solidarity the Mozabites are still to be linked to the specific social and judicial structures (i.e. no Mozabite woman is ever allowed to leave the Mzab, no Mozabite woman is found in other places). They have preserved the extended family structure. Like the Kabyles (Algeria) and the Djerbans (Tunisia), the Mozabites have a quasi-monopoly of the grocery trade in most Northern cities of Algeria.
There have been speculations on the reasons for these phenomena.
It seems difficult to attribute them to some special "vocatio
these are important phenomena for sociologist, psychologist and
anthropologist to carry their own investigations (Gellner and Micaud, 1973).
As far as language is concerned, before the Islamic conquest (Fath), the Berber was the dominant dialect of the Algerian population.
It was in the eight century when Islam started to spread in the country and Arabic as a language went hand in hand within the Algerian belief.
This strong desire to accept both Islam and Arabic was due to the benefits which Islam brought with it, such as freedom and social justice and progress.
(F.L.N., 1964).
According to the well known historian Aberrahmane Ibn Khaldoun, who lived in the fourteenth century, it was only in the fifth century that Arabisation has had a new trend in the Algerian history. He said that the migration of the two Arabic tribes, Beni Hilnialal Bani Salim
have played a great part in implementing the Arabic language in North Africa.
If these two tribes had not emigrated to the Maghrib, the Arabic language would not have any impact in the region and we cannot hypothize that Arabic would exceed its limited boundaries and cannot be one day the Algerian everyday language and the language of the market.
(Morthad Abdelmalek, 1970, p. 36).
Moreover, it is important to add that the Algerian Berbers have adopted a
self
—
Arabisation method as Meziane, A. (1974) has used this term for the first time. The case of the Snouci Berber tribe is a typical example21.
who had adopted this method more than any other Berber group. This particular Berber group were concentrated in the Sibdou Area and in the mountains surrounding Tlemcen City. They taught principles of Islam to their children as well as to some Arab tribes surrounding them. This was the most fascinating contribution of Snouci to the spread of Arabic in the area. Thus they have changed completely from the use of Berber dialect to the Arabic language.
There are still a very old people who know this dialect (Berber) and they refuse either to speak or teach it to their children, because they see it as a dialect which has gone with the emergence of the liberation revolution.
(Meziane Abdelmadjid, 1974, p. 8).
Similar changes are noticeable in the Berbers of Beni—Ifren and its
neighbours who were settling around the same city Tlemcen. These changes in the attitudes of these particular Berber groups were resulted of
their mixture with other neighbours such as Bani
Hadhil
and OuledHilal
Arabicspeakers. Perhaps in the case of the Berbers of the East of the country, Shawiyas differs to some extent in the process of Arabisation by a slow pace especially in rural areas. However, even this group of Berber has exceeded the percentage of Arabisation that the Kabyles have attained.
This success of Arabisation is due to two important reasons:
(i) geographically, Shawiyas are more open than the Kabyles to Arab speakers either those who emigrated from Middle East or to the Arab neighbours such as Tunisian in the North and Lybians in the South.
(ii) The Shawiyas were more dispersed than the Kabyles and had had economic interests with their neighbours, especially trading.
Furthermore, the delay of Arabisation in North Africa in general
has in fact many other aspects. For instance, Morthad, A. ( 1970), said:
..in the early age when the Arab conquerors came to North Africa their intention was not to spread Arabic but their goal was purely religious and to inform people of North Africa of the principles of Islam. Therefore at this stage, Islam as well as Arabic had little effect on the Algerian
population because the efforts which had been
made were not scientifically planned, and no Mosque was built at earlier age of Arab conquest.
As a consequence of this grave mistake, it had some effect on the region, such as the resistance of the Berbers to Muslim conquerors or missionaries and some of them have hesitated to take Islam for the first time as a postilate idea. In fact Algerian ambitions were further advanced at the time of 'Mosques' and 'Medrasas' colleges were built up in the country.
(Morthad, A., 1970, p. 36).
From that time (the middle of the eight century) the Algerian population were fully conscious of the meanings of Islam and acknowledged the
importance of studying Arabic because it is the language of the Koran and Haddith (the sayings of the prophet Mohamed).
It was at this point that Algeria became part of the Islamic world and their adoption of Arabic as a National language facilitated contacts with the Arab conquerors, and thus they fostered a very real sense of cultural continuity, in an environment in which this end, would hardly be attained by any enforcement.
On the other hand, the Turks' influence on the culture of the country was equally profound. There are still today many buildings, mainly Mosques (such as Algiers' new mosque and many mosques in Tlemcen) that are Turkish in style. Many Turkish palaces and houses survive,
23.
particularly in Algiers. There is also a Turkish strain detectable in Algerian music, the basic character of which reflects both the
Andalusian tradition and the purer Arab music traceable to the Abasid styles of ninth and tenth century Baghdad.
1.5 The Algerian Educational System before the French invasion of 1830.
Most accounts which have been written about this period, before the French invaded Algeria in 1830, emphasize the fact that education as well as culture were respectable in both Urban and Rural areas.
Algeria had an independent educational system out of the Turkish administration, relying on the Islamic revenues collected from the Algerian population. A quarter of this taxation went to primary education. It was estimated that 40% of the population have been awarded their qualification as literate from these Islamic institutions.
It was obvious that Algerians were not illiterate as some of the French invaders have thought, and it was reported by one of the well known French General Daumas that:
The primary education was spread enough in the whole of the country, in a way which exceeded our imagination, and our relations with the local people in the three provinces (Constantine, Algiers, Oran) gave us evidence that the percentage of the males who have the knowledge of reading and writing - were at least equal to those in our countryside.
(Turin, Y., 1971, p. 127).
25.
Three types of educational institutions in Algeria had survived until 1830. The Mosques which have two functions on one hand regrouping Muslims for five time prayers in a day, on the other hand explaining and telling the main historical Muslim events. Algiers alone had in 1830 about 109 Mosques. At the top of these the big Mosque which was built in the middle of the eleventh century. (El-Mandi, E., 1972). Zaouias are Other cultural centres for Soofi (Muslim devotees) especially old people. Again the role of these institutions is devoted to Islamic education alongside prayers and fanatical ways of Islamic explanation.
For instance, "The Zaouia of Tidjania in Tlemcen, othmaniâ in
Constantine and Sidi Abderrahmane in small Kabyles (petit Kaby lie)". ( Torki, R.,1975, p. 17). The third type of educational institute was the Ribat established for Muslim youth which taught them principles of Islam and military training. These particular schools were set up in the frontiers and borders mainly in the West of the country. The other function of such institutions is to protect the country from foreign raids. The famous cities which had Ribats are Bougie, Miliana,
Cherchell, Tlemcen and Nadrouma. Classical Arabic as a part of the Islamic tradition was taught in all of these institutions, in the Koranic schools (Msids), at the most elementary level in colleges ( Medrasas).
Moreover, there were schools to every tribe and every district Medrasa (College). Similar to this there were from one thousand to two thousand pupils in every province; that means around six to nine thousand pupils. Whereas at the high level, there were around six to eight hundred students. (Morthad Abdelmalek, 1972).
The education given at that time (1830) was traditional for religious purposes, the schools were mainly Koranic the pupils
should learn the whole "Koran" by heart in order to be accepted at the secondary level in Medrasas (Colleges). Here the pupils would have other subjects such as the Arabic language, primary grammar, moral education Tafsir explanation of "Koran".
Although Islamic scholarship was in a depressed state, various modern subjects were provided in Arabic at a high education level:
Cosmography, Arithmetic, Astronomy, "FIKH" knowledge of jurisprudence....
The following cities: Algiers, Tlemcen, Bougie, Constantine, Sidi Okba, Ghardaia, have occupied a great cultural position in the Algerian
history. They had a reputation in all the Muslim world, and some of them had a large number of students from neighbouring countries such as Tchad, Mali and Niger (El-Ibrahimi, A.T., 1971).
From what has been said, it appears that Algeria has preserved Arabo -Islamic culture and gave loyalty to the Arabic language for many centuries. She has never given up improving the Islamic heritage
culturally and linguistically. As far as language is concerned, it is worth mentioning that there were two spoken languages in Algeria, ( before the coming of the French to Algeria in 1830), Arabic by a significant proportion of the population, and Berber as a spoken language by few Berber groups who had limited contact with the former language. Berber was preserved among Berber groups who lived in the more rugged regions of Algeria, mostly in mountains and some rural areas, their Arabic dialect is influenced by Berber dialect. The Berber as a dialect varies from one region to another (see Figure 1).
FIGURE 1 : THE PRINCIPLE BERBER SPEAKING ZONES.
SOURCE: -BOURDIEU PIERRE (1974, p. 10)
1. CALLE 14. M'ZAB
2. ANNABA 15. TOUGGOURT
3. COLLO 16. TEBESSA
4. BOUGIE 17. CONSTANTINE
5. DELLYS 18. TIZI-OUZOU
6. ALGIERS 19. EL-OUED
7. MEDIA 20. BERRIANE
8. CHERCHELL 21. BATNA
9. TENES 10. TIARET 11. ORAN 12. TLEMCEN 13. ALARICHA
It is however, necessary to identify two varities of Arabic which are used for different specific purposes, one classical Arabic, and it is possible to identify it as a Mosque Arabic, it is the language of the Koran the classical literary variety of Arabic usually taught in schools (Medrasas); the other generally known as dialectal Arabic is the modern spoken form in every day use. The Arabic spoken by the Algerian population (it is a mixture of Arabic and local dialect) differs from that of the Middle East so the inhabitants of the two areas can
understand one another only with difficulty.
It should not be thought from what has been said that all the inhabitants of Algeria differ completely from those in other places of the Arab world in the way of educating their children or in the desire to
adopt'Arabic as a language of the home and the community. Moreoever, it is extremely difficult to distinguish what is purely Arabophone or
Berberphone either according to the language or thE: educational background because inside Berbers a large number of them have no problem speaking Arabic, or they were totally Arabised as in the case of some Berber groups mentioned earlier.
If this is the case of Algeria in 1830, it is possible to say that the Arabic language was a central issue in the struggle for
independence in Algeria. Now it is fruitful to look back, and to consider the policies which made it so, because in examining the policies and attitudes of the colonial period, it helps to explain the problems that
Algeria faced at independence where language is concerned.
29.
CHAPTER TWO.
FRENCH CULTURAL - LANGUAGE POLICIES AND THE ALGERIAN RESISTANCE.
2.1 CHALLENGES TO THE ISLAMIC CULTURE AND ARABIC AS A MEANS TO IMPOSE FRENCH CULTURE AND LANGUAGE.
2.2 THE DESTRUCTION OF THE ALGERIAN EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AND THE IMPLEMENTING OF THE FRENCH SYSTEM.
2.3 THE FRENCH DIFFERENTIATING LANGUAGE POLICY TOWARDS ALGERIANS.
2.4 THE ALGERIAN REQUEST FOR EDUCATION.
2.5 THE ALGERIAN CULTURAL RESISTANCE.
CHAPTER TWO.
FRENCH CULTURAL -'LANGUAGE POLICIES AND THE ALGERIAN. RESISTANCE.
From the previous Chapter it appears that by 1830 the Arabic language and Islam had come to present the strongest means of unifying Algerian population as well as strengthening the relationship of
Algeria with other Arab-Islamic countries. To perpetuate this the Algerian developed certain educational institutions. The two important ones were Medrasas (elementary and post-elementary schools for teaching the Koran and Arabic) and the Mosques (elementary schools and adult education). As far as language is concerned, such educational institutions helped to promote the use of Arabic among Algerian people who were less Arabised than those of the Middle East as explained earlier.
This Chapter is concerned primarily with the analysis of the French Language policies, and how the Algerian educational
institutions were effected by the colonial period. It is secondarily concerned with the ways the Algerians had responded to such policies during the French rule (1830-1962).
It is impossible to give details here about the various efforts made towards the imposition of French in Algeria, but some important French administrative policies, particularly the ways the French adopted in challenging the Algerian culture, and the introduction of
31 .
French system; of education would highlight the impacts of such efforts to divert the Algerians from their use of Arabic.
2.1 Challenges to the Islamic culture and Arabic as a means to to impose French culture and language.
When the French began their colonial adventure in Algeria in 1830, the position of Arabic and Islam, and the loyalty of the Algerians to both were clearly evident. Islam:in Algeria, as elsewhere in the Islamic world, is not merely a religion, it is a totally unifying way of life both religious and secular, a set of beliefs and a way of
worship, a vast and integrated system of law, a culture and a civilisation.
It is at this point that Algeria differs so much from France.
Thus, the French presence meant in principle to put an end to the Arabic culture, break the Algerians from their past. As far as language is concerned, the French presence meant to end the important roles which the Algerian educational institutions had played in
spreading the Arabic language among Algerian people, and to make French the official language.
Soon after their conquest of Algiers in 1830, the French showed their hostility to the Algerian culture by destroying some of the mosques and billeting about fifteen thousand soldiers in others, whereas relatively few military officers occupied the most
significant commercial localities. (Morthad, A., 1972)
3 3 .
The ostensible reason for such undertaking was to allow for the widening of streets as part of a new city plan "but the French hoped for ever to abolish the reality of the Urban Muslims by simply expelling them from their Universe" (Roger, M., and Wengraf, T., 1963, p. 19). •
Such expansion of the French settlements was strongly supported by the missionaries who launched their campaigns against Islam even before the arrival of the military, and recognised the invasion of North. Africa as the real challenge to Islam. It was the missionaries' task to shift the Algerians from Islam to Christianity. Thus instead of preserving the already explained features of Algeria, the French explicitly attempted to fulfil the presumed 'mission civilatrice' as part of their cynical pretence of civilizing the country by imposing the French language and culture.
For some French scholars, the impetus to conquer Algeria was the abolition of slavery, but in the view of the adviser of the French
Monarch, Charles X, the conquest of Algeria would also be of the - greatest benefit to Christendom (Jansen, G.H., 1977). This
proclamation was expressed also by the French general secretary of state in Algeria in 1832. He said:
In the twenty years period, there will not be in Algeria any God except 'Jesus' and if we have no doubt this country is owned by France, there is absolutely no doubt that Algeria has departed from Islam for ever.
(Ben-naamane, A., 1979, p. 124).
Whatever the explanations given for the expansion of French colonists in Algeria, the valid ones were commercial interests and the spread of French culture as will be seen in the following pages.
Therefore, it is not surprising that the Algerians resistance in its early stages was mainly directed by Algerian religious leaders.
For instance, there was the struggle of Abdelkadir from 1832 to 1841.
He was a leading member of the Qua diria order, that is, a holy man.
Thereafter followed the movements of 1864, led by Ouled Sidi Cheikh, and the 1971 Mokran revolution which rallied the landless peasants.
They moved into the occupied territories in great military force and were successful in presenting a real danger to the French authorities and the privileged Algerians who had previously sided with the French Government.
Patin, J.C., (1974) has described the resistance of Abdelkadir to the French invasion as being mainly characterized by the elitists' movement which was detached from the rest of the population. Such criticism of the Abdelkadir movement is probably true of the earlier period of the movement, because it was a combination of a small intellectual group in a limited area i.e. the west of the country.
Thereafter, once he proclaimed a holy war, it gained the support of all Agerians.
As far as language is concerned, the struggle undertaken by those religious leaders since Abdelkadir's revolt was based on the belief that
there is a strong cross-linkage of Arabic and Islam. Less Arabic means a weakening of religious practice or faith, and religious disbelief always means less Arabic. Therefore they intended to maintain the proper position of Arabic and Islam by their demand of France to maintain already existing Algerian values. Their
destruction however, was the main target of France in asserting its domination.
In order to achieve the objectives mentioned above, some of the French leaders were convinced from the beginning of the conquest that further procedures should be carried out (should not be limited to Algiers) and a series of military campaigns was undertaken to bring all of Algeria under French rule (Andrew, W., 1966).
The other method which the French adopted was the extensive settlement of the country by Europeans which would help to maintain their domination. As a consequence the settlers became an important political force. This had the effect intended by the Army of strength- ening the French grasp of Algeria. Thus, the migration of Europeans to Algeria was encouraged and it is estimated that between 1830 - 1861 the number of Europeans was around two hundred thousand and within ten years it has risen to three hundred thousand settlers. (Vatin, J.C., 1974).
These migrants were not all French: they included Spaniards, Italians, Maltese and Germans.
35.
Meanwhile, a policy of colonisation with widespread confiscation of land and transference to settler groups had been pushed forward. By 1860, much of the best land was in European hands.
"Before colonisation, land was usually owned by social groups such as extended family or a tribe(Heggoy, A., 1973, p. 182).
The European settlers became the dominant power in the land while the Algerian peasants who were removed from their land either migrated to the great cities to find jobs to keep their children alive, or remained in the countryside. Even the Algerian feudal lords who constituted a small minority became financially and politically dependent on the rich colonists and were easily disciplined through the wide European control over the flow of credits. (Roger, M., and Wengraf, T., 1963).
The maldistribution of the ownership of land is demonstrated by Ageron, C.R., (1968); between 1871 and 1919 almost one million acres (897000 hectors) were transferred to the settlers. He adds that the Algerians had by 1919 lost seven and a half million acres. Thus the colonial administration did not do away with exploitation in rural areas but reinforced the social stratification; a small minority of Europeans at the top of the hierarchy, and a large group of Algerians at a disadvantaged situation.
The main objective of such policy was to implement the French social, economic and judicial distance from the natives, to establish a caste system that would both instrumentalize and justify a perpetual
domination. Within this framework the French would have guaranteed means of moving Algerians for economic and cultural factors directed by the French themselves.
As far as language is directly concerned, the encouraging of European migrants and the displacement of the Algerians from their land were some of the attempts made by the French to assimilate or associate the Algerians to the French language and culture, because the simple co-existence of two different societies in one given area should have led to some interpenetration. This is obvious in the Algerians' use of some French words in their communication with each other even nowadays. (Even young children use this kind of language in their relationship and play with peers.) There is a common
assumption that the use of such particular (bilingualism) is more noticeable among Algerians living in urban areas, than those in the countryside. It is impossible to say how significant this difference is because of the limitation of research.
Such inclination of the Algerians to the use of French in their communication was developed even in the earliest stages of the French occupation. It was not only through direct contact in the districts with French speakers, however, that the local population had started to use some French words in their dialect, but it was also the influence of the French and their language in the administrative apparatus which made them so. For instance, the Algerian citizens living in cities found they ought to know French since theythey werewere jurijuridically requrequire to reporeport to localocal admiadministrators in theicial language. (French).
37.
From the analysis of the various forms of French policies applied in Algeria in earlier times of the occupation, it is clearly evident that there is a wide divergence between official declarations and reality in Algeria. In theory, the main policy was to 'civilise' the Algerians, and to overcome what is called 'slavery' but in practice such policies both helped the predominance of Europeans who settled in increasing number in Algeria, and kept the Algerians under tight
control causing suffering amongst them. The takeover of the Algerians' land by the French meant the increase of an unemployment problem which had bad effects on social and cultural activities such as the growth of illiteracy.
Moreover, many other different but complicating measures of obliging the Algerians to submit to French rule are noticeable in the Gallicizing of justice, particularly reducing the Islamic judicial system, the closing down of the Koranic schools and the introduction of French schools. All these procedures had their influencial impact on the Islamic culture and Arabic in Algeria, particularly the_French education system which is the central theme of the next section.
2.2 The destruction of the Algerian education system and the implementing of the French system.
In Algeria more than in other countries of North Africa, the French destroyed many of the educational institutions they found in 1830. Only the most elementary schools, which taught pupils how to read the Koran and little else survived in any number, whereas the
high level schools such as 'Madrasas' associated with the mosques and the schools of Zaouia' of the religious brotherhoods
virtually disappeared. (Deemer, L.R., 1972).
Thus the French had achieved one of their objectives by the transformation of the Algerian population: at least one generation was handicapped by not being educated in the Islamic way. This was obvious in the Report of the 1947 Commission in which the French congratulated themselves:
We laid hands upon those revenues. (those of religious foundations, the object of which is to meet charity needs or public education). We left schools to fall down,
disbanded seminaries. Around us the light was put out...
that means we rendered the Muslim society more (....) ignorant and more barbarian than it was before it knew us.
.
(Ageron, C.R., 1968, p. 316).
Besides these efforts to prevent the Arabic language and culture, and as long as language is concerned, there followed the most appalling
recidivism. Faithful to their interest, the representatives of the French applied a policy of suffocation of traditional literate culture whose conclusion was the statutory classification of Arabic as a foreign language.
Two factors help to explain this, firstly the belief of the French in this method as necessary to put the Algerian at a psychological
disadvantage, and to accept the French language superiority, secondly, to weaken the Algerian education by adding many financial difficulties which made it impossible for the Algerians to afford.
39.
However, the outcomes of the military invasion on the Algerian education system were twofold:- on the one hand, the decreasing number of schools and on the other hand the fall of student enrolment. For instance, as Turin, Y., (1971) expressed it, in ten years in Constantine alone, the number of students fell from six hundred to sixty and the number of Msids (Konanic schools) decreased from eighty-six to thirty- six.
As far as language is concerned, the instruction of Arabic in the few remaining mosques was restricted either by the French legislation or the 'Tolba' (teachers) were forced to teach the simplest, incritical Koranic study; that is reading and reciting the texts with no elaboration or discussion of meaning. Thus the ''Tolba' (teachers) lacked both the freedom and the economic means to do their job properly.
As a result many teachers had emigrated to remote areas of the country and those who showed their alliance and loyalty to French authority benefited from considerable facilities such as accommodation and health care. (Ageron, C.R., 1968).
In accordance with the 1904 Act, new instructions were made to Tolba' (teachers) and for the content of education, the Act emphasized the following points:
1. Traditional education should be limited for the Algerian children to memorizing the Koran.
2. No explanation or even teaching of those 'Ayats' which could encourage freedom from exploitation.
3. Teaching Islamic or Arabic history and Algerian geography were forbidden in the education programmes.
(Ministry of Education, 1973, p. 4.)
France naturally sought to ensure her colonial policy in Algeria which was an attempt to change the national culture by increasing the French language domination in the administrative and education sectors. The goal behind this policy was the complete transformation of the
Algerian population into French culture.
The colonists' policy in its most destructive aspects revealed in the supplanting of the Algerian values by the French culture, in order to maintain Algerian subordination through structural changes of pre-
colonial education and implicit challenges to the spirit and direction of this education. But the resistance of the Algerians to the antagonists'
advances made the application of the education a hard and a long struggle.
Not that the French were so generous in the construction of
schools, but rather for a long time the Algerians were completely ignored in the cultural field and the dispute was about the fundamental issue, i.
e. "How such educational weapons might be used depends on who controls it and at whom it is aimed". (Heggoy, ALF.,.A., 1973, p. 183).
It is well known that between 1830 - 1890 no effort was undertaken by the French for developing a new system of education, whereas the
traditional system was systematically declining as already mentioned.
Another reason for this delay is the debate of the French leaders over 41.
whether or not to give some opportunities of education for Algerian children or to leave them illiterate to facilate domination.
Therefore the Algerian educational system during the occupation was the subject of a political struggle between the colonian bourgeoisie in Algeria on the one hand, the French political regime in France and the different Algerian social classes on the other. (Benachenhou, A.,
1976) .
For the colonial bourgeoisie, the quality and the nature of education given to some privileged Algerians was a function of the needs of accumulating capital, namely to create a labour force qualified only for agricultural activities, with few other Algerian students oriented to training: against this, the colonists urged,the high costs of creating the schools for the local population. But according to Benachenhou, A., (1976) the French adopted this policy of depriving the Algerian children of schooling in both systems of education,-traditional and modern - in order to leave them in an unreflective situation and not to revolt against the French presence in Algeria. On the other side, the ideology of the politicians in Paris in the field of education was to give more opportunities to the Algerian
youth, to convert them to the myth of the
As far as language is concerned, over the period of the occupation of Algeria, the official attitudes towards the Arabic language became increasingly contradictory. Among the earlier policy makers De Neveu
'Ecole civilatrice'.
43.
considered that France's first duty was to teach French but to vanquish ignorance and in 1846 he wrote that Arabic should be used to spread modern culture (Hilal, A., 1980). These conflicting views led to the slow growth of schooling in the earlier period of the occupation, and only a few attempts can be mentioned here. For instance:
In 1833 they created a single school in Algiers with common studies in French language, writing, mathematics..
. open to both natives and Europeans.
(Collona, F., 1975, p. 16).
By 1836, the French had opened two schools "Ecoles Arabes Francaises"
(such schools were established only for Algerian children, with unqualified teachers) one in the capital, the other a year later in Annaba in the East of the country. But with the declaration of Algeria as part of the French territory in 1848 came a decision to take a firmer hold on the country, and in June 1849 a proposal recommending the increased spread of the French language was submitted. (EL-mahdi, E., 1972). It was enacted in 1850 by the setting up of "Eccles
Arabes Francaises" to train selected Algerian pupils for the minor posts in the colonial services which would be open to them according to their knowledge of the French language.
A few years later, in 1867, the French changed their attitude by obliging both the Algerians and the French to study each others' language, at least in primary education, but according to EL-ibrahimi, A.T. (1973), this position given to Arabic did not remain in force.
On the other hand, the French never had the will to impose a
united programme of schools for all children because they had no intention to implement the system which would at least respond to the desire of the Algerians. In fact the schools for the Algerian children were considered useless and given second best, whereas the native schools
"Les ecoles Arabes Francaises" which were a major part of French policy constituted a real threat to the traditional education.
Actually, there is no doubt about the insufficiency of the thirty-six schools which were built by the French and opened to the Algerian children between 1850 and 1870: they were inadequate to the growth of the Algerian demand for education.
French turned out to be the only language in all subjects in the curriculum, mostly in the French private schools created essentially for the children of European settlers. The use of Arabic in the
"Ecoles Arabes Francaises" (reserved to the Algerian children) was accepted by the French authorities only under pressure from the Algerian people.
Thus instruction in Arabic of some subjects in these schools was a political and cultural necessity, whilst a knowledge of French became necessary in order to gain access to the colonial bureaucracy. This is because the French language was imposed in the administrative system, in polite society, and in the mass media. It was the official language in the names of streets and localities. It is worth mentioning that Act number 849 sanctions the use of French in the courts of justice, and stipulates that all agreements should be made in French (Ben-naamane, A.
, 1979).
4 5 .
Clearly the French administration had decided to act so as to bring up some Algerian children, with a veneer of French language and culture and complete ignorance of their own language. There was the expectation that this kind of language policy would have the power to divert the Algerians from use of the Arabic language, and to empty to Koranic
schools, but the Algerians had resisted against all these efforts, turned to send their children to the remaining Arabic educational institutions and had developed an attitude of discouraging their children to go to French schools. The following reasons were the major factors which had accentuated the rejections of "Ecoles Arabes Francaises".
1. The French authorities insisted that these schools should be separated from the Koranic schools, which caused transport difficulties for poor children.
2. The failure to use the Arabic language and Islam religion in the curriculum.
3. The low wages which the Algerians earned prevented them from sending their children to French schools, and in addition, the French made no provision for grants, clothes or meals.
In fact it was the absenteeism of the Algerian children which aggravated the situation in these schools and caused the French to seek new solutions to ensure her stability. For instance, in Algiers in the Academic year 1849-1850, out of fifty-one students on the school roll, only twelve were attending their courses regularly. Most of the absent students were from poor families and were aged nine and ten. (Turin, Y., 1971).
TABLE 1.
THE ASSIDUITY AND ABSENTEEISM OF ALGERIAN PUPILS IN THE 'ECOLE RUE PORTE-NEUVE, ALGIERS, 1849 - 1850.
YEAR ASSIDUITY NUMBER OF MONTHS ATTENDED.
1849 - 1850 11 students 2 months.
6 " 3 "
8 " 4 "
6 " 5 "
4 6 "
5 " 8 "
7 11 9 II
5 01 "
5 11 "
12 21 "
Source: Turin, Y.,(1971, p. 257.)
47.
Table 1 shows clearly that very few Algerian children reacted positively to the French school. Taking into account that this school was situated in a poor district of Algiers, it is more likely that pupils who left school At an earlier age were poorer than their colleagues who attended their courses all the year. This implies that their material infirmity was not offset by any endowments of the French authorities.
After this policy of contradiction and experiment, which were the main features of the French schooling in Algeria, it was in 1883 that the French thought for the first time to perfect a system of education for the natives as laid down in the Act of 1881 and 1882.
(Hilal, A., 1980). Essentially however, organization of schools in Algeria did not see considerable changes Until the end of the Second World War. More important, the period between 1883 and 1898 put an end to the hesitation and the discontinuity of school experiences in Algeria and gave a hope to the Algerian children for education.
Thus this reform in French Algerian education and its
implementation hoped to permit native children throughout the country to be enrolled in primary education, because this level of education was determined in 1883 to be free, secular and compulsory with Arabic being used in the curriculum as a foreign language.
However, this initiative by the republicans was no more than to gain the support of the large numbers of Algerians who reacted strongly against the existence of the French rule as well as its type of education.
Therefore, the laws of 1850, 1881 and 1883 dealt with special education using a programme inferior to that offered in France and to the one provided to Europeans and even so it could not be enforced. (Collona, F.
, 1975). There were simply not enough classrooms or trained teachers.
Moreover, from the beginning the law of 1883 was more and more
identified with the French school at the programme level, which meant instruction in French history and ideology.
In theory, the Act of 1883 implied that every district in Algeria should open a school and use Arabic besides French, but in practice Arabic was prevented in primary education, and it was allowed only as a foreign language in the secondary education. On the other hand the
construction of schools was slow, and the shortage of teachers meant that the policy of setting up schools in every district failed. (Ageron, C.R., 1968). Therefore, French education was limited to a few Algerian children to convert them to respectable knowledge of French language and culture, and the neglect of their national language. Even the few available
schools to the Algerians were isolated and located only in the district allowed by an order from the Government. This situation which led Heggoy, ALF. A., to say:
On the other level and until France was to abandon her domination of Algeria, the French never built enough schools to educate more than a small minority of school age children.
(Heggoy, ALF. A., 1973, p. 180).
Alongside this policy of educating an "Algerian elite" agricultural and vocational training made available in the primary, secondary and higher
49.
levels in Algeria, but, like the general education, this type of education was made primarily to Europeans. In the agricultural field the facilities were particularly inadequate for a population that is over eighty per cent rural. All these efforts were parts of the
general French policy of 'civilizing mission' launched in the earlier period of the occupation, and which was reinforced after the Second World War; the French encouraged the natives to have French
nationality, by creating the 'civic status', as a means of Gallicizing the social milieu. But the Algerians resisted both French education and assimilation. This is clear from the lack of attendance at French schools; for instance in 1899 the French reported, "absenteeism of eighteen per cent in Algiers, fifty-eight per cent in Constantine region, twenty-five per cent in Oran,"and we have to wait until 1918 to obtain a general attendance of forty-eight per cent of the Algerian children and the year 1923 to exceed ninety per cent. (As a result of the Algerians' request for education which will be discussed in the following pages.) (Turin, Y., 1971, p. 259).
Moreover, the new laws of 1883, 1890 and 1898 had represented a great danger to the Algerian education, they went so deeply against the Ecoles Arabes Francaises. In the meantime, the application of these new laws was a necessity for enhancing the role of French Medsasas which were opened by Urbain in 1848, intending to reorganize the traditional schools, not for innovations, or the introduction of new methods of teaching and sciences, but to weaken the traditional system of education.
However, administrative needs obliged the French authorities to
create these "Medrasas". The aim was to train a few Algerians as officials in order to overcome the problem of legal cases between Algerians. The French thought such Medrasas would compete with the few Muslim institutions left (Medrasas, Ribats, Mosques); because they preserved the teaching of Islamic religion and Arabic. In fact, such Medrasas'functioned badly. The causes and the failure of these 'Medrasas' can be summarized in the following:
1. The candidates were very few.
2. The external pupils were from poor social backgrounds.
3. Small number of pupils were given grants.
4. The broader 'Medrasas' were introduced only after the finishing return of such experiments and,
5. More important was the abuse of using French in 'Medrasas' curriculum and teaching Arabic texts by using the French alphabets.
6. The standard of teaching training was declining rapidly.
So far as language is concerned, the foundation of French Medrasas, apart from the negative reaction of the Algerians to them, was not intended to achieve an Arabising policy: this is obvious from the reduction in the number of Arabic subjects and a considerable increase of French literature and science subjects. Another factor which led to the failure of these 'Medrasas' (designed by the French for the
Algerians and some European settlers) was their allocation in some cities of Norther Algeria: Tizi-ouzon, Algiers, Oran and Tlemcen.
2.3 The French differentiating language policy towards Algerians.
In order to achieve the control of Algeria, the French had
51.
adopted the policy of "Divide and Rule" among Algerians. They thought that the Arabic language was the main factor in spreading Islam among Algerians. Therefore most of their efforts were focussed on
separating the Berbers linguistically and socially from the rest of the Algerians, and hence to make them develop outside the framework of Islam in every aspect. David, G. (1966) said: "In Algeria, (as in Morocco), French authorities tried at times, ultimately in vain, to set Berber against Arab, favouring the former". For instance, in an attempt to isolate the "Kabyles" a particular Franco—Berber school system was set up. Speaking the Arabic language was prohibited in Kabyle areas, whereas the French language and the Berber
dialect
were allowed and encouraged. The Berber tolbas (teachers) were not allowed to travel to any other part of Algeria unless-they had a permit from the French authorities to do so. Whereas their migration to France wasencouraged, it was estimated that the proportion of Berbers to Arabs was six to four. The Kabyles were the most exposed Berber group to the French policy of assimilation and school experiences. Thus at the end of 1888 the French build seventy-five schools, half of which were situated in Kabyles areas.
Such schools were brought under official control, given grants- in-aid, but required to use French as the only medium of instruction (but for the Kabyles — Berber
dialect
was allowed.) This system of educationbenefited only a small proportion of the Algerian children. A report prepared by the Algerian Academy for the Ministry of Education showed that in 1889, 10,357 Algerian children were either in State primary
schools or in private and infant schools out of 535,389 Algerian children of school age. (Andrew, W., 1966).
Although the missionary schools were also permitted, not much was done to push the missionary cause until the arrival of Archbishop LaveLevegerieo became Archbishop of Algiers in 1867. Twenty years later he was named Primate of Africa, surely the largest see ever conferred on any clergyman. He stated quite clearly what his aims were:
Algeria is the open port of entry to a barbaric continent with two hundred million inhabitants... In his province God now allows France the opportunity to make of Algeria the cradle of a great and Christian nation.
(NaceLaceur, 1979, p. 359).
Conversion to ChriChristianity said, was the only way the Algerians would be converted from barbarism, and was therefore the only 'human policy' the French government could allow in Algeria. (Collona, F., 1975).
Thus, under compulsion by Lavegerie, some Mosques were converted into churches, extensive financial assistance was given by the French authorities and numerous priests were brought in to carry on the missionary task. Lavegerie also founded the famous order of white fathers. Priests were in practice active among the mountains, especially those in the "Kabyle" areas.
Although such activities were more extensive in famine and war time there were no more than seven hundred converts among the Kabyles and less than one hundred in the sahara, and further south the Algerian conversions were practically nil, despite a network of missionary schools, hospitals and orphanages (most of the converts were orphans.) Turin, Y., (1971) describes this stage as:
All the solutions suggested or tried by promoters of a double edgeed gedicy, which was generous but also political and calculated failed. In the long-run, the colonial situation had multiplied the possibilities of contacts; but each new contact had caused mutual distrust.
(Turin, Y., 1971, p. 302.)
From what has been said so far, it appears that good and bad elements were perhaps inevitably muddled in the cross-cultural efforts made by the French up to the First World War. For the Algerians, the basic educational problem was a lack of primary schools offering elementary instruction in Arabic that would prepare pupils for entry into the state-run
"Medrasas"
the majority of which were situated in big cities or in particular parts of the country Algiers and Kabyle.The
"Medrasas"
used the French language alongsideAlgerian dialects,
their curriculum gutted, with the teaching of Islamic theology eliminated. Arabic was thus almost totally neglected. It was quite clear that the Algerians' rejection of French education had
demonstrated one aspect of the Algerian cultural resistance, which did represent heavy tasks and consequences for the religious forces to move forward to shaping the real personality.
In his book
"L'Algerie Nation et societe"
Lacheraf, M. (1976) writes of the Algerian history and resistance to the French colonisation He discusses how the Algerians remained steadfast against the French. efforts to turn the local population into Frenchmen. He says:The Algerians have successfully resisted, through their weakness. In fact at the beginning of the twentieth century they won the battle, because of the pressure
53.
created essentially by the population of the rural areas, who were the social group directly affected by existing foreign policy..
(Lacheraf, M., 1976, p. 107).
Even the policy of racism had failed whereby the colonists in 1898
sought to create two separate social classes, Arabs and Berbers. Despite the advantages given to the Kabyles in education, and the legislation devoted to them, generally all Algerians opposed these, asking to have equal distribution of power. Although the Kabyle population was 700,000 they had half of the numbers of the Algerian delegacy formed by the French authorities (thus seven Kabyles and fifteen other than Kabyles out of 3,300,000 inhabitants. (Ageron, C.R., 1968).
The issue has been a crucial one in the history of education and language policies since 1900. There were discussions about the distribution of funds between the higher primary, secondary, and higher education and debate about whether schools were most needed in the city or in the
countryside. Only a few European settlers seemed to think that the proportion of the Algerian budget being devoted to education was insufficient or that the percentage of funds going into Algerian schools was too small.
As far as language is concerned, Algerian delegates found no European allies on the question of teaching Arabic in French schools specialising to the native children. Deemer, L.R., (1972) comments:
In some primary schools pupils received one half hour a day in the language (Arabic). At the same time, Algerian students attending normal schools to become teachers took only four hours a week.
(Deemer, L.R., 1972, p. 96).
