Co ntent s
Acronyms vii
Foreword ix
Acknowledgements x
Executivesummary xi
Chapte r 1: Introduction
Historical Context 1
Contemporary Perspectives 2
Migration Data Needs - The Case for Field Research ..4
Sourcesof Data andLayout of the Report 7
Chapte r 2: Contemporary Patterns of Migration
The Brain Drain 18
Return Migration and BrainCirculation 19
Refugees 21
African Diasporas 22
Women on the Move 26
Migrant Remittances ·29
Chapter 3: Govern ment Pos it ion on International Migrati on : Po licy Evidence
QuantitativeResultsof theSurvey 40
PolicyImplications 43
Chapter 4: International Migration and Financial Crisis: Implications for Africa
Introduction 47
Concluding Remarksand Policies 63
HumanRights,Regional Integration and Impactsof theFinancialCrisis
I
iiiChapter 5: Human Rights of Migrants and Their Families
Introduction 67
InternationalConventiononthe Rightsof Migrantsand their Families 68 Rationale for Recognizing the Rights of IrregularMigrants 70
WhyFocuson IrregularMigration 72
ConsequencesofXenophobia 85
ConcludingRemarks and Policies 86
Chapter 6: Internat ional Migration, Regional Integration and Cooperation between Cou ntries
introductio n 89
Social Integration 91
Social DevelopmentDataResource 93
Formationand ProgressofRegionalIntegration 94
ConcludingRemarksand Policies 99
Chapter 7: Conclusions and Recommendation s
Recommendation s lOS
References 107
AppendixTable 1 124
AppendixTable 2 127
Iv l,nternOlional MigrationandDevelopment in Africa
List of Tables
Table 1.2 Percentage Distribution sof Migrants from a Sample of African Countries
of EmigrationbyContinentof Residence (2000-2002) 11 Table 1.3 PercentageDistribution of Recent Immigrants by Sex and Country of
Origin-Uganda,2008 13
Table 1.4 Migration to South Africa from Main Sending SADC Countries 14 Table 1.5 Foreign-Born Population in Africa by Region of Birth (2007) 16 Table 1.6 Continent of Origin and Destination of Migrants 16 Table 1.7 Percentage of Female Migrants among the Total Number of International
Migrants (1960-2000) 26
Table 1.8 Foreign-Born Populationin Africa (2007)* 29
Table 1.9 Remittance Flow to Developing Countries(2002-2008) 30 Table 1.10 Comparison of Remittance Growth with aDA and FDI 32 Table 1.11 Items Remittance in Southern Africa ..2004 (in percentage) 33 Table 1.12 Excerptsof Immigration and Emigration Policies of Selected AfricanCountries 36 Table 1.13 Distributionof States and Prior itygiven to InternationalMigration Issues ..41 Table 1.14 Measurestaken by Countries to address Migration Concerns 41 Table 1.15 Act io ns taken to adopt Continent LevelPolicy/Strategy/Frameworkin
the Country 42
Table 2.1 ~el ectedCountries: GOP Growth and lnflation (2002-2009) .49
Table 2.2 Expectationsabout the Future 58
Table 3.1 Nationals Sup port of Government Policiesto Minimize Irregular Migration
by Country ofEn um erat io n (in percentage) 84
Table 4.1 Economic and Population Growth in SADC Cou ntries 98
HumanRights,Regionollntegrationand Impactsof theFinancialCrisis
I
vLi st of Fi gures
Figure1.1 Countrieswith 274,000 or more InternationalMigrants in 2005 10 Figure1.2Net Migrationin Seychelles:(1994-2007) , "",..,..,..,.., ,..,..,..'.., 12 Figure1.3 Percentageof Emigrantsby Count ry of Origin " " " " 14 Figure1.4 Top Countries where 10,000or moreRefugeesLive(end 2007) 19 Figure 1.5 Proportion of African-Born ProfessionalNursesResidingand WorkingAbroad 25 Figure 1.6Sources of RemittancesbyRecipientRegions (2008) 27 Figure 2.1 Monthly Estimatesofthe USForeign-BornPopulation (2000-2008) "..49 Figure 2.2 Impact of Global Financial Crisison Poverty 61 Figure 2.3 Growth of RemittanceFlowsto Developi ng Regions 62
vi
I
International Migrationand Development in AfricaAcrony ms
AfDB AMU APC ARVs AU COMESA CSO DFID DRC EAC ECA ECCAS ECOMOG ECOWAS EU FDI FIELD FTAs GDP GHG GNI HSRC ICPD ICPD+15 IGAD IGADD ILO IMF IMR 10M IRIN
African Development Bank Arab Maghreb Union All People's Congress Anti-retroviraIs African Union
Common Marketof Eastern and Southern Africa Civil SocietyOrganization
Department for International Development Democratic Republic of the Congo
East African Community Economic Commission for Africa
Economic Community of Central African States
Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group Economic Commission of West African States
European Union
Foreign Direct Investment
Forum Internationalfor Ethiopians Living in the Diaspora FreeTradeAreas
Gross Domestic Product Green HouseGas Gross National Income
Human Sciences ResearchCouncil
International Conference on Population and Development InternationalConference on Population and Development+ 15 The Intergovernmental Authority on Development
Intergovernmental Authorityon Drought and Development International Labour Organization
International MonetaryFund Infant MortalityRate
International Organization for Migration Integrated Regional Information Network
HumanRights,RegionallnregrarionandImpactsoftheFinancialCrisis
I
vIIMAC MDGs MGL MTEF NELM NGOs NEPAD NPPs OAU ODA OECD PMS PoA PRSPs
QUESTS-MIDA RECs
SADC SADCC SAMP SOPEMI TB EBA UAC UK UNFPA USA
Migration Advisory Committee Millennium Development Goals Mutuallte des Grands Lacs
Medium Term Expenditure Framework New Economics of Labour Migration Non-governmental Organizations
New Partnership for Africa's Development National Population Policies
Organization of African Unity Official Development Assistance
Organization for Economic Cooperationand Development Performance Management System
Plan of Action
Poverty Reduction Strategies Papers
Qualified Expatriate Somali Technical Support - Migration for Development in Africa
Regional Economic Communities
Southern African Development Community
Southern African Development Coordination Conference South African Migration Project
Yearly reports on Migration, Immigrants and Policy in the Netherlands for the Continuous Reporting System on Migration of the OECD
Tuberculosis
Employment Bureau of Africa United African Company United Kingdom
United Nations Population Fund United States of America
Foreword
International migration captured the attention of the world in 2006 when the United Nations High Level Dialogue (HLD) emphasized its important role for development in allcountr ies.The HLD called for maximizat ionof migration benefits,particularlyin contextof globalization,which is exacerbating inequalitieswithin and between nations,intensifying competition for human resources and encouraging the free movementof capital, goods and services.
The barriersto the free movement of human resources are surmounting and are increasingly associated with violation of human rights. In addition, the financial,energy and food crises are creating pressures on governments,corporate and private sectors to cut down jobs,retrench foreign labor and restrict migration.
Policies are central to explaining international migration and its potentials for development. In Africa policies are needed to harness international migration as a potential source for financing economicand social development activities,and for addressing the health and poverty chal- lengesin the continent. Governments in sendingand receiving countriesadopt a wide-range of policies and regulations tomanage labor migration. The sending countries usuallyfocus on marketing and overseas employment strategies to maximize remittances and provide incen- tives for investment and for the migrants to return while receiving co unt ries concentrate on restrictivepolicies for securitypurposes and perhapsretentionsinuniquecases.
Management of labor migration for developmentis,indeed, a complex task,particularly in view of the impactsof the financialeconomic crisis. They must be guided by human rights, regional integration and cooperation between countries, and must be molded by the consequences and impacts of the financial and other crises. This second edition of ECA's report on Inter- national Migration and Development focuses on human rights, regional integrat ion and the impacts of the financial crisis.
I hope that this publication will be used by decision-makers in government, intergovernmental organizations,bilateral and multilateral development partners, non-governmental organiza- tions, academ ia and the general public to make informed decisions in their respective jurisdic- tions.
AbdoulieJanneh
UnitedNationsUnder-Secretary-Generaland
Executive Secretaryof theEconomicCommission for Africa
Human Rights,Regionallnregration and Impacrsof(heFinancial Crisis
I
IxAcknowledgem ents
This report was prepared under the general leadership of the Under-Secretary-General and ExecutiveSecretary of ECA, Mr. Abdoulie Janneh.Appreciation goesto Dr. Monique Rakatoma- lala, former Director of the African Centre for Genderand Social Development whose commit- ment on Social Development issues was instrumental in the finalization of the report,Chief of Gender,Women In Development Section, Ms.Thokozile Ruzvidzowho initiated the process and Ms. Rose Aderolili, Chief of Human and Social Development Section who managed the team that produced the report.
The reportwas prepared by a team of ECA experts who carried out data collection, analysisand reviewed the report: Mr.HassanYousif, Ms.Gladys Mutangadura, Ms. Sandra Zawedde, and Mr.
TamiratBadi. Appreciation goes to the consultant,Professor. Eugene Campbell who compiled the firstdrafts of the report.
The contribution of UN agencies (UNFPA, 10M), experts (Mr.Francois Farah,Mr. Oumar Diallo, Professor Oladele Arowolo, Ms.CeciliaOmole and Mr.Biruk),and colleagues from the African Center for Gender and Social Development and otherECA divisions,who peer reviewedthe report and provided useful comments, is highly acknowledged.
ACGS administrativestaff provided valuable support during the preparation of this report.Spe- cial thanks go to Ms.Sofanit Abebe and Ms.Yatenayet Wogayehu.
The team would also like to thank the staff of the ECA Publications and Conference Manage- ment Section (PCMS), who handled the referencing, editing,translation, textprocessing, proof- reading, design and printing of the report. Special thanksgo to Mr.Etienne Kabou, Mr. Ebenezer First-Quao, Mr.Marcel-Ngo, Ms. Sian Jackson Harman, Mr. Charles Ndungu,Teshome Yohan- nes,Ms. Fedros Issaand Mr.GetachewTegnen.
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International Migration and Development in AfricaExe cutive s ummary
It is now widely acknowledged that international migration is an important source of financial and human resources that can be harnessed for development in the countries of origin,transit and destination.Besides its importance as asource of remittance and financial resources, the developmental role of international migration in Africa extends to other important areas, such as providing cash flows through formal and informal channels to meet health, education, hous- ing and other social needs. Also, it contributes significantly to reducingpoverty, and plays a piv- otal role in regional integration,which is one of the strategic pillars of ECA. Migration facilitates trade,investment and the transference and exchangeof knowledge,skills and technology.
The theme of this report: financial crisis,human rights and regional integration,is inspired by theeconomic andsocial relevance of several emerging issues in international migration that weregiven urtleattention until a few years ago. These issues include human rights ,regional integration and more recently, the most serious financial crisissince the great depression of the1930s.Thereis paucityof research and data on these emerging issues, therefore, this report attemptsto document knowledge and to bridge existing gaps.The analyses are based on pri- mary information and data collected through country reports and questionnairescompiled from 43 countries. These reports and data were obtained from countries as part of the 15-year regional review of the implementation of the ICPDProgram of Action. Secondary data used in this reportwere obtained from internationalsources, such as the Population Division .
The findings of this report show that international migration in Africa has assumed new and interest ing dimensions during last decade or so. Among all international movements, south- north migration attracted the most attention from scholars, governments and non-govern- mental organizations in the past largelybecause of perceived social and economic problems labor migrants and refugees added to existing situations in destination countries. Only recently has increasingattention been called to the positive effects of regular and irregular south-north migrations.
Although south-south movementshave occurred in Africa since historicaltimes, its magnitude and socio-economic significance has only recently been recognized.It has become evident that the patterns of human movements are complexand are currently more south-south than south-north.International migration involves issues that range from brain drain through the diasporas,remittances and brain circulation,to refugees,xenop ho bia, crime,unemployment, irregular migration and human rightsand trafficking in human beings.
Mostof the governments areconcerned with the brain drain, particularlythe lossof skills and professional,such medical doctors,nurses and engineers, who are needed for achieving the MDGs by2015.There are three optionsfor addressing the brain drain:-
Human Rights,RegionalIntegrationand impactsof theFinancial Crisis
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xi1. Create adequate incentives for skilled nationals to stay in the country
2. Permit emigration of skills in anticipation of the rewards through international income distribution
3. Accept the plausibility of encouraging high skilled immigration
A successful economy can afford to participate in a global brain circulation and brain exchange program.While the financial crisismake options 1and 3extremely difficult, African countries have adopted several policy measures and incentives including: reducing the number of stu- dents sent for training outside the continent; investing in research and development; reward- ing research and scientific contributions; providing cash bonus for outstanding performance;
forging bilateral and multilateral migration agreements;improving the general work conditions.
Policy evidence and best practiceson the measures and incentives are analyzed in chapter3.
Brain drainwas previously perceived from a negative perspective because of the financial and human capital loss affecting sending countries. South African Migration Project SAMP) studies have shown that countries in the Southern African Development community (SADC) region are likely to lose much of their young professionals due to economic and other factors.The brain drain has been largely influenced by poor political economies. In many cases economic and criminal corruptionas well as excessiveexpenditure on military armament has had an adverse effect on sustained economicgrowth withinthe continent.
However, one of the positive effects of brain drain is brain circulation.Brain circulation occurs when international migrants who left the home country with acquired skillsto live and work elsewhere then return to the home country.A major asset in this process is the additional skills that migrants bring home with them, after acquiring new and advanced skills during theirstay in host countries.
The diasporas also contribute much to Africa in terms of economic,community, social, cul- tural and political development. Remittances are the most important economiccontribution that migrants in the diasporas make to Africa.The continent in general, receives the least of all official remittances to developing regions,while the highest proportion goes to North Africa.
However, remittances to and within Africa have increased at the fastest rate globally between 2002and2008.
Development in Africaisincreasingly attracting labor from other continents, particularly Asia.
Workers from China, India and the Philippines are increasing engaged in the mining,energy and construction sectors.This trend is supported by the rapidly developing politicalrelations between African countries with both of China and India.
The financial crisis that engulfed the western economies in2008and are still continuing, have important implications for Africa. Considering the huge number of jobs that have been lost in the developed countries due to the financialcrisis, African workers abroad faced the same plight. Evidence confirms that thisis indeed the case.
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International Migrationand Development in AfricaThe dynamics of international migration and development remain complex and has been made increasingly so by the financial crises and economic recession of 2008.The likely impacts of the financial crises on migrants include job losses, reductionin labor migration, reduction in wages, decline in remittance flows, increase in irregular migration, increased tendency in host countries towardsxenop ho bia and increase in return migration to the home country.
Africa depends on trade relations with developed countries, especially the United States of America (USA) and European Union (EU).Hence, there is concern throughout Africa that its national economies could be severely hurt by the financial crisis. By June 2009, Africa had already been seriously affected by the global financial crises. Countries which depend consid- erably on mining and manufacturing industries were the worst affected as mines were closed and thousands of workers lost jobs.However, several African countries reacted swiftly to the global crisis by making substantial adjustments to their financialmarkets and expenditures.In 2007, it appeared that several African states were on track to meet theMillennium Develop- ment Goals (MDGs), even though most may have achieved them later than 2015.One of the effects ofthe financial crisis is likely to be a delay in the achievements of the MDGs.Mining and tourism industries have been particularly hit hard.
Though several nations still have serious economic challenges, favorable political changes in West and East Africa are attractive enough to encourage the intentions of those in the new diasporasto return.The usual sign of such intentions is the willingness of nationals living abroad to invest in building construction at home. Unfortunately, this new direction of development in Africa places emphasis on skills and the maximization of it. Hence the unskilled will continue to be the most vulnerable to the effects of the financial crisisas the construction and tourism industriesin the continent become further affected. In2009, the International Organization for Migration (10M) predicted that the volume of irregular migration would rise as the unskilled are the most likely to be unemployed, poor and have large families depending on them.Urban poverty is likely to worsen,as minerals such as copper loose their value and low productivity results in job cuts. However, though the general flow of international migration has weakened, it is unlikely that remittanceswill fall over a prolonged period.
Many African countries host a large number of refugees;but the numbers are declining.Gener- ally, irregular migration is high in Southern, West and North Africa. Some governments provide good lessons of experience for addressing the issueof irregular migration. Irregular migrants could besaid to save citizens as they are paid low wages and do not necessarily benefit from health and unemployment insurance. The general intolerance towardsirregular migrantsin Southern Africa is not unique to the region. It reflects the perception of people who believe that irregular migration contravenes lawsthat dictate the process of international migration.
Criminalizing irregular migrants is most unjust,considering that most illegal migrantsare forced to become so by the unavoidable hardship that accompanies violent political crises.
Since the 1960s,when most African countries attained political independence, there have been numerous cases where documented and irregular migrant workers have had their civil and eco-
HumanRighls.RegionalInregralion and Impaasof theFinancial Crisis
I
xiiinomic rights violated by nationals and governments of the countries of employment. A nota- ble example of this is the mass expulsion of irregular migrants from several Africancountries between the 1960s and 1970s. The International Convention on the Rights of Migrant Work- ers and their Families bestow upon documented migrants numerous rights regarding legal issues and equality with nationals, free expression of religious and cultural beliefs and prac- tices, social independence, medical care and education of children, and judicial rights in cases of detention and deportation. Human trafficking, a practice someti mes linked with irregular migrants,involves issues that constitute human rights violation, deception and forced move- ment of people, as the major objective of the traffickers is exploitationof the victims for per- sonal profit.
Within the framework of social integration, migration provides a just responseto the economic integration process. There has been less demonstrated commitment towards social integra- tion than that shown towards economic development issues; but there has been considerable improvement recently. Governments should make the option of remaining in one's country of origin viab le, through achieving sustainable economic and social development, defusingcon- flict, promoting human rights and good governance,and strengthening democracy. Increas- ing migration flows requires transparent policies and good management. For example.sound financial policies are needed to enable safe and timely transfer of funds and remittances to the countries of origin .
The human rightsof migrants and their familiescall for theirequal treatment asnationals.Coun- tries should avoid discriminating against migrants, and should protect women and children who migrate as family members from abuse. Countries need to introduce policies that actively com bat racism, xenophobia and gender discrimination.There is also urgent need to develop a strong database on international migration and development in Africa, which will provide a tool for the monitoring and evaluation of migration policies and programs
Chapter 1
I ntr od u ction
Historical Co ntext
When African countries gained independence in the 1950s and 1960s, there was much antici- pation that the development system put in place by the Europeanswould be maintained and even improved.Having established Western forms of democracy in the continent the English and French were particularly hopeful that theseforms of governmentwould survive afterthey handed power over to the "natives'; as traditional Africans were so frequently referred to. Whatever con- nection was made then between democracy and sustained economic development was prob- ably conceived within a narrow perspective of the Oxford Dictionary's definition of the former,as a situation where a government was elected by the people (Fowler and Fowler, 1964).
But democracy involves much more than that; it is about formulating and religiously adhering to laws and procedures within a state or institution to ensure the existence of a peaceful and just society. It is guaranteed by"lawsthat protect freedom of speech, the rights of assembly and association,regular elections,and negative sanctions that punish tampering with the ballot box, bribing elected officials and otherwise undermining the integrity of the procedure" (Lipuma and Koelble,2004:101-102).Theattainmentof independence of Anglophoneand Francophone Africa indicates that the English and French were unequivocally assured by African leaders that democ- racy would be maintained in the independent states (see Crowder, 1987).
When Ghana, Nigeria and Sierra Leone became independent in 1957, 1960 and 1961 respec- tively, their economies were reasonably strong and the public sectors were among the best in the sub-continent. Indeed, before 1970, the state of Nigeria's economy was stronger than that of Indonesia (Collier and Gunning, 1999). But this position has since been reversed.In the process of post-colonial economic development,African states depended considerably on their previous colonial masters for economic assistance. Thiscame in the form of loans, grants, aid, training and technical assistance (Uphoff, 1972).It also formed the foundation of the unshakable debt trap in whichthese states were to find themselves later. Recognizing the need to develop a strong national resource base, the Anglophone governments in particular devoted substantial amounts of the national budget on educating their people locally and internationally up to university level.
Sierra Leone's experienceis typical of what was obtainedin the sub-continent.
In 1961/ Sierra Leone received gifts in excess of
S
148,400 to developFourah Bay College,for research andto sponsor student's education overseas (Roberts,1975).Up to the late 1970s, stu- dents who graduated with First Class and Second Class Upper degrees were sponsored by the iron are mining companytoobtain doctoral degrees in universities overseas.Half of the govern- ment'seducation budget for 1962/1967 went to the national university with only 20 per cent ofHuman Rights, Regional lnregration and Impactsof rheFinancialCrisis
(1
it devoted to primary and secondaryeducation (Banya, 1993). This difference is partly because, unlikeuniversity education, primaryand secondary education in Sierra Leone wasnot free-yes, its accurate, this is the case for many African countries. Due to the government's education policy, almostthreedecades afterindependence enrolment in primaryand secondary schools increased ten-fold, and at the university the increase wasabout six-fold.
In Nigeria,the bloated enrolment rate, especially at the primary level due to a policy ofuniversal primary education, was compounded by poor population census data and the government's erroneous anticipation of continuous inflow of wealth from oil (Csapc, 1983). Logistic difficulties, such as inadequate supply of teachers, and the huge financial cost of implementingeducation policies strained the economy and compromised educational standards.Gould (1999) observed that in some instances there were as many African nationals studying in universities overseas,as there were students in the nationaluniversities.This is largely due to poor human resource plan- ning,which became increasingly evident later as African economies began to decline. Though humanresource planningfor medicineandengineering wasquite good initially,the governments' desire to accelerate localization(orAfricanization)policies led to a flood of skilled nationals within limited employment markets. From the early 1970s, the subsequent result of this was increasing incidence of unemployment (real and structural) and underemployment of skilled nationals.
In Ghana, the effect of unemployment (among the skilled and unskilled) began to manifest in the late 1960s.Having adopted a pro-Sovietstance during the Nkrumah regime, Ghana overshot its Second Five Year Development Plan budget of 250 million poundssterling by investing in large scale projects,such as the Volta River Dam in Akosomo,a luxuriousconference centre valued at about 15 million pounds, basic infrastructure and education (White, 2003). Meanwhile, an early 1960s declinein earnings from cocoa, the primary agriculturalexport was accompanied by rising price inflation (Price, 1984).A subsequent increase in unemployment laterin the decade was too much of a challenge for the Busia government to endure.For survival purposes,it had to find a scapegoat for the economic woes of the country.Informal trade in particular was largely in the hands of immigrantsand their descendants,the majority of who wereof Nigerian origin.Manyof the immigrantsin Ghana then had no residence permit, asit did notseem necessary at the time.
Contemporary Perspectives
Globally, international migration increased at an average rate of 1.6per cent annually between 1990 and 2010.Thefrequency of voluntary migration and its emerging socio-economic and envi- ronmental issues have attracted instantattention of global proportions, something that has been absentfor several decades.Indeed, several donor agencies have now prioritized international migration. In 2009 the human development report is entirelydevoted to human mobilityissues.
In early 2008, when it became clear that global financial crises were looming,among the first things that may have occurred to many people was the impact that this would have on poverty in developing countries, especiallyAfrica.
21
InternationalMigrationandDevelopment in AfricaFrom previousexperiences of thedynamics of financial crises,it was anticipated that hundreds of thousands(probably millions) of workersglobally would loose theirjobs as the global financial system crashed, demand for goods declined and industries failed.It wasalso widely acknowl- edged bythen that international migration is significantly related with economic development of families throughout the developing world.The importance of Mexicanwomen and men who work in the USA to the economic well being of theirfamiliesathome is no longer a matter of speculation.Both documented and irregular migrants contribute quite significantly to whole family development. The same is true in South East Asia,with tens of thousands of women from the Philippines earning higher incomes as migrantsto improve their lifestylesas well as those of their home-basedfamilies.Thesituation in Africaissimilarwheretens of thousands of young and middle-aged Africans change residence between countries by moving within, out of and into the continent primarilyfor economic reasons.
Acknowledging the important roleof migration in development,the International Conference on Population and Development(ICPD) PoA called for cooperation and dialogue between sending and receiving countriesin order to maximizebenefitsfordevelopment.The same has been raised and emphasized at the High LevelDialogue on InternationalMigration and Development,held in New York in September 2006.Indeed,the developmental benefits of international migrationare numerous and very well documentedin literature. Migrationprovides skilled and unskilled labor for developmentin the receivingcountries. In return, the sending countries receive (formally and informally)remittances.
The ICPD PoAcalls on governments in receiving and sendingcountries to take actionsrelating to documented and undocumentedmigrants, refugees,asylum-seekersand internationally dis- placed persons. According to the PoA, governments should make the option of remaining in one'scountry of origin viablethroughachieving sustainableeconomic andsocial development, defusing conflict. promotinghuman rightsand good governance, and strengthening democracy.
Increasing migration flows requirestransparent policies and good management.For example, soundfinancial policies are needed to enable safe and timelytransfer of funds and remittances to the countries of origin.
The human rightsof migrantsandtheir families received specialemphases in the PoA, which called for their equal treatmentasnationals.Countries shouldavoiddiscrimination against migrants, and protect from abuse women and children of migrantfamilies, as well as combating racism, xeno- phobia and gender discrimination.Other polices and actions of equalimportance relate to the voluntary return of qualified migrants who can playa crucial rolein the transfer of knowledge, skills and technology.
Countries should seek to facilitate the return of migrants andreintegration into their home com- munities,and assist return migration by adopting flexiblepolicies, such as the transferability of pensionsand other work benefits.Sending and receiving countries need to cooperate with each other to reduce the causesof undocumented migration, and to safeguard migrants'basic human rights,including the right to seek asylumfrompersecution. Governments needtointroduceeffec-
Human Rights,Regional Integration and Impacts of(heFinancialCrisis
13
tive sanctions against those who organize and exploit undocumented migrants,and those who engage in human trafficking.
While most Africans emigrate legally, thousands prefer to do soirregularly and this increases the migration risk. Thelife-threatening pathsthat West African women and men take to get to workin Spain, Italyand other EU countries reflect their determination to attain socio-economicdevelop- ment.These movements also accrue benefits to employers and governments in developed host countries. The loss of health-careprofessionals in Africa isan effect of the high demand for their skills in the EU and North America.Hence, from brain drain to brain circulation, laborto commer- cial migration,human rights violation to respect for rights of workers and their families and from maledominanceto gender equality,international migration has become the single most impor- tant social factor in global development,integrationand poverty mitigation.
It may be argued that if the thousands of Africans who chose to liveand work outsidetheir birth- places had joined the millions who are at home, the continent would have been much more developed and the poverty levels would have been lower.But continuous residence in the birth- place is determined by severalcomplex factors that transcend economics. Theyinclude family relations, political conditions,health and adherence to humanrights.
Until recently, the link between international migration and development was not a priority area for manyAfrican governments because migrationwas perceived to be predominantly problem- atic. However,largely due to the new thrust in the globalization process since 1989, the relation- ship between international migration and socioeconomic development has become an increas- ingly important subject of social science research and policy. The migration of skilledmen and women from Africa has increased substantially due to factors that include employment, educa- tion, poverty,and improvement in global communication and transportation technology.The majorityof these migrants went to the USA and the EU.
Migration Data Ne eds - The Cas e for Field Rese arch
Shortage of data and information is a major constraint in studying and integratinginternational migration in nationaldevelopmentplans andstrategies.In hisclassical article, Byerlee (1974)called attention to the importanceof migration to economicand social development and the need for in-depth researchinto thesubject. The article clearly informs about the role of migration as a means of redistributing human capitaland income, transferring investment capital and attain- ing gender equality.It also emphasizes the importance of such research in the development of theoriesthat would guide the formationand successful implementation of economicand social policies.Methodological improvement isalso addressed;and withseveral examples from Africa, there issignificantrelevance to Africanmigration and development.
Though the article received global acclaim for its contribution to scholarship,the main thrust of its message was practically ignored, as socialscience researchers shifted attention1:0fertility and
4
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InternarionalMigrarion andDevelopmenrin Africainfant/child mortality studies. Thiswas a strong and positive response to the dramaticshift of interest byfunding organizations towards issuesrelated to reproductive health.Whilethe results demonstrate that the move was justified,particularlyin Africa, it has left in its wake a huge gap in knowledge about the roleof human capital in global economic development. Paradoxically,a major objectiveof familyplanning studiesin the 1970s was the maximization of human capital in developing countries.
Since the 19705, increasing observation of developmental issues of migration has led to additional appeals to invigorate migration research.The human rights dimension of international migra- tion promptly drew attentionto the subject and raised the curiosity levels of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). But further frustrationregarding this research evolved from the realization thatit was a politicallysensitive area,and onein which governments generally lacked interest.In effect, migrants did not count. Butfrom the determined effortsof a few expertsin migration stud- ies, a great deal more is now known about the subject than was acknowledged three decades ago. Moreover, governments all over the world are now payingattention.
However,as Tomas and Summers(2009) stated, there arestill anumber of questions unanswered about migration and development. There is the issue of migration and HIV/AIDS,which is stillin itsinfancy, because very few surveys have been carried out on the subject. The real dynamics of braindrain are just beginningto be understoodand much isyet to be learntabout itspsychologi- caland health implications.The H1N1virus hasemerged as a seriouslife-threatening disease.The rapid increase in itsinduced mortality in the USA and other developed regions isa cause for con- cern to Africans because of itsrelevance to international migration. Muchof the limited research on health and migration has been done outside Africa.The new diaspore,braincirculation and commercial migrationare amongthe new dimensions that migration has taken since the 19705 (Cohen, 1997;Adepoju 2001).But as Findlay and Gould (1989, 10) wrote:
"While great advances havebeen made in recent years in the collection and processing of data on internal migration, systems of collection and management of international migration data have received less attention.Problemshave beencompounded by changes in the nature of inter- national migration,and particularly the increased importance of skilled transients. Government, employers and academicresearchers therefore need to acquire ratherdifferent information from in the pastand make it available whenever possiblein a more flexibleform.Research is needed on systems of collecting,managing and presentingdata on skilled international labour migration:' There is still no universally acceptable definition of keyconcepts. Migration itself is definedvari- ouslyaccording to convenience.For example,the United Nations defines international migrants aspeoplewho have lived in the host country for at least one year. This restricts the threshold for migration and leaves out people who have 'migrated' for shorter-term business and education (Campbell, 1988).The United Nationshas advised that in censuses, migration data should be col- lectedon the basis of place of birthand place of previous residence.
Human Rights,RegionalIntegratiOn andtmoactsof theFinancialCrisis
15
However, the analysis in several African countries isstill done from the placeof birth statistics only.
This introduces technical problemsin the interpretation of the data. It also limitsthe variables that could practically be included in the study. Worse, it introduces errors in the reports.It was found in one instance that visitation was the primary reason for migrating, because the census was actually done in a period which included Christmas, when it is traditional for nationals to travel from places of usual residence to places of familial origin.The placeof previous residence gives a realistic picture of motivation for migration, allowing control for duration of stay at the destination and istherefore the most appropriate method.
No region in the world has developedmigration strategies which guarantee sustained peace and the minimization of irregular migration. As mentioned earlier,one of the reasons for this is the complex nature of the migration process. This has discouraged demographers and other social scientists from seriously and continuously researching current and emerging migration issues. At the African Parliamentary Conference on Migration in Rabat, in May 2008, the parliamentarians acknowledged the urgent need for comprehensive and sustained migration research.Migration is really no more complex than fertility and mortality, and the wealth of theories of migration is testimony to this.What apparently distinguished the other subject areas from migration was the perception that they held serious health risks associated with reproduction and childcare, while the risks associated with migration were seen as insignificant.Before 1980, migration was not Widely perceived to be a serious health issue. The economic and social models focused on economic and social risks. But global experiences indicate that international migration involves serious health risks, and indeed may have fatal consequences.
Due to scarce empirical research on irregular migrants, very limited data exists on volumes of irregular migration or on the characteristics, activities and aspirations of migrants in Africa. Some work has been done in the EU and South Africa, but the elusive natureof these migrants renders the results unreliable. The greatest obstacle to producing scholarly articles and informing policies on irregular migration is poor access to data. Research in this area is hampered by the elusive- ness of the target population.Theirlack of formalized residence status generally compels them to maintain low visibility. When interviewed, the reliability of their responses isquestionable because extreme trust in the intervieweris needed for them to respond truthfully.
But the factor that probably did the most damage to studies in this area was the tendency of donors, from the 1970s to the 1990s, to focus research grants in areas of reproductive health - almost to the exclusion of migration studies. Reference to this by De Genova (2002: 421) was strongly echoed by Black (2003), whose passionate appeal for research into irregular migration and refugees should be echoed by migrationexperts in these presenttimesof increased displace- ment of people.Various attemptstodetermine the number of irregular migrants in South Africa have produced diverse and usually is leading estimates. The Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) estimated that there were between 2.5 and 4 million irregular migrants in the country.
Though this was subsequently discovered to have been grossly exaggerated (Crush, 1999; Waller, 2006), it fuelled widespread alarm in public and political circles.
611ntemarional Migration andDevelopment in Africa
A political statement in 1998 by Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi,who was then Minister of Home Affairs, increased the range to 5 million.Followingharsh criticismof the HSRC, the inflatedfigures were withdrawn, but not beforesome embarrassing statements had been made by politicians.
The widely acknowledged paucity ofirregular migration data reflects inadequacy in the amount and the depth of research that has been done on migration. Empirical studies of human traffick- ing have hardlybegun.Hence, thereisactuallylittle detailabout thecharacteristics, intentions and experiencesof trafficked women and children in Africa.As Black (2003)states, there is an urgent need to focus research on migrationissues, in order to obtain the basic information required to develop policies on irregular migration.
There is hardlyany substantial research that hasbeen done on remittances from the diasporato the ancestral homelands in the continent. A successfulattempt was made jointlyby OECD and the World Bankin the mid-1970sto do a regionalstudyof international migration in West Africa (Zachariah and Conde,1981).A new initiativeby the World Bank isstillat the earlystage. However, itspolicyimpactwasconstrained by the study's reliance on secondary data. As Findlay and Gould (1989) observed, secondary data is grossly inadequate for this type of study, especially with the emergenceof new forms of migrationand developments within the framework of international migration.Theonly database on new issues of internationalmigration in Africa wasformed from tenyears of surveysby SAMP in the SADC region.SAMP has effectively demonstrated that the best approach for data mobilizationof migration issuesis to use primary sources.
With an increasing number of young professional and semi-skilled men and women engaging in international migration,there isgrowingrisk tothe health and life expectancyof the youth. It is now essentialto find solutionsto the negative aspects of international migration (both regular and irregular).There are numerous indicatorsof the determinants,patterns and consequences of regular and irregular migration.Butthe available data isunreliable, inconsistent and haphazard.
What is urgently required is the strengtheningof a reliable databank, and a common communi- cation channel that would inform scholars andpolicymakers about the directionsthat problem- solvingefforts are taking.In thisregard,this paper calls for developed and developingstates to undertake longitudinalWorld MigrationSurveys,as was done throughthe World FertilitySurveys and Demographic Health Surveys.Thesesurveys would serve to inform migration policiesas well as monitor progress and identifyproblems during their implementation.If, as Widgren and Martin (2002) predict,migration will increaseforthe next21 years, nowisthe time to obtainreliable data that wouldensure its eventual decline - as well as the maximizationof returns from migration, and the minimization of itscosts.
So urces of D ata and L a yout of t he R eport
This report uses primary data on international migration,compiled through country reportsand quantitativeand qualitativeresponses to a corequestionnaire,whichwas conductedby the Eco-
HumanRights,Regionallntegrotionand Impactsof theFmanciaiCrisis
17
nomic Commission for Africa (ECA) and covered 43African countries. Thecountry reportsI include a chapteron international migration containing information on status and trends, actions taken, concreteresults and achievements, and major challenges and constraints.
The core questionnaire includes questions on policies,strategies and measures undertaken by countries since 2004, such as: What aspects of international migration are considered of priority concern to your country? Has your country taken any measures or strategies to address inter- national migration concerns? Has your country taken steps to ensure respect and protection of human rights of migrants? Has your country taken steps to ensure that migrants are integrated into their receiving communities? Also, there are questions on the ratification and implementa- tion of conventions and protocols, and on country commitments to continental level policies and strategies, specifically the African Union (AU) Migration Policy Framework for Africa.The core questionnaire also includes international migration questions under other subtopics:
1. Inclusion of international migration in national population policies (NPPs) or revised NPPs;
2. Articulated and/or budgeted for in national development strategies and poverty reduc- tion strategic plans (PRSPs);
3. Country policies on refugees and asylum seekers;
4. Inclusion of international migration into monitoring and evaluation for the current Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF).
With regard to reliability, the existing database on these subjects deals mostly with Southern Africa whereSAMP has carried out national surveys on international migration since 1997.lnother parts of the continent these studies are scarce and not nationallyrepresentative. The lack of data is partly due to a previous lack of national interestin immigration issues.This is reflected in an ear- lier studywhich found that, apart from Southern Africa, over 80 per cent of African governments considered migration satisfactory in 2000 and over 40 per cent had no intervention policy on migration (ECA, 2006). Only recently have African governments begun to prioritize international migration, as isevident from the response of 83 per cent of these governments in the quantitative survey that was conducted by ECA in 2009.
A furtherobstacle to meaningfulinvestigation of this report from a purelymacro-level approach is the dearth of reliable dataon human rights in Africa.There are also inconsistencies in the progress made within regional economic commissions in the continent. Several of the commissions have undergone some metamorphosis.The Economic Commission of West African States (ECOWAS) is among the few that have been structurally consistent. Meanwhile, the current global financial crash occurred less than two years ago and the resultant economic recession still exists, with much uncertaintyabout the commencement of sustained economic recovery.
The 18countries that prepared chapters on migrationareCentral African Republic, ORC, Egypt, Ethiopia, Gabon, Lesotho, Malawi,Mauritius, Mozambique, Nigeria,Republic of South Africa, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, the Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda.
81
International Migrationand Development in AfricaThe first ECA publication on International Migration and Development: Implications for Africa (ECA, 2006) serves to benchmark the direction future reports should take. Within the macro-level framework, it provides an excellentaccount of the contemporary and emerging issues in inter- national migration. Little has been done elsewhere to improve on the high quality of tables and graphs in the document. However, because of the many topics addressed in it, the inadequacy of internationally comparable data and complete reliance on secondary and tertiary data, the subjects that are examined in this document were glossed over in the previous one. This report presents an in-depth account of the current migration issues, utilizing primary data from gov- ernment and non-governmental organizations such as SAMP. While the SAMP data refer to the southern part of the continent, they are also useful as a barometer of what prevails in other parts of the continent.
FolloWing this introductory chapter, the report presents the contemporary patterns of interna- tional migration in chapter 2.These patterns include the brain drain, return migration and brain circulation, refugees, and African diaspora.In addition, this chapter provides brief analyses of
"women on the move" and"migrant remittances':Chapter 3 provides policy evidence on govern- ment position on international migration.Theanalyses hereare based on the country reports and on quantitative and qualitative results of the survey mentioned above. Chapter 4 deals with the financial crisis and itsimplications for international migration.Chapter deals with the human rights of the migrants and their families.Theanalyses include human trafficking,irregular migration and Xenophobia. Chapter 6 analyses the role of international migration in regionalintegration and cooperation between countries. The report concludes in chapter7with some considerations on monitoring and evaluation, and recommendations.
Human Rights, Regional Integration and Impaers of theFinancial Crisis
19
Chapter 2
Contemporary Patterns of Migration
Among all international movements, by and large, south-north migration hasattracted the most attention from sch olars,governmentsand non-governmental organizations in the past, mainly due to perceived social and economic problems labourmigrants and refugeesadded to existing situationsin destination count ries.Onlyrecentl y hasincreasingattention been called to the positiveeffects of regular and irregular south-north movements.Though south-south movements haveoccurred in Africa since historical times, its magnitudeand socioeconomic significance has also only recently been recognized. As table 1.2shows, the majority of interna- tional migration occurswit hin thecontinent. Thisindicatesthat the developmental rewards of international labour migration byAfricans accrueto a large extentfrom theAfricancontinent.
Table1.2Percentage Distributions of Migrants from a Sample of African Countries of Emigration by Continent
of
Residence (2000-2002)Country of Africa Asia Europe Latin America and North America Oceania
Emigration the Caribbean
Ubya 16.3 39.8 26.7 0.4 14.7 2.0
Seychelles 39.7 2.7 32.1 0,2 10.4 14.9
Tunisia 9.3 9,9 78.3 0.2 2.3 0.1
Gabon 69.9 2.1 26.1 0.2 1.7 0.0
Botswana 60.3 2.7 21.3 0.2 10.8 4.7
Namibia 77.8 2.5 11.3 0.2 5.4 2.7
South Africa 38.6 3.3 30.5 0.3 13.8 13.5
Morocco 9.1 13.2 74.5 0.2 2.8 0.1
Congo 80,1 2.1 16,5 0.2 1.1 0.0
Swaziland 72.5 3.2 14.9 0.2 7.1 2.1
Lesotho 93,5 2.3 2.8 0.1 1.1 0.2
Kenya 41.5 4.2 37.9 0.2 14.4 1.8
Tanzania 67.5 2.8 17.4 0.2 11.4 0.7
Ghana 74.8 3.4 12.2 0.2 9.1 0.2
Nigeria 62.3 4.4 18.1 0.2 14.8 0.2
Togo 83.8 2.7 11.3 0.2 2.0 0.0
Benin 91.6 3.1 4.6 0.2 0.5 0.0
Cote d'ivoire 47.7 3.1 43.4 0.2 5.6 0.1
Ethiopia 8.6 37.5 21.4 0.2 30.7 1.5
DR Congo 79.7 2.6 15.3 0.2 2.2 0.0
BurkinaFaso 94.0 3.0 2.4 0.2 0.3 0.0
Source:UnitedNations (2009a).
Human Rights,Regionallnr egralion and ImpactsoftheFinancialCrisis
111
Among the factors that influence south-south migration in Africa is the limited skill level of a large numberof Africans, which makes it necessary for many to migrate to the nearest suitable destinations. Due to its oil wealth, Libya has been an attractive destination for migrants from Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria who preferred not to move to Europe, the Middle Eastor Asia.
The global migrant stock increased continuously from 155,518,065 in 1990 to 213,943,812 in 2010 at an annual growth rate of 1.6 per cent (United Nations, 2009b).Similarly, the migrant stock in Africa rose from 15,972,502to 19,263,183in the same period. However, the average annual growth rate of international migration in Africa was lower (0.9 per cent), because the increase was not continuous. Due to a considerable reduction of refugees in the continent during the 1990s (ECA, 2006, International Migration Report), the growth rate of the migrant stock dropped from 2.3 per cent during 1990-1995 to -1.0per cent in the period 1995-2000.The migrant stock began to increase again during the twenty-first century.Although the growth of Africa's migrant stock is slow, this general picture masks a more variable one, as the status and trends of international migration Significantly vary from country to country. Countries with the highest stock (274,000 or more international migrants in 2005) are shown in figure 1.1. These 21 countries together host 82.6 per cent of the total stock of international migrants in the continent.
As indicated earlier, the greatest majority of the international migrants are from neighbouring countries.International migrants in Cote d'ivoire, for example, are mostly from Burkina Faso, Mali, Liberia and other neighbouring countries.Immigration in Uganda is predominantly from neigh- bouring countries such asthe Sudan,Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Kenya, Tanzania and Burundi (see table 1.3). Also, the vast majority of migrants to the Republic of South Africa are from neighbouring countries (seetable 1.4).
The internationalmigration patterns are linked to engagement in a wide range of economic and other activities. For example, in 2005, the Ministry of Labour and Social Development in Malawi reported a "total of 416 foreign professionals working in Malawi during the 2000-2002 periods.
Most of thelabour immigrants were managers followed by religious workers. The expatriates fill positions that are either of strategic importance to the employing organizations or where posts require skills that are not locally available. There are also immigrants from Zambia, Mozambique, South Africa, Zimbabwe and Tanzania who come to Malawi for family reunification and estab- lishing business ventures. Some Malawians have come home fleeing xenophobic attacks in South Africa:' (ECA, 2009).
121,nrernational Migration and Development in Africa
Figure 1.1 Countries with 274,000 or more International Migrants in 2005
ZambiaMalawi
I===r - ---;i- --- - i: --- --:--- r - ---- l
Somalia Congo Senegal Kenya Guinea Mozambique Chad Zimbabwe Uganda DRC Ethiopia Libya Sudan BurkinaFaso Tanzania Nigeria South Africa Ghana
o
Source: ECA (2009).
500000 1000000 1500000 2000000 2500000
Table1.3 Percentage Distribution of Recent Immigrants by Sex and Country ofOrigin-Uganda, 2008
Country of Per cent share of immigrants
Origin Male Female Total
Sudan 39.3 37.4 38.3
DR Congo 18.5 21.5 20.1
Rwanda 16.5 16.3 16.4
Kenya 8.5 10.9 9.7
Tanzania 6.8 6.6 6.7
Burundi 5.0 3.5 4.2
Other African countries 1.0 0.8 0.9
Rest of the world 4.7 2.9 3.8
Total 100 100 100
Source:Uganda:/CPO+15Country Report, ECA, 2009.
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113
Table 1.4 MigrationtoSouth Africa from Main SendingSADC Countries
1991 1994 1997 2000 2003 2005
Botswana 135,002 371,49 446.707 563,365 797,315 798,455 Lesotho 243,710 1,184,893 1,190.848 1,559,422 1,291,242 1,668,826
Malawi 27,229 41,706 63,952 70,732 89,469 107,258
Mozambique 35,507 140,576 339,167 491,526 474,790 648,526 Namibia 140,527 188,887 187,594 206,022 216,978 220,045 Swaziland 182,792 546,651 712,491 742,621 809,049 911,990
Zambia 20,193 40,409 61,956 75,882 115,650 128,390
Zimbabwe 362,082 534,865 557,475 477,380 568,626 783,100 Total 1,147,042 2,677,987 3,560,190 4,186,950 4,363,119 5,266,590 Source: StatisticsSouth Africa. ICPD+15South Africa Country Report,ECA, 2009.
Neighbouring countries provide labour to work in some important sectors such as agriculture, mining and construction.Historically, the mining sectors in South Africa,Botswana andTan- zania, areknow n for attracting labour from Mozambique, Malawi, Lesotho,Zambia and Zim- babwe.However, these countries reported a decline in migration trend in the mining sector.
Lesotho, Malawi and Mozambique reported a decline in the migration of their nationals for work in the mines in South Africa for several reasons.Among these reasons are:
1. New immigration law in South Africa, which sets quotas for the number of foreign work- ers which each company may employ, in an attempt to promote employment for South African workers;
2. Shutting down of some gold mines whose reserves have been exhausted;
3. Aging of the mining labour force;
4. High mortality rates as a result of HIV/AIDS and other causes.
Development in Africa is increasinglyattracting labour from other continents, particularly Asia.
Workersfrom India, China, and the Philippines are increasinglyengagedin mining, energy, and construction sectors. The rapidly growing economic and political relations between African countries and both China and India support this trend.In the Sudan, for example, residence permits toforeigners rose continuouslyfrom 31,686 in to 53,449 in 2007.Many of these permits are for work. In the first half of 2008,8,298 visas were issued for work in the Sudan.The majority (4,028,or 48.5 per cent) of these visas were issued for professionaland highly skilled posit ions, such as engineers(ICPD+15 Sudan Country Report,(ECA, 2009).
There were 8,000 foreign workers in the Seychelles at the beginning of 2008.The Seychelles gives expatriate workersshort-term aswell as long-term permits and employment contracts.
Short-term contracts are usually in the professional and construction sectors.In the last five years (2003-2008), investment in tourism development has escalated into the construction of nu merous five-star hotels, causing an influxof construction workers from Asian countriesmake up for the lack of local construction workers.The long-term permits in the private sector and contracts within government institutions consist of foreign labour that is most significant in
1411ntemQtionaiMigrationandDevelopment in Africa
terms of manpower shortage. This category of foreign labour has very pronounced and long- term effects on remittances, costing the country large sums of foreign exchange (Seychelles Country Report, 2008).
International migration in the Seychelles is characterized mainly by net emigration (figure 1.2), a phenomenon which has been observed throughout almost the entire twentieth century (due to small numbers, this is not reflected in appendix table 1).Net emigration is the differ- ence between immigrants and emigrants where the number of emigrants exceed the number of immigrants. During the periods 1996-1999 and 2000-2001, a net emigration of -2112 and -2231 respectively was recorded (a trend which is similar to that for the period before the early 1990s). Hence, net emigration has tended to suppress the country's rate of population growth.
Figure 1.2Net Migration in Seychelles: (7994-2007)
1500 1000 500
a -soo
-1000 -1500 -2000 -2500
Source:Seychelles Country Report, 2008.
Human Rights,Regional Integration and Impacts ortheFinancial Ctisis
I'
STable 1.5 Foreign-Born Population in Africa by Region of Birth (2007)*
Country of Total Africa Europe Region of Birth
Residence Foreign Percentage from region Americas/
Born Canada Asia Other
Benin 141595 97.3 1.3 1.4
BurkinaFaso 285166 98.3 1.7
Burundi 65005 96.1 3.9
C6ted'lvoire 1742664 98.6 1.4
Gabon 126489 92.5 6.2 0.3 0.7 0.3
Uganda 405782 98.3 0.8 0.2 0.6 0.1
Sierra Leone 98860 94.8 1.2 0.6 3.3 0.1
South Africa 1854561 75.8 21.8 0.6 1.0 0.8
Sudan 393825 34.7 0.9 0.2 0.5 63.7
Swaziland 31743 79.0 5.6 1.3 0.8 13.3
Zambia 141414 91.4 3.5 0.7 4.4 0.0
Source:UN (2009c) Demographic Yearbook 2007.
• Information is for countries with adequate immigration data. It excludes persons whose migration statuswas not known.
Table1.6 Continent ofOrigin and Destination of Migrants
Destination
Origin Europe Asia Africa Oceania Northern Latin Total %outside
America America & region
Caribbean
Europe 31,519 8,534 1,342 2,439 8,234 1,3 11 53,380 41%
Asia 16,058 35,812 1,094 1,452 10,729 339 65,484 455
Africa 7,250 3,123 13,182 223 1,239 59 25,075 47%
Oceania 315 136 21 731 353 9 1,565 53%
Northern 846 527 78 13 1 1,248 752 3,583 65%
America
Latin America 2,754 1,352 284 86 18,579 3,566 26,621 87%
& Caribbean
Total 58,740 49,483 16,000 5,063 40,382 6,039 175,708
Source:Bakewell,O.(2009).
16 , InternationalMigrationand Development inAfrica
Figure 1.3Percentage of Emigrants by CountryofOrigin
• Europe IIAsia • Africa 0Oceania IJlatinAmerica& Caribbean CNorthern America 100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Europe Asia Africa Oceania Northem LatinAmerica&
America Caribbean
Source:Bakewell,O.(2009).
Destinat ion
A sample of Africancountr ies indicatesthat over 90 per cent ofimm igrants in the continent are Africans (seetables 1.5 and 1.6and figure 1.3). It is noteworthy that the statisticsof the Sudan and Swaziland in the tab le are not complete. From appendixtable 1, the Sudan hasone of the highest net migration rates in Africa.)Figure 1.3 confirms previous observationsthat the bulk of African emigrantschoosethe EU as the final destination.This, plus the dominant preference for African countries,reflectsthe influence of distance,education and culture in Africans' deci- sions about their migration destinations.Givencultural orientation, many Africans would prefer destinations where they anticipate the most welcome. Where migrants' education is poor/the economics of migration would make it logical that theychosedestinationsthat are fairlyclose to the countryoforigin.High lyskilled Africans are more likely to move longer distancesand choosedestinations in the EU. However,recent events Within the realm of irregular migration indicate a tendencytowardsincreasingpreference for EU destinations by the unskilled.Colonial heritage alsoplays a key role in the choice of destinations outside Africabecause the continent was colonized predominantly by European countries.Although studiesby SAMP reveal that the majorit yof southern Africanswould prefer toemigrate to the USA,it is not the most likely destination becauseof geographical and cultural distance.
Notwithstanding the dominance of intra-African migrations, considerably more Africansleave for destinations outsidethe continent than non-Africansenteringit.The net migration to Africa is -455/000 people,with a net migration rate of -0.05per cent (seeappendix table 1).Population growth also plays an important role in emigration to the EU.The average annual population growthrate in Europewas already very low bythe mid twentieth century (1.0per cent between 1950 and 1955). Between 2005 and 2010,it had fallen much below replacementto -0.02per cent. Meanwhile,in Africathe corresponding growth rates were 2.2 and 2.3 per cent, respec- tively (United Nations,2007).Due to traditional high fertility,the population growth ratesin
Human Rights,RegionalIntegration andImpactsoftheFinancial Crisis
