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Investigating the Relationship between Soundscape and Collective Memory: The Application of Theories of
Urban Space to Soundscape Analysis
Eleni Aidoni, Kalliopi Chourmouziadou
To cite this version:
Eleni Aidoni, Kalliopi Chourmouziadou. Investigating the Relationship between Soundscape and Collective Memory: The Application of Theories of Urban Space to Soundscape Analysis. Forum Acusticum, Dec 2020, Lyon, France. pp.1441-1448, �10.48465/fa.2020.0392�. �hal-03233663�
INVESTIGATING THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SOUNDSCAPE AND COLLECTIVE MEMORY: THE APPLICATION OF THEORIES OF URBAN SPACE TO
SOUNDSCAPE ANALYSIS Eleni Aidoni
1Kalliopi Chourmouziadou
21 School of Applied Arts, Hellenic Open University, 10 Eratosthenous str., 11635 Athens, Greece
2 School of Applied Arts, Hellenic Open University, 5 Omirou str., 55236 Thessaloniki, Greece [email protected]
ABSTRACT
The paper studies sound as a component of urban space.
It investigates the composition of urban soundscape as perceived by the area’s users and attempts to verify soundscape as an activator of collective memory. In this respect, it attempts to clarify the way people perceive the interaction between sound and space by analysing the features that shape the sonic image of the city, namely the boundaries and the areas formed, the materiality of structures, the activities and the time in which they unfold. Furthermore, it discusses how sound affects the way people relate to their environment, through the procedures of sonic stimulation and appraisal.
As a practical implementation, the paper analyses the soundscape of the Exarcheia region in Athens, while employing a multidisciplinary methodology. The impact of the urban fabric to the soundscape is revealed and maps are drawn, outlining the soundscape’s general structure, its 24-hour rotations and the long-term changes recorded over the last 50 years. Statistical analysis confirms earlier findings relating to the importance of subjective criteria and expectation in soundscape appraisal and people’s preference for certain sounds.
Mapping the sonic environment allows elements of the city’s identity, to emerge and unveils indications of previous spatial policies and social transformations.
1. INTRODUCTION
During the last decades there has been a growing interest among scholars and practitioners of various disciplines around soundscape research. The study of urban soundscape in particular, its formation, the possibilities of interference and its design has been a core subject of research for many acousticians, composers, artists, engineers, philosophers etc. Yet, there is limited evidence that this discussion ever entered the architectural discourse of urban theory. Even though the latter has shifted its focus from the predominance of the visual to identifying the city as a complex, multidimensional entity, sound seems no more ignored but somehow lost in the mix.
Urban theory provides a set of tools for the understanding of our environment. These tools can be
fruitfully applied to soundscape analysis in order to decode the interaction of sound and space and the way it affects social behaviour in the city. The objective of this paper is to examine such an implementation, while attempting to establish soundscape as a carrier of history and activator of the collective memory of social groups.
2. URBAN THEORIES & SOUND 2.1 The city as a container of memory
In his fundamental book [1], M. Hallbwachs has shown that memories are formed in a social context. Events and individuals are held in memory from images and situations commonly experienced by a group of people, so that individual memories are versions of the collective.
These shared memories ensure the group’s identity as a whole by establishing a common past and a starting point for the achievement of collective goals.
Collective memory forms a living tradition that is translated in the daily practice of individuals [2] and materialised in the physical environment around them.
The city’s elements, streets, buildings, monuments and open spaces, all relate to actions and decisions of the social groups that inhabit it. They are linked to the values of society and to the social groups themselves, since they reflect their evolution while shaping the context in which new actions occur and new memories are formed.
However, the city is a place of coexistence of many different social groups, collecting their spatial imprints – a synthesis of miscellaneous structures and architectural forms deriving from different sociopolitical circumstances over the centuries. Managing urban space can thus become a means of manipulating social groups, by intensifying or silencing differentiating elements, letting others evolve to what Rossi calls fatto urbano1 [3]
or eliminating them thus erasing a group’s memory.
Identifying and studying the independent elements that cluster in this hybrid construction – the collage of urban space – can lead to understanding the development and function of the city [4]. This interpretation is compromised by the interpreter’s background, his prior experiences, knowledge of and familiarity with specific
1
places, so that each person constructs a different image of the city. According to Lynch [5], grouping these images reveals common elements that emerge as characteristics of the city. He distinguishes five types of elements that constitute its structural features (paths, edges, districts, nodes and landmarks), the interrelations of which determine the clarity of the city’s ‘imageability’.
Subsequently, this paper attempts to identify such elements of the urban fabric associated with auditory perception.
2.2 Sound image of the city
Here, ‘image’ is used in the sense of the imprint on a subject’s perception, a process that is mainly pictorial for the western human. The aim is to clarify the way sound forms partial spatialities in the urban fabric. Of course, the discussion revolves around boundaries and areas, but it also includes the elements that affect sound characteristics, like loudness or pitch, modifying a signal’s envelope and its correlation to other signals.
2.2.1 Boundaries
Boundaries are the elements that enclose an entity, defining its outline. Usually linear (e.g. roads, rivers, walls, coastlines etc.), they function as spatial incisions that allow parts to be autonomously organised, but at the same time they are seams where different areas meet and interact. At boundaries the sonic environment shifts from one formation to another [6]. Transitions can be abrupt, resulting to a rupture of the sonic environment, such as when crossing a high fence, or gradual, like a sound loss due to distance. Sound boundaries may coincide with visual and spatial limits. Sound itself can function as a boundary, as in the case of a busy motorway where noise raises a barrier between adjacent areas.
Boundaries provide dividing lines between inside and outside, being at the same time parts of both spaces.
Breaking their rigidity (with windows, thresholds, arcades etc.) inflates them to transitional zones where adjacent areas interpenetrate favouring unexpected encounters that mitigate differences.
2.2.2 Areas
An area is a segment of space in which one recognises attributes that reveal a specific identity. When inside the area its identity is always perceived, but a strong identity turns the area to a point of reference for the outsider as well. The characteristic attributes can relate to elements scattered throughout the territory or to a strong core element whose energy diffuses around it (e.g. a city’s waterfront). Therefore, sound areas are not necessarily static, they follow their source and change according to the different spaces they pass (e.g. a marching band, a hawker etc.).
Once inside the area, the user feels surrounded by sound even if he/she cannot locate the sound source [6].
An area may have an internal structure of smaller sub-
regions with distinct characteristics, like a plaza, where a fountain, a café terrace and a bench constitute separate sonic spatialities. The user of a sub-region feels like being inside the wider area (the plaza), but not vice-versa.
Far from being a steady state, the area is rather a process of marking space and time [7]. Under this scope, a sound area can take political overtones, offering to marginalised social groups the opportunity to define their own space. Furthermore, sound can even undermine the private – public distinction [8]. Considering individual identity as a relational construction, local sounds, sonic culture, auditory memories and noises, integrate a person to the social tissue, contributing to the establishment of common spaces, thus reconfiguring spatial distinctions of inside and outside.
2.2.3 Materiality
Materiality also characterises urban space. The effect of materials on sound depends on their physical properties and finish, determining their absorption-reflection- diffusion attributes. People tend to add social, aesthetic and psychologic meaning to the intrinsic properties of materials [9]. Changes of perceived sound give information about the materiality of space, which further extends to space and time information and stimulates behaviour adjustments.
2.2.4 Function
Space comes to life through its function, its use and the interactions it mobilises. Every user and every action is a potential sound source of the urban soundscape and it is the concentration of formal and informal uses that formulate the character of an area’s sonic environment.
An extreme manifestation of this can be found in the functional city, where zoning principles endowed each domain with corresponding sounds solely during its use.
Space is a means of communication and regulation of interpersonal relations. People move/stop following specific patterns that stem from the activity they perform and the practices of others [10]. Relative positions determine the space’s density, an indicator of individuals’
subjective choices on personal needs for sociality or privacy [11]. The different spatial qualities produced are reflected to the sonic environment, enabling individuals to distinguish between opposing poles (inside–outside, public–private etc.) and intermediate situations.
2.2.5 Time
People understand their environment by recording changes over time. Perception is a process of successive records; human mind accepts the synthesis of these snapshots as a continuum connecting it to its environment [5]. Acoustic space is by nature created in time, as a dynamic space in flux, creating its own dimensions every minute [8]. Understanding the sonic environment requires a period of time during which information unfolds.
Duration is an inherent feature of sound that individuals
exploit to organise their surroundings, using sound patterns to give rhythm to everyday life.
2.2.6 The sound of urban space
The above are an attempt to approach the urban soundscape in its fluidity and decipher its components.
Urban space is a non-hierarchical, heterogeneous, interconnected structure of constant flows, where alternating functions constantly redefine places, delivering ever-changing sounds [12]. In the city, natural and artificial sounds are mixed, physical sources are intertwined with digital breaking down spatial constraints; sound areas overlap, merge and split, boundaries are transformed, amplified or deleted. The sonic patchwork is a quality of urban space as well.
2.3 Perceiving and appraising soundscape
Listening begins with the sensory reception of the stimulus and involves the mobilisation of attention and the activation of cognitive signaling functions [13-15].
The conceptual representation of the sonic environment refers to the figure/background model of Gestalt psychology [16]. Figure sounds are consciously perceived because they stand out acoustically, statistically or by their psychosocial and semiotic features [17]. Figure sounds that are unique or bear qualities that make them important to people may rise to the status of soundmarks for the local community [16]. On the other hand, background sounds have a constant presence, which makes them less distinct and uninteresting to the listener.
Nonetheless, they are inextricably linked to places and influence the behaviour of their inhabitants, setting the basis for the signification of other sonic events. The figure/ background dipole is completed by the field of observation [16, 17].
The observer’s relation to the field determines the appearance of figures. Depending on his acoustic habits and psychological situation, any sound can emerge as a figure at any time. To this extend, Hedfors combines the figure/ background division with the levels of intensity and clarity experienced by the listener to formulate the model of prominence [18], a tool for the characterisation of soundscapes based on simple sensory impressions.
The urban soundscape exceeds the sonic environment of the city in that it integrates the human appraisal of the latter [19]. Appraisal of an environment comes from the emotions it provokes to individuals, its response to their motivations, their capacity to cope with prevailing conditions and their future expectations [20]. An environment that provides perspectives for expanding one’s knowledge or skills is evaluated as interesting, while one without stimuli is considered boring.
Environments of increased complexity impede decision on appropriate behaviour, causing insecurity and discomfort and are judged as chaotic. When stimuli can be interpreted as part of a whole, giving a harmonious impression, the environment is considered safe, stable
and calm. Subjective evaluation of the soundscape can thus be measured in two axes: pleasantness and eventfulness [21].
Literature [21-23] shows that people do express preference for certain type of sounds over others: sounds of nature are highly appreciated, followed by anthropogenic sounds, whereas machine-made or technological sounds are less valued. Preference depends on the context of listening. Signal information and listener expectations are more important than the physical properties of sound. Attribution of meaning to sounds and appropriateness of sound sources indicate an acceptable soundscape, even if loudness exceeds established limits [22]. Appreciation of a soundscape is also affected by the listener’s psychological and physical condition and his socio-cultural background [23]. The possibility of reaction to an undesirable stimulus reduces the discomfort, even if the action is unsuccessful or not implemented at all.
Overall, soundscape analysis calls for an interdisciplinary approach that involves a semantic interpretation of its qualitative attributes and their correlation with quantitative parameters.
3. METHODOLOGY
In this paper soundscape analysis is carried out using the triangulation method, a combination of measurements and subjective evaluation procedures - tools made available from previous work in the literature, based on their suitability for collecting data, ease of implementation and time constraints.
This study examines the soundscape of Exarcheia, a district in the centre of Athens. The area presents an interesting mix of land use and social diversity, which is expected to transfuse a spatial and temporal variety to the soundscape. It also hosts an architectural stock of building systems and styles from the early 19th century to the present that provide public spaces of different qualities. Moreover, its historic significance – the core of political and social episodes – allows the search for correlations between soundscape and collective memory.
Research involved exploratory visits to the area for observational purposes. Four (4) visits were organised over a period of two (2) months, in order to familiarise with the soundscape and its 24-hour variations. Visits were recorded and on-site observations were verified via retrospective listening.
At the same time, historic information about the area’s evolution (official and grey literature) revealed the events and planning mechanisms that led to the contemporary image. Special attention was paid to locations that depicted historic evolution, which either survived over time or were formed as a result of sociopolitical fermentations. Typical urban analysis tools such as urban plans, planning and construction regulations, land use mapping and buildings registration status, allowed the description of the area features as forms and functions
and the deciphering of their interaction with sound.
Recent official noise maps of the area were also retrieved.
Borrowing research tools from Amphoux’s first approach, sound memory, the study aimed at recalling participants’ memories by the use of the sound map technique [17]. Short interviews were conducted, in which individuals were asked to draw a map of the sonic atmosphere of the area by memory – a conceptual map, facilitating the collection of information from within, providing feedback not easily accessible to the external observer (night sounds, occasional sounds), so that a more complete overview of the soundscape is obtained.
As a result, 25 participants were interviewed, selected by snowball sampling or randomly on site, ensuring that basic variety criteria were met (age, social background, use of the area). All participants expressed a long-term connection to the area as a place of residence, work, leisure or a combination of the above. The short duration of the interview (10’-15’) provided relatively spontaneous answers, so that the most striking features were recorded. Depending on the interviewee’s engagement, the duration was sometimes extended, providing the opportunity for interesting details to emerge. Through conceptual sound maps significant data on the soundscape’s temporal fluctuation emerged, especially regarding sound –memory connection.
Once a general image of the area‘s soundscape was obtained, a soundwalk was planned in order to examine the soundscape of sites linked to historical facts that charged the collective memory as well as to obtain the views of people with lesser knowledge of the area. The itinerary included seven (7) stops-sites where participants were asked to complete a questionnaire based on the Swedish Soundscape Quality Protocol (SSQP) [25], with the addition of two questions: a closed-ended question assessing the sound environment’s relation to the site’s historical significance and an open-ended question where participants were prompted to describe any personal sound memories of the site.
Twenty one (21) men and women aged 30-45, who responded to a general call via social media, participated to the soundwalk, which lasted approximately one hour.
Most of them were Athenians and had already visited the area. In each site, recordings and measurements were conducted; allowing data triangulation, with the use of a ZOOM H1 and an ANSI S1.4 calibrated GSH 8922 Greisinger electronic respectively.
Data collected from the closed-ended questions were statistically processed, per stop and in comparison, in order to extract each site’s character, as well as more general observations. Comments gathered from the open- ended question on sound memories were examined according to Grounded Theory principles [24, 26] along those collected from sound maps. Qualitative evaluation of sites was correlated with measured SPL and spectral content and sites were classified [18, 21]. All data was
visualised through GIS, creating maps that allow immediate grasp of their spatial distribution.
4. EXARCHEIA AS A CASE STUDY – RESULTS 4.1 General soundscape composition
Fig. 1 illustrates the general layout of the Exarcheia soundscape composed of areas of common qualities, linear sources acting as boundaries/ axes and omni- directional sources providing distinct features to the sound environment. Size of symbols reflects intensity of phenomena.
High-traffic roads form strict boundaries at the perimeter, clearly delimiting the district sonically and spatially, at least from 3 sides (Asklipiou str on the SE being a much softer boundary). Traffic noise prevails (Lden>80 dB), though qualitative differentiations do exist between them. On the north (Alexandra av.), one hears birds from the adjacent park, pet dogs walking the street early in the evening and police car sirens transferring prisoners to court across the street. On the west, Patission str. has 2 poles of important activity, the Archaeological museum and the National Technical University of Athens complex (Polytechneio), several bus stations and larger sidewalks allowing multilingual pedestrians to move freely, stop and talk and street vendors to advertise their merchandise. Police walkie-talkies can be heard on Tositsa str. (between Polytechneio and the museum) causing a sense of security or frustration to passers-by.
Internally, one can easily distinguish two areas: the quiet north part and the animated south area. The distinction coincides with the spatial distribution of existing land uses. The north area, behind the museum and around Strefi hill, an urban housing area, is dominated by neighbourhood sounds like talking, children playing, local stores, indoor house sounds (television, serving food, vacuuming etc.) and low presence of cars.
On the south part, one finds a more vibrant and richer soundscape, as a subsequent of an urban environment concentrating commercial, leisure, administrative, educational and similar functions. Themistokleous and Benaki streets, Exarcheia’s oldest roads, full of stores, restaurants and bars, constitute the centre of this area and set the tone of its lively soundscape (hustle, music, people chatting in different languages - an indicator of the area’s social geography), though other sub-regions are organised, depending on prevailing activities. One of them is Polytechneio – Stournari str. (site 1 of the soundwalk), a site of historical importance of the fight against dictatorship in 1973 and currently the School of Architecture, where traffic and human commotion from students and stores supplying the school are heard during daytime; at night the road is deserted, apart from occasional concerts in the Polytechneio or conflicts between various social groups and the police.
Figure 1. Map of the soundscape of Exarcheia. Stops of the soundwalk are indicated in blue.
The latter are an integral component of the area’s soundscape. They come as a sound mix of explosions, fire, breaking glass or other objects, shouts, loudspeakers, running, beating etc., depending on the intensity of the engagement, and they cause anxiety and discomfort due to their sudden onset and their association to negative sensory inputs such as the smell of teargas and burned objects, smoke and violence; however their frequency makes them commonplace and thus less annoying for some of the residents. They usually occur at the streets surrounding Polytechneio, up to Exarcheia Square and from there southeast towards Ch. Trikoupi str. (marked with little stars in Fig. 1).
The complexity of the area’s soundscape is mostly seen in Exarcheia Square, the district’s public space, which was the 2nd stop of the soundwalk and the most sited feature in the sound maps. Here human commotion, café hustle, music, events, birds and animal sounds create a festive atmosphere, which switches to hostile shouts, fights, explosions and even gunshots that come with drug trafficking and other delinquent activity that takes place after sunset, causing fear and insecurity. Far from being a permanently negative soundscape, the coexistence of the two in constant juxtaposition reflects the claim of public space by opposing social groups.
The north-south distinction results from different spatial features as well. In general, Exarcheia is densely
built with tall buildings (up to 27 m.) and small roads that trap reflecting sound. The situation is worse on the parallel roads connecting Alexandra av. (N) to Academia str. (SW), carrying a substantial traffic load while having solid facades. Perpendicular roads, being smaller and frequently pedestrian areas, are much quieter, especially as one approaches the uphill roads around Strefi hill.
Moreover, the height of the buildings and overall construction factor2 decrease as one moves north and closer to the hill. Arcades along the street, found mostly on the south part, also affect the soundscape creating protected reflective nests, where traffic noise merges with indoor sounds. Unfortunately, open spaces as the Exarcheia Square and the Navarinou Park fail to act as adequate expansion spaces and scarce unbuilt plots are usually very small and surrounded by high walls turning them into funnels that reinforce traffic noise.
The Strefi hill (site 7 of the soundwalk) constitutes a small separate area, being the most important green space of Exarcheia and highly esteemed by residents and visitors for its quietness and calmness, as one hears mostly natural sounds, birds and the wind.
Soundscape is clearly louder and more diverse during daytime, when most activities happen. At night, traffic noise is reduced, confined to the perimeter and the parallel SW-N roads. Anthropogenic sounds similarly
2
decrease and activity shifts to the south where most indoor and outdoor recreational venues are located.
Nighttime is also the time of conflicts and delinquency.
Rotations of greater periodicity also exist, one of them being the street market at Kallidromiou str. (6th stop of the soundwalk), which occurs every Saturday, transforming the otherwise quiet road to a pleasant hubbub of food and people, greatly appreciated by residents. Another one is the 3-day commemorations of the fighting against dictatorship, taking place at Polytechneio every November 15-17, where people come together to honor the dead singing anti-dictatorial songs, shouting rallying cries, etc..
Finally, there are seasonal changes, with outdoor activity gradually increasing during the summer months, especially in the evening hours; cafes and restaurants spread tables on the sidewalks, pedestrian areas buzz with people until late night, open-air cinemas reopen, cats mate etc. The vivid soundscape silences in August when the district empties, as shops and restaurants close and residents go on their summer vacations.
4.2 Soundwalk results
As seen in Fig. 2 participants seem to agree on the dominant type of sounds for every site. The dominance of traffic noise at 1 (Polytechneio) is due to the fact that the School was closed on the day of the soundwalk, so the stop took place in the yard, near the entrance towards Patission str. High presence of mechanical noise on 4 (Navarinou Park) was caused by construction works.
Elsewhere the results are as expected.
Appraisal results for every site (Fig. 3) confirm the general trend found in literature [21, 27], showing negative evaluation of technological sounds as opposed to environments where anthropogenic (2, 3, 6) or natural sounds (7) predominate. There seems to be a connection between this preference and SPL measurements (Tab. 1), as the rather quite hill (45 dBA) is rated higher than the rest. This is not absolute, since the sonic environment of 6 (open market) was judged good to neutral though it showed the highest Leq values (73 dBA). Among sites with the same dominant types of sounds (1/4/5, 2/3/6), those with lower Leq are rated higher in terms of appraisal, however the size of the sample and the small divergences among the sites do not allow definitive assertions to be made.
Spectral analysis failed to offer a concrete conclusion.
Stable spectral over time had a positive impact to the appraisal of sites 2 and 3, as did spectral fluctuations in sites 6 and 7. Low presence of high and mid frequencies was a plus for site 7, but so did a full spectrum for site 6.
The strongest temporal variations and the largest spectral imbalances were both observed in sites of high traffic noise (1, 5).
Site’s positions on the pleasantness/ eventfulness circumflex model corroborate the appraisal pattern.
Anthropogenic sounds create more eventful and exciting
soundscapes (6 and 2 respectively), while natural sounds lean towards pleasant (7) and calm (3). Sites with traffic noise (1, 5) rank the same degree of unpleasantness, but site 5 (a crossroad) is considered more monotonous while site 1 presents more stimuli as well as a superior visual environment.
Figure 2. Composition of sound sources per site. (1:
Polytechneio, 2: Exarcheia Square, 3: a pedestrian crossroad of historical significance, 4: Navarinou Park, 5: a crossroad, 6: street market, 7: Strefi hill).
Figure 3. Appraisal of the sonic environment per site.
Sound type Site Leq (dBA) Appraisal Mechanical
sounds
1 61.02 -0.38
5 65.80 -0.38
4 69.13 -0.62
Anthropogenic sounds
3 57.48 0.35
2 62.69 0.24
6 72.34 0.24
Natural sounds 7 45.06 0.76
Table 1. Sites’ appraisal per sound type and Leq
Unpleasantness of sites 1, 4 and 5 seems to emanate from the failure of their sonic environment to match the idea one has of them. The sonic environment of site 4 was deemed totally inappropriate, since construction noise was considered totally incompatible with the park as a place of rest and tranquility. Site 5 was found too noisy for a residential area, whereas the sonic environment in site 1 was regarded as irrelevant to the use and history of the building.
Harmony of the visual and sonic stimuli enhances quality of space (7). This was not the case for sites 2 and 3 whose soundscape was appraised, even though their visual environment was poorly judged. Despite the fact that results for Navarinou Park were not representative, low evaluation of open spaces reveals the district’s lack of decent outdoor public spaces.
5. SOUNDSCAPE & MEMORY
Recording the changes in the soundscape of Exarcheia over the last 50 years and the sound events that people relate to particular places, has indicated aspects of everyday life of the past and breakpoints that interrupted this regularity, forming the collective memory of the local community and a wider public as well.
5.1 Sounds from the past
The soundscape of Exarcheia has not changed dramatically over time. The north/south distinction, the anthropogenic activity around Themistokleous and Benaki streets and the conflicts near Polytechneio are identified as timeless characteristics. Instead, sound memories refer to qualitative changes that describe a different model of social living, one of social interaction and spatial appropriation; a sense associated particularly with the Exarcheia Square, an urban space formerly characterised by live music, chatting and laughter that shifted to a theatre of quarrels and riots. Other sounds from the past include street music, the sound of printing presses (that followed the industry’s decline) and that of teargas (new ones are soundless).
Sound memories inevitably romanticise the past (even the protests are referred to as festive events), but they also attest the area’s continuity. Recording them reveals the changes in social cohesion (e.g. the multitude of foreign languages heard indicates the increased presence of foreigners, immigrants or tourists) and the spatial flow of activities. Over the years, the territory of political conflicts has expanded from its original core (Polytechneio), to cover Exarcheia Square and the surrounding streets, up to Ch. Trikoupi str., pushing other activities like commerce and especially night life with which they share hours, to the once residential area on the east. Sound-mapping provides indications on the evolution of the area and the spatial policies that led to its current image.
5.2 Breakpoints
Sound memories are also associated with unique sound events that marked specific places. Sound breakpoints may change the social convention of a place or affect its nature, in a way that often transcends the boundaries of local society.
Polytechneio, being a university, was always a site of free speech and civil liberties, but the events of 1973, a turning point in the history of Greece, transformed it into a symbol of social resistance to power for the collective subconscious. The pirate radio station broadcasting during the uprising and particular its flagship introductory “Here Polytechneio, here Polytechneio” is completely intertwined with the place, as are sounds of rallies, demonstrations and violent repression.
However, the urban tissue was reconfigured in the pedestrian crossroad of Tzavela and Mesologgiou streets (site 3 of the soundwalk), a former meeting place with high levels of anthopogenic sounds and music, where the assassination of a student by the police occurred in 2008 triggering riots on a national level. The gunshot sound signaled the definitive mutation of the place’s atmosphere, as the junction was later transformed into an informal memorial and roads became deserted. The shooting and the sounds of ensuing riots overshadow the former situation, especially for non-permanent users of the area, as shown by the 70% of the responses to the soundwalk questionnaire.
Another interesting finding involves Navarinou Park.
The site, a former parking lot dominated by intense traffic noise, was converted into a resident-initiated, self- managed park, through participatory planning and personal work. Although natural and anthropogenic sounds are prevalent today, inhabitants keep the sound memory of the jackhammers used to break the asphalt and shape the park; the same sound that participants of the soundwalk found inappropriate for the site, since the majority (~80%) was unaware of its history and therefore unable to correlate the sound with the memory of the space. Places of collective memory are not images of the past [2]; they adapt to the new roles society assigns them and so does their sonic environment.
6. CONCLUSIONS
This study has focused on soundscape as a parameter that shapes collective memory of urban space, investigating their relationship. Through subjective evaluation it revealed that urban soundscape is the audio footprint of the community using public space and attentive listening can reveal the hierarchy of relationships and dynamics that compose the city.
Soundscape analysis requires a complex methodology in order to record its different manifestations over time and the way it is experienced by social subsets. In this respect, a new methodological tool, the urban conceptual map is introduced.
The study verifies previous studies’ suggestions that soundscape is primarily valued through subjective criteria, like expectation and experience, and secondarily through the inherent characteristics of sound. People's preference for natural and anthropogenic sounds over machine-generated sounds is confirmed. Although there are indications of a pattern regarding the association of the SPL with the appraisal of sounds of similar content, no safe conclusions can be drawn – further analysis of the qualitative characteristics of the soundscape may reveal other parameters that contribute to the formation of public perception.
Finally, it is suggested that recording sound memory reveals evidence of spatial policies and social transformations in the city. Therefore, every design incentive should consider space as the field of action of diverse forces and employ a multi-sensory approach.
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