Economic Activities in Mullak' as- Misminay by Sector

I

I

•

I

II

•

ANDES: A CASESTUDYOF MULLAK'AS-MISMINAY

by

©NicoleRenaud

A Thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partialfulfillment ofthe requirement sfor the degreeof

Master ofArts Departm entofGeography MemorialUniversityof Newfoundland

S1.John's

Decemb er ,2011 Newfoundland

Marginali zedpopulationsin peripher alregions of theAndeanhighland s areamong the mostnegativelyaffectedby climate changeandothersocial andenvironmentalstresses. These communities' experienceswithhardshiphave ledto innovative adaptationstrategies. This researchprovidesan illustrationof water security in Mullak'as-M isminay,Peru. Local knowledge systems contribute to watersecurity, however their cohesivenes sisdilutedby pressure sthat devaluetraditionalpracticesfor thesake of modem approachesto water management and agricultural production.Yet thestress from thesepressurescan alsoaccentuate manife station sof Andeanreciprocity that havetraditionallyinformed watersecurity. Lessons from the region demonstratethat watersecurity isnotexclusively a matterof quantitative calculations, but one that requiresqualitativeconsideration sinformedbythe localsoc io-c ultura l context. AnAndean modelof water rightsmayprovide avenues for communitiessuch as Mullak' as-Misminayto meetwater securitychallenges.

Thisthesiswould nothave been possible without thesupport, help,and patienceof the peopleof Mullak'a s-Mism inay, aswell asthosein Maras.Theyintroduced me to their community and region,were infinitely patient with my lessthan idealSpanish,andshared food, drink andstories with me.The friendliness of thiscommunity makesit difficult tostay a stranger for verylong, regardlessoflinguistic or cultural barriers.Their kindnessmade for a memorable field season,and made this research,which I hope can insome way contribute to theirwell-being and prosperousfuture,a truly rewarding pursuit.

The foundation of thisthesishasbeen my supervisory committee,whoseendless encouragement, hard work, and insightensuredthatthe processmoved forward. Dr. Vodden's positi vityencouraged me to carve out myown vision,aswell aslinkingthatvision to geographical theory. Her genuine passionfor communitydevelopmenthashelpedshape my approach to thisresearch.Dr. Cane'sphysical geographyexpertise broughta vital perspecti ve, especially to the climate change-relatedresearch,while hisfield work experiences guided me forward with my own.Dr. Earls' sextensiveexperience with Andeancommunity research,in particular withMullak'as-Misminay,helpedinform the socio-culturaland political context, whileproviding a very valuab lecriticaleye regardingthe interplayof modernity and state politics.Dr.Mather'sexpertiseon market liberalizationand farm workersbring an important lensto thisresearch, and for thatIam very grateful.The Geography Department at Memorial

Universityhas been an inspiringand invitinglearning environment,and one that hasallowedme togrow academically.

The CIDA-funded Studentsfor Development programthrough the Associationof Universitie sand Collegesof Canada allowed me to pursuean internshipwith CARE Peru and fortheirsupport Iam thankful. CARE Peruoffered awarm and hospitable environment while also providinga deeper understandingofthe politicalandeconomiccomplexities of water- related multi-level government, governance and development in thecountry. Thisunderstandin g added the depth that I needed to develop my work, and my CAREsupervisor and friend,Nella Canales,hasbeen wonderful in this regard.

On a more personalnote, my colleagueandfriend, RyanGibson,hasbeen an incredible guidein alwaysencouragingand educatingme on thethesis-developmentprocess,andwitho ut his guidance I would not be thisfar ahead. Last,but certainly not least,my fiance KarlReid ' s lovingsupport hasinfusedme with the confidenceand determination to pursueall of my ambitions, this one included,and always stay thecourse no matter how long and windingthe road.

Table of Contents 30c31337434 1

ABSTRACT i

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii

ListofTables vii

List ofFigures viii

Chapter I:Introduction I

1.1.Water Securit y 2

1.2.Climate Changein the PeruvianHighland s 3

1.3.Marginalization and the Rural Indigenou sPoor 5

1.4.Study Community:Mullak' as-Misminay 6

1.5. VerticalTerraces 10

1.6. Multi-LevelRelationshipsand thePressureto Modernize 12

1.7.Water Availabilityin Peru 16

1.8. ResearchObjectives 17

Chapter2: LiteratureReview 21

2.1. WaterSecurity 21

2.1.1.WaterScarcity 22

2.1.2.WaterStress 24

2.2.AdaptiveCapacityand WaterManagemen tin Socio-EcologicalSystems 27

2.2.1.LocalEcologicalKnowledge 29

2.2.2.Vulnerability 33

2.2.3.Adaptation and Resilience 36

2.2.4.Socio-ecolo gicalSystemResilienc y 38

2.3.Impactsof Marginali zationand Multi-levelGovernance on WaterSecurit y 40

2.3.1.DevelopmentPoliticsand Multi-LevelRelationships 41

2.3.2. MonetaryPoverty and Social Exclusionin theRuralPeripheralAndes 42

2.3.3.LinkingPovert y andEnvironmental Degradation 47

2.3.4.IndigenousPeople,Marginalization andtheEmergingMicrofund ia 49

2.3.6. Water Politics in the Andes 53

204.Peru'sWater Governance System 55

204.1.The New WaterLaw 57

204.2.Integrated Water ResourceManagement.. 58

2.5.Conclusion 60

Chapter 3:Methodology 61

3.1. Methodology and Methods 61

3.2.Conceptual Framework 62

3.3.Developmentof Socio-ecological SystemCase StudyCriteria 64

304.CommunityCaseStudy Selection 65

304.1.Establi shingCommunity Contact and Liaison 65

3.5. Internshipwith CARE Peru,Lima 66

3.6. Semi-structuredInterviews 68

3.6.1. Themes 69

3.6.2.RespondentSelection 69

3.6.3.CodingResponsesand Pattern Analysis 72

3.7. Document s,Photograph sand Archives 73

3.7.1. PublicArchives 73

3.7.2.Photographs 74

3.7.3.StrategicPlans and IMA 74

Chapter 4:WaterSecurityin Mullak'as-M ism inay 75

4.1.Ecolo gicalStresses and ResourceEndowments 75

4.1.1.Climate Changein the Peruvian Andes 78

4.2.StressRelatedto SocialDynamicsand LocalBehaviour sand Impacts 84

4.2.1Forestmanagement 84

4.2.2 AgriculturalManagement 87

4.2.3Pollution 91

4.204.Infrastructureand Services 93

4.3. Local Adaptations 95

4.3.1Ayllu andsocial labour organization 95

4.3.2Livelihood diversification 99

4.3.3AgriculturalStrategies 101

4.3.4.Forestryand nativeplants asmechanismforwatersecurity 116

Chapter5: Marginalization, multi-levelrelationships andconsequences for adaptation 121

5.1 Smallholder Farming,Modernity, and Water Security 122

5.1.1.SubsistenceFarming with Microfundia Landholdings 124 5.1.2IntensifyingAgriculture and Crop Comercialization 126

5.2Privatization, Water Politics and Water Rights 129

5.2.1.Andean Water Rights and Politics 131

5.3.Financing, Support,and Development Aid 136

5.3.1Enabling and DisablingRole of Development,Aid and Non-Government

Organizations 138

Chapter 6: Discussionand Conclusion 141

6. 1 Multiple Stressesto WaterSecurity 141

6.2.Communit y and RegionalResponsestoStress 144

6.3. RelationshipbetweenMarginali zation ,Stresses and Responses 148

6.4. RoleofMulti-LevelRelationship sin WaterSecurity 149

6.5. CharacterizingWater Securityin Mullak'as-Misminay 154

6.6. Implicationsfor Policy, Research,and Practice 157

Bibliography 160

List of Tables

Table 2.1.Water Scarcity Type 23

Table 2.2.Rural-Urban Population of Peru 25

Table 2.3. Vulnerability and Survival Strategiesin Andean Rural Areas 35

Table3.1. Interview Respondents 70

List of Figures

1.1. Map of MarasDistrictwith Insetof

Peru 7

1.2. Economic Activitiesin Mullak' as-Misminayby

Sector 8

2.1. Local Ecological Knowledge Web 30

3.1. Conceptual Framework for the Characterizationof Water Security 63

4.1.WaterSuppliesin Mullak'as-Misminay 76

4.2.Gradual Erosionin Mullak'as-Mismina y 81

4.3.TreesSurroundingAgriculturalAreasin Mullak'as-Misminay 87 4.4.Open-Lined Canal Flood Irrigation in Mullak'as-Mi sminay 93 4.5.Farmersin Mullak'a s-MisminayTaking a Breakfrom Working the Fields 103

4.6.Abandoned terracesin Cuzcoregion 107

4.7.One of Moray'sSinkhole s 107

4.8.Flood IrrigationCanalsin Mullak'as-Mismina y 110

4.9.UnpressurizedLined and Unlined Irrigation Canalsin Mullak'a s-Mismina y III 4.10.Cuzco Government PressurizedIrrigation FundingSign for Maras 112

4.11.A Reservoirin Mullak'a s-Misminay 114

4.12.Treesand Shrubsin Mullak'as-Misminay 117

"The most profound meaning ofthe Andesthuscomesnotfrom a physicaldescription , but from the cultural outcome of 10 millenniaof knowing,using ,and transformingthe varied environmentsof westernSouth America (Gade, 1999:34)."

The Peruvian highlands have a long historyof innovative approaches to water management in an environment that outsidersmight consider poorly suited for agriculture and for human habitation.In fact, only 4.5%of Peru's Andesisarable (Hudson,1992).

The irregular availability of water has beenone of the factorsmosthinderingsocietal development in the Andes (Parry et al., 2007). Pre-Columbian societies have risen, developed ,and fallen,with local ecologicalknowledge evolving alongside of these experiences. MUltipleintersectingstressors facingAndean communities toda y cascade throughout their respective soc io-ecologicalsystemsandexertvarious impacts on their water security. Antagonisticforces suchasprivatizationlegislation,politicalinstability, ethnic marginalization,and organizationspromoting intensifiedwater management and agricultural production compound these stressors. Waterinsecurit ythreatens to hinder a socio-ecologicalsystem' s adaptive capacity. When the impactsof water-related stresses surpass a socio-ecologicalsystem's ability to cope,it may find itselfunable of providing effective responses to the disturbancesfaced.

Manyof the longesttraditionspracticedin the Andeswere born of local ecological knowledgeand are often intimatelylinked with hydrolo gicalcycles.These

these customs remaintoday, albeitin fragmentedform s.Theyhavemanifested as strategiesand mechanismstoserveasbuffersduring difficulttimes,whilealsoenabling riskdistribution (Newsham&Thomas, 2009). Variousadaptation strategies havebeen codified into the fabricof Andean belief systems thathelpcoordinate wateraccess, availability, and use.However,multiplestresses, exerted byboth local behavioursand multi-levelrelationship s,haveserved to hinder the communities'adaptive capacity in relationto watersecurity. This thesis will explore theseissuesimpacting localwater security through a community case study of the Andean indigenouscommunityof Mullak'as-Mismina y.

1.1. Water Security

Areportby theIntergovernmentalPanelon ClimateChangehasdefinedwater security asa"reliable availabilit yof waterinsufficient quantity and qualit y to sustai n human health, livelihood s,production, and the environment"(Bateset al, 2008:182).

Schult zand Uhlenbrook(2007: 1)providea more comprehen sivedefinitionthat includes the "sustainable use and protectionof watersystems, theprotection againstwaterrelated hazards(floodsand droughts),thesustainable developmentof water resource sand the safeguarding of (accessto) water functions andservices for humansand the environment." Addressingdroughts andfloods isan important considerationfor Andean water security, where thesephenomena can becommonplace(Manners et al., 2007). To

from human-induced eventsand processes such asexcessive agrochemical use contaminating watersources, or policiesthat facilitateprivatizationof naturalresour ces and thuscompromisinglocal waterrights (Embassy Brasilia, 2008). Theavailability of sufficient water isnot onlydetermined byphysical geography but alsolargel ydetermin ed by adequate accessto andsustainable utilizationof the resourc e.Political and socioeconomic factors play an important role in enhancingor diminishingaccessand opportunities forsustainablewater use.

For the purposeof thisresearch,the author defineswatersecurity asasustainable availabilityofsufficient and goodquality waterfor multi-dimen sionalpurposes, including human use,ecosystemfunctions,and long-termaccess.The unstablenature of weather patternsand climaticshifts needsto betaken into accountwhenconsidering sufficient availablewatersupplies.For thisreason , adaptation practices andother responses that help buffer against disrupt iontowatersuppliescanenhanceoverallwater security of asocio-ecolog icalsystem.

1.2.ClimateChange in thePeruvianHighland s

With climateeventsanticipated to occur with greater frequency and magnitude, their intensity isexpected to be even greaterat higher altitudes(Perez et aI.,2011). As the balance between temperature, precipitation, andevapotranspiration changes,water patternsmay become lesspredictable and increasingl ydifficultto adapt to.Rising

evapotranspiration in plants and in turn increasing the requirements of water needed for irrigation purposes (Gobierno Regional Cuzco, n.d.).Precipitation patterns are changing, with rainfall projected to decline by 14%by 2050 in the Southern Andes, where Mullak'as-Misminay is located.The Andes' spatial and seasonal variability combine to create a chronic water shortage during the dry seasons, which is compounded by the frequent floods and droughts this region is subjected to (Olson, 2007). The floods affecting this area negatively impact water quality and aggravate water pollution (Bates et al.,2008).

As temperatures increase and microclimates change, Andean flora and fauna species are gradually migrating upwards, with mountain tops no longer cold enough to sustain the former hydrological cycle balance that maintained renewed glacier formation (Tahirkheli,201O). Andean water securityliterature emphasizes increasing water stress, largely attributed to the rapid and accelerating retreat of Peru's tropical glaciers.It is projected that glaciers found below 5,500m,the majority of glaciers in Peru, will disappear between 2015 and 2020 (Portillo, 2008). Between 1977 and 2007,glaciers have experienced a 23% loss in mass, and glacial recession is a highly visible indicator to farmers that their lands are undergoing rapid and profound changes (Leavell, 2007).The impact that glacierretreat and acceleratedrunoff will have on Andean communities, hydropower generation, and farming is severe, and the future of water security may be precarious, particularly at the local level (Yuille et aI., 2008).

Histor ically, indige nousAndeancommunities have encountered multiplestressors that havecreatedorexacerbated conditionsof marginali zation.Indigenou s,rural Andean populationsare disproportionat elyrepresentedamongthepoorin Peruandsystematica lly experience inadequate accessto naturalresourcesand land(Griffiths,2002) .

While poverty reduction itselfisa goal universallyagreedupon,conceptu alizing poverty isa more contestedarea. Conventionally,monetary poverty isthe approach most commonlyacknowledgedin povertymeasurements,and in tum,poverty alleviation projects.However,thisisbeginningto be contestedasan inadequate understandingof what it meansto be poor. Poverty, after all, isdeprivationof well-bein g,but not necessarily,exclusively,or universallythe resultof thedeprivationof monetary wealth (Laderchi, Saith,&Stewart 2003).Alternativepoverty conceptualizations mayfocus on different approachestoandindicators for well-being,while refuting theemphasis on maximizin gutilityor privateand householdincome.Thesedifferentapproaches are discussedfurtherinsection 2.3.2.

Rao(2007:223) describe smarginalization asoccurringwhen"peopleare systematically excluded from meaningful participation ineconomic,social, political, culturaland other forms of humanactivit yin their communities and thusare denied the opportunityto fulfillthemselvesas humanbeings."Theoverlappingcharacteristicsof marginalizationconsideredin thiscommunitycasestudy of Mullak' as-Misminay are indigeneity, monetarypoverty, and locationin theruralperiphery.

Andean highland shave been occupiedbyhumansforalmost11,000years,and possessdiverseorganizationalheterogeneity within modem nationstate boundaries (Beall, 2007; Earls, 1996).InPeru,there exist5,500 indigenouscommunities,with each retaining variousdegreesof theirtraditional,pre-conque storganizationalstructure(Earls, 1996).

Mullak'as- Misminayis anagropastoralAndeancommunity located six km from theTownofMaras within theDistrict ofMaras, intheProvince of Urubam ba(Figure 1.1). Urubambaislocated intheCuzco Department ofPeru.Mullak' as-Misminay is divided into five communitysectors, and these are:Pillahuara,Tayancayoc, Pucamachay, Santa Ana, and Misminay.

This community is populated primarily by indigenousQuechua farmerswho speak the Quechua language, which was the language of the Inca (Hornberger,1996).

Many are bilingualandspeak Spanish also;howeversome of the eldersspeak only Quechua.The residentsare descendents of theInca and pre-Inca, who constituted some of the firstsettlementsinthe region (Cavero etaI.,2005).In2005,the population of Mullak'as-Misminaywas1,087, anditsprojected annualrate of increaseis1.36%, which is slightly higher than the overall District' s1.2%populationincreaseprojection (Cavero et al.).While thepopulation issteadily rising,rural outmigrationhas been onthe rise since 1987, and accelerating at alarming rates. The primary reasons for outmigrationin Mullak'as -Misminayare for work andschool(Cavero et al.).

demonstrate sthe principaleco nomi cacti vitie sundertaken bythecommunity population,

Economic Activities in Mullak' as- Misminay by Sector

•Agriculture .CarpentIy

•Livestock -Conuuercial -Mining

• Transportation-Workers Others

1%

1%

of which agriculture represent s 79%(Cavero et al.,2009).

Figure 1.2.EconomicActi vities in Mullak'as-MisminaybySector.

Data from Cavero et al.,2005.

The Andeshave been classifiedinto eight biogeographicnatural region s according to altitude and climate.Mullak'a s-Misminayis situated within the"quechua"

ecoregion (2,300-3,500 metres altitude),as well as partly within the"suni" ecoregion (3,500 - 4,000metresaltitude)(Cavero et al.,2005; PulgarVidal,1979).The community hasasemi-arid climate with dry winters (Gobiem o RegionalCusco et aI., 2005).The

co mmunity farmerscoordinatetheirharve st around this seasonal division.Farm ers store rain in theirreservoirsfor usein flood irrigation duringthedry season. Thecommunity doe snot possessany lakesor rivers,nor are there anysub-bas ins thatconnec t tothe province' smain watersh ed ;theVilcanota River .Thereare eigh t water sourcesin Mullak'a s-Mi smina y,all in the form ofsmallsprings(Ca veroet al.:and Wright , 2008) . Wateryields from the community' s springs are highly variable, and in Octoberof2005 rangedfrom 0.1 to 150 Uminute(Wright,2008).They userudimentary farming technology such ascattle for ploughing. Some cropsgrown in the Distri ctuseimproved seeds ,and the main cropsgrown in Mullak'asMisminayare beans,com, severalvarieties ofpotato,quinoa,and wheat,alongwitha few others(Urton, 1981 ).

Agricultural tasks forcertaincrops arecarriedoutincorres pondencewith the moon andsun phases, structuring theagricultura l duties accord ing ly. Tabl e1.1illustrates thedifferenttask s in plantingthroughouta year in Mullak'as-Mi sm inay,and provides an approximation of thetimes for each cropand task .

Table1.1.Descripti on ofMisminay'sMonthly Agricultural Duties

Duties Jul Au Sept Oct No v Dec Jan Feb March April May June Early potatoes

II

Wheat

- 5

Ocalollu cu Com

c:

Quinoalbeans

Peas

--

Wheat/potatoes

r·

Hallmiyoq

0g _P'oqroy

II

-

::I:

Breaking^EarlytheEarth^potatoes

_• II_-

^I

l

Peas Potatoes Quinualbean s

X

Wheat Oca

Com

-

Plough ing

I .

Adaptated from Gary Urton (1981).

1.5. Vertical Terraces

Mullak'as-Misminayisalso where the pre-Hispanicarchaeological site of Moray islocated.Moray isa circular vertical agriculturalterracesystem that isbelieved to have been usedasacentre for agricultural experimentation. Some of the conditionsthat support thishypothesisinclude the presenceofsignificantlyvariegated microclimat es across terracelevels,mostnotably thefact that themicroclimaticdistributionrelates to the artificial terrace constructionrather than the naturally-occurr ing geographical layout (Earls, 1998).This suggests that the inhabitantswhoconstructed thisterrace system had developedan effective strategy that enabled environmentalmanipulation in order to artificially recreate conditionsof local microclimate s.Thesystem thoroughly incorporatedCuzco 'sagricultural calendar and itskey datesdictatingagriculturaltasks and planning (Earls,1998).This vertical terrace wasconstructed usingextensive local expertise to coordinate the geologic and hydrologic featureswithin the landscape(Wright et aI., 2011). The terrain had itsown water source and wasirrigatedwith a nearb yaquifer until approximately60years ago, when the water was channelled away from the system

and redirected to Marasfor theDistrict' suse (Earls,1998;Wright et al.,2011).Without the irrigationsystem formerlysupporting thisstructure,crops are no longer regularly grown here, although attemptshave been made usingrainfed agricultural techniques (Personal communication,November 4,201l).Moray currentlyserves as a major tourism attraction, drawing increasinglylarge numbersof touriststo the region (Cavero et al.,2005).

Verticalagriculturalterraces are agronomica llywell-suitedto mountain terrain andclimatesandare commonly usedthroughout theAndes(Treacy,1987). Terraces can help reduce frost and drought impacts, preserve soil,as wellas increase croprange and yieldpotentialdue to theirfunctioning in conjunctionwith highly localizedmicroclimates (Altieri,1996). They canalsofacilitate waterdelivery, and make efficient use of availablewater.Verticalterraces consistof flatterrace levelsand may have been developed in this manner in responseto drought,drasticdaily andseasonal temperature changes,or due to thesuitability for irrigating corn.

TheInca had developed 700,000ha of terracesin the Andes,which was accomplishedwithalarge and highly-coordinatedlabour force (Alegria, 2007).

Maintainingverticalterraces requirednotonlyan extensive amount of labour but also highlevels of socio-environ menta lcontrol(Erickso n,2000).Thiswas achieved thro ugh the Andeansystemof reciprocityandcooperative labour knownas"ayni","Faenas" are communaltasks that contribute tothe aynilaboursystem, and can involvelabour such as workingthe fields,buildinga road,or developingirrigation.These communalworks are for the benefit of the community, and in turn the participantsof the labour also become

the recipientsof the work'sbenefits (Erickson).Terrace systems havea longhistory in the region,withevidence datingbackfrom2,200 BCE-100AD of rudimentaryterraces developedandseeminglyemployedas aresponseto an increased frequencyofsoil erosionevents(Kendall and Chepstow-Lu sty,2006).Thebenefitsofvertical terracing go beyond soil erosionmitigation,astheyalso help to diminishfrost and droughtimpacts, conservesoil, expand crop opportunities,and increasepotential yields,withsomecrop outputs increasing by asmuch as65%(Altieri,1996).

1.6.Multi-Leve l Relationshipsand thePressure toModernize

Andean communitieshavehad a dynamicandshifting relation shipwith thestate throughout history .The Inca Empire employed multi-level administration,andin the absence of a marketsystem, the Inca economy promotedlocal self-suffic iency. When products were not locally available, socialexchange throughbarteringor controlledtrade were employedtosecure extra-localproducts (McEwan,2006).Empire citizenswere generally providedfortheir basicneeds.The HighlandEconomicModel , described by Rostworow skide DiezCanseco (1999),operatedaccording to a subsistence pattern of usuallyrainfed agriculture.Therelationship the rulingbody hadto its citizenschanged drastically with Colonial(1532-1821)and Republican(1821-1930)periods.The nation- state did not function in thesame manner but rather eroded kinshipalliances while facilitating exploitation (Andrien,2011).The unstable,earlycolonial processwas abetted byrampant epidemicsthatdecimatedindigenou spopulation sasSpanish settlers

flooded in, allowingindigenouslandstobeseized with greaterease, while taxes and labourdemandswereimposed onsurvivingcom munities. Thesedemands grewhigher with theemergenceof acompetitivemarketeconom y,largelyusheredin byVicero y Franciscode Toledo ' spoliticaleconomy reforms,whichaugmentedfood shortagesand resourcedepletion for many Andean communities (Andrien,20II;Larson,1988).The extractive industrieswere rigorou slypursued,and brought about newtechnologyand approachesthat modernized extractivepractices,thusenablingmore effectiveresour ce exploitation. The 19^thcenturysawgreater privatizationof land and resource sof Andean communities (Lange,Mahoney,vom Hau,2006).Corrupt administration , oversightof kinshipalliances,and local discontent served to unravel many colonialreform s (Larson, 1988).

Thisplethora of soc io-political perturb ationsdealt adevastatingblowtocultural andeconomic practices that drovetraditional verticalagricultureand inter-communit y exchange. Laterreform s saw large-scaledand mandatoryresettlementof Andean communities byconsolid atingdifferentAndeancommunitiesin theformofreducciones, serving tofurther disarticulatetradit ionalAndean economies,kinships,and networks (Andrien,20II).While discontentand restles snessbrewedamongindigenouspeoples, strengthening control andsnuffing out descentwasfacilitatedby their weakenedstate.

Post-colonialpatterns have persistedwithin modemnationstate administration and legislation,and to an extent,indigenouspopulationscontinue to experience the effectsof colonialismregardingreduced accessto land and water (Childs&Williams, 1996).Precariou swater supplies are often relegatedtofuel agriculturalmodernization ,

and the discontent from indigenous populations manifest in response to competing interests.

External influences have historically impacted local practices surrounding water management, either by introducing new or foreign elements into the society that alter the community's relationship to water, or by extracting critical components that formerly allowed local ecological knowledge to flourish.This can include the introduction of production-oriented exotic tree species that displace water security-enhancing native tree species, for example, or the diversion of community water sources away from their own subsistence crops toward commercial-bound crops outside the community (Earls, 1998;

Cavero et al., 2005). While local ecological knowledge across Andean communities has traditionally facilitated resiliency in the face of varying perturbations, its applicability can be diminished and perceived as less relevant in modern contexts.

The push to privatize through modernization mechanisms is immense, and particularly emphasized in the agricultural sector.Agricultural exports are becoming increasingly prominent for Peru'seconomic growth and development. In 2005 this sector brought 1.6 billion dollars, amounting to more than 10%of the sum of exports (Olson, 2007). The debate over implementing pressurized irrigation (also referred to as

"improved irrigation" by some agencies, and includes "drip" and "sprinkler" types) is largely oriented around concerns over efficiency, profit returns, and scale. Governments implement policy and legislation and propose incentives to adopt more modern and economic approaches to irrigation and other aspects of agricultural production (Gonzales, 2000).

Fujimori-era (from 1990-2000) neoliberal policies aimed to integrate Andean communities into cash markets through agricultural intensification for long-termgrowth and stability but have stretched smallholder farmers' local food systems thin,stressing water systems and resulting in heightened food insecurity and malnutrition (Marti&

Pimbert, 2007; Slaughter-Holben, 1999). Former subsistence farmers have attempted to extend their output to meet urban demands, which led to more intensive agriculture in decreasingly appropriate circumstances while they had difficulty meeting their own subsistence needs (Marti Sans, 2005).Intensifying production entails a range of strategies that may operate contraryto traditionallow-impact agricultural approaches that have been seminal in supporting Andean rural livelihoods.

The external drive to modernize traditional and indigenous ways of life in rural agricultural communities is concretely rooted in profit incentives, focusing on water' s market value and ignoring its social value and cultural meaning (Escobar, 1998; LOpez Gonzales, 2008). Even as modernity interventions in the agricultural and irrigationsector can lead to climate change adaptation solutions, often they are integrated with monetary poverty reduction strategies with the belief that poverty and environmental degradation are inextricably linked (Forsyth&Leach, 1998). Inclusion in these schemes, however, usually requires profitable returns that may not be of benefit to the local populace, or even feasible (Kastelein, 1998; Vera Delgado&Zwarteveen, 2008). Avenues to modernity include standardized, top-down, market-oriented,Western scientific techniques and technology (Vera Delgado & Zwarteveen). The debate surrounding irrigation, discussed further in Chapter 4, is especially relevant, as currently practiced

traditional methods employinggravity becomedispl acedbypressurized irrigation schemeson thebasis of higher efficiency(Embassy Brasilia.2008).

1.7.WaterAvailabilityin Peru

Peru ' spercapita renewable wateravailabilit yhasbeencontinuouslydecreasing as the population increases.In 1950.water availability was5.241m^3/personl year.which declined to 1,700 m^3/personlyearby1995 (Gardner-Outlaw&Engelman. 1997).In order to beconsidered water-stressed.a country or region needsto have between1,000to 1,667 m³per capita of annual freshwateravailability.Peru reachedthismark in2000 when availability declined to 1.559m^3/personlyear (Gardner-Outlaw&Engelman;Gordon, 1998).Wateravailability isprojectedto decreaseto 1.126m^3/personl yearby 2025,a figurewhichapproaches the water scarcity criterion of 1,000m^3/personlyear (Gardner- Outlaw&Engelman ).Under the mediumand highUnited Nationspopulationmodels.

Peruisprojected to becomewater scarce by 2025(IValls,n.d.).

AsPeru possessesan enormousdisparity ofphysicalwater availability between regions,it would be more meaningful to focus on regional wateravailability.while acknowledgingextra-localwater displacementthrough aquiferdiversion.Furthermore, useand accessto watersupplies islargely related tosocio-economic and political power and marginalization.Thus,a regionwith the leastwaterand the most population and economicgrowth,such asthe coast,mayhave thegreatestaccess to water for usesthat

serveto further consol idateitspower.Itisimportant tonotonly consider physical availability butalso the power distributioninfluencingregionalwater security.

Approximately 82%of thewater withdrawnin Peru goestowardsagricultur e (Central IntelligenceAgency,n.d.).Ofthe82%attributed to theagriculturalsector,97%

of irrigationwater isdrawnfromsurface watersources in theAndes (Embassy Brasilia, 2008). Thus,water use efficiency with agriculture playsasignificant part in the determination of watersecurity.

There are plansunderway to channelwater from Andean aquifers, thustaking water away fromsubsistence farmers in orderto maintain large-scaleirrigationprojects (Fraser, 2009; Olson,2007).Draining water from extra-localaquifersthat are beingused bysubsistencefarmers alreadyfacingcontendingpressures andecologicalstressorscan be very problematic for watersecurity,notonlyfromanecological perspect ive,butfrom apolitical standpoint, pittingthe competinginterests ofpowerfulagribusiness against smallholder Andeanfarmers(Fraser;Keen, 20 10). Thesedevelopments are made possiblethrough privateandgovernmentsupport. which aim toincrease agricultural export production aswellasenhance extra-local marketintegration.

1.8. Resear ch Objec tives

In order to be resilient , a socio-ecologicalsystem musthave the ability to buffer perturbation s, self-organize, and adaptand learn(Tompkins&Adger. 2004). A water- securesocio-ecologicalsystem would havemechanisms andstructures in placethat

would allow itto absorb shocks without those disturbances affecting its core functionality.This could come in the form of upgraded infrastructure capable of capturing greater releases of water from variable rainfall, for example. It would also possess the ability to self-organize, such as when water users and farmers change their coordinated labour activities in irrigation and rotational agriculture patterns while transitioning to more drought-resistant crops during a multi-seasonal drought (Earls, 2006).The ability to learn and adapt may be demonstrated through both examples as people take the local ecological knowledge accumulation over the generations of interaction with their environment andits ecological events and apply adaptations accordingly based on those observations and lessons learned. In this way, water security is enhanced, which in tum contributes to overall social-ecological system resilience.

The Andean farmer's world has changed dramatically, and many uncertainties lie ahead. Past trends indicate that Andean communities have the adaptive capacity necessary to weather current and future challenges to local water security,so long as external actors do not exert exceedingly negative influences (Young&Lipton, 2006).

Even so, the facets of marginalization may have contributed to the development of innovative responses by pushing Andean communities to compensate for elements of vulnerability.

This thesis research is guided by the following objectives:

1. Identification of the key events and shocks that have caused disturbances to water security in the past within the case study community of Mullak'as-Misminay and surrounding area;

2. Better understanding ofthe evolution of the community-water relationship, which incorporates both shocks and community responses,including times when adaptation strategies may have emerged; and

3. Identification of innovative practices contributing to resiliency and lessons learned in this communityand surrounding region that can help to promote adaptability and good water governance.

The key questions governing thisresearch are:

I. What multiplestresses have acted as perturbations to water security in Mullak'as-Misminayinthe past?

2.What practices have been developed to respond to thesestresses?

3.How is marginalization related to the impacts of and respon sesto these perturbations?

4. Have multi-level relationships supported or hindered water security, resiliency, and adaptive capacity?

These questions incorporate the concepts of marginalization and multi-level relationships,both of which are critical to the vulnerability and response capability of socio-ecological systems, particularly asthey relate to shared decision-making and multi-

level governance.In thisthesis,multi-level governance alsoplaysan important roleand helpsdelineate actor relationships ,networks, and interactionsasthey relate to Mullak' as- Misminay.Schmitter(2004) provides agood definition for thisbelow.

Multi-level governancecan bedefined as anarrangementformakingbindingdec isions that engages amultiplicity ofpoliticallyindependent buto therwiseinterdepend ent actors -private and public - at differentlevels ofterritorial aggrega tion in more-or-Iess continuous negotiation/deliberation/implementati on.and that doesnot assign exclusive policycompetenceorasserta stable hierarchy of political authoritytoanyofthese levels (Schminer2 004:49).

The political interdependencies at play are particularlysignificant in the situation of local water security, where actors at multiple levels make decisions that influence water useand allocation (described further for the Peruvian context in Section 2.4 below).

Thestudy of multi-level relationshipsin this caseencompassesmulti-levelgovernance relationships, and more broadl yconsidersthescope of connection sbetween numerous actors affectingMullak'as-Mismina y.Examiningthe historical context ofwater security for thiscase study community and thesurrounding regionwilloutline the dynamic adaptive processesthat characteri zethesocio-ecologicalsystem resilienc yin Mullak' as- Misminay .

Chapter 2:Literature Review

This chapter reviews seminal literature on watersecurity andexamines the role of adaptive capacity in water management andsocio-ecologicalsystem resilience.In reviewing this literature, thischapter considersthe mannersin which marginalizationand multi-level relationships,and in particular governance, influence watersecurity in the ruralAndes,whileprovidingan illustrationof regional watersecurity.

2.1.WaterSecurity

Watersecurity isa relativelynew term, covering broad areasof what it meansto be watersecure. Initialwatersecurityconceptsemerged duringa time focusedon resourceexpansion and large-scaleinfrastructure in thefaceof a risingglobalpopulation, increaseddemandsfrom a higherstandard of livingand theexpansion of irrigation(Coo k

& Bakker.20 I0;Gleick,2000).The conceptof watersecurity has since evolvedto addresscompeting pressuresandsustainability.

The MinisterialDeclaration of The Hague on Water Securityin the21^stCentury (Second World Water Forum,2000) provided sevenkeythemesembodied by water security: meeting basic needs; securing food supplies;protecting ecosystems; sharing waterresource s;managing risk;water valuing;and good water governance (Cook &

Bakker, 2010).

This approach operationalizes watersecurity as meeting the needsofboth ecosystemsand human needsas part ofsocio-ecologicalsystems. By addressingthe ecological and human dimensionsof water useand need,asocio-ecolog icalsystem water security view does not over-empha size one considerationwithin thesystem,such as economic priorities,over others.Furthermore, examining watersecurity at thescale of a socio-ecologicalsystem addressesthe local leveland considers theinfluences that multi- level relationshipsexert upon a community'swatersupplies and its sustainability.

Watersecurity is increasingly being recognized as a multi-levelpriority asglobal waterdemand risesalongsideof populationgrowth. Watersecurity can be assessedin termsof availabilityby considering water scarcity and waterstress (Winpenny, 20 10).

2.1.1.WaterScarcity

Waterscarcity istypicallycalculatedat the national levelandgenerallyrefers to annual per capita renewable freshwater availability falling below 1,000m³(Winpenny, 2010).Waterscarcitycan impact the land in different ways,dependingonits duration and intensity, and thegeography of the land itself.A water scarcity regimeillustratedin Table 2.1 shows the duration and causeof dry land areas,dividedbyshortand long-term periods,aswell as by ecological oranthropogenic causation .

Table 2.1:WaterScarcity Type

Causeof dry lands

Duration of dry lands Natural Human activity

Long-term Aridification Desertification

Short-term Drought Water deficiency

(Adaptedfrom Pereira etaI.,2002)

Water scarcityis further divided into three categories:climatically-inducedwater scarcity,soilwaterscarcity, and blue waterscarcity(FAO,2000).Climatica lly-induced waterscarcity refersto thearidityof a region based onitshydro-cl imatic condition, based on therelationbetween precipitatio nand evapotranspiration.The transformation of a regionto a state of increased aridityrefers to the long-term process of aridification, and can heightenexistingscarcityortransition an areainto a waterscarcestate. Asemi-arid state usuallyincludes irregularprecipitation, chronic droughts, high evapotranspiration , and sporadic water availability(FAO).

Soil water scarcity refersto low soilmoisturelevels that can influence crop productionandcanbe especially challengingin aridity-proneareas with erratic rainfall or semi-annualrainy-dryseasons (Rockstromet al.,2003). Soil-waterholding capacity can be improvedwiththe help of certain plants andtrees that draw andretainrainfall moisture.Soil-wateris alsoreferredto as green-wa ter,andincludeswater usedby flora andevaporatedintotheatmosphere. Bluewater refersto the liquidwaterinrainfall, togetherwith that whichflowsthrough water bod ies and aquifers(Falkenmark &

Rockstrom, 2006).

2.1.2. WaterStress

Falkenmark(1989) coinedthe term "waterstress" to denote waterscarcity leading to intensepoliticaltension s(Wolf, 1998).Waterstressin this senseemerges when conditions, whether of human orecological dimension ,deprive a group ofpeoplefrom accessing the water they require, to anextent that promptsconflict. Homer-Dixon(1994) demonstratedthe correlation betweenarablelandscarcity and waterscarcity leadingto increasedprobability of conflict. Waterstress isa manifestation of waterscarcity or watershortage and may take the form of crop failure, food insecurity ,orinter-basin water conflicts between users.The concept ofwater stressdescribe s situations where there is not enough water for all the users,which causesconflict.

Climate,rainfall patternsand evapotran spiration are primarydeterminantsoftotal freshwater availability(IValls,n.d.).While the world' s freshwater quantitieshave remained virtually unchangedfor the past2,000 years, humanland-usepatterns, environmental manipulationand population growth nearing seven billion,have all impacted freshwater dynamicsand water secur ity characteristics, includingincrease d demandfor a finite resource(IValls).

The population of Peruis steadily increasing ,with largedemographicand economic disparitiesbetween rural and urbanregions. Table 2.2 indicatesthe demographic trendssince 1990 and projection sto 2020.

Table2.2:Rural-Urban PopulationofPeru

35.000.000. . , - - - - 30.000.000+ - - - = - :!5.000.000+ - - - -...- -.

:!O.OOO.OOO 15.000 .000 10.000 .000 5.000.000

o

1990 2000 2010 :!020

(Adapted from Mcfrevin, 1999).

Urban Rural

The demographic disparityis acceleratingas rural outmigration continues.Urban population growth, combined with increasedeconomic activity,augmentswater demands,which in tum takeswater resourcesfrom other usersincluding ecosystems.

Urbanization causescommunitiestoswell, and therefore requires greater water infrastructure investmentto meet expandingservice deliveryrequirement s.Aquifer depletionisbeing driven bypopulationgrowth, which in tumisresponsiblefor the correspondingincreasesin human consumption,includingirrigationdemands(Wada et al.,2010). While insufficientquantitative per capita water availability can driveconflict, there are many other qualitative determinants,especiallythosedetermininguseand access,which are important to consider in determining waterstress andsecurity.

Climate change is marked by risingglobal temperatures, while hydrologicalcycle disruptionspertaining to increased evaporation,precipitation pattern changes,droughts, floods, andsnow cover will undergo significant changes.Aquifer depletion is

predominantlythe resultof unsustainablewater withdrawalsuch asthroughpressur ized irrigation(Bates et aI.,2008).Rainfall patternshave beguntochange,mostlymanifested throughincreasedvariability, and chronic watershortfalls are especiallypresentinsemi- arid and arid regions(Watson et aI.,1997).Single-pointwatersystems, where wateris drawn fromeither a reservoiror borehole,are common in aridandsemi-aridregionsin develop ing countries. Thismakes foraparticularlyvulnerablesituation. assingle-point systemsrepresentthe primary watersuppliesin Mullak'as-Mism inay and thesearebeing affectedby disruptionsor shortages (Watsonet al.). Overall, specific climate change impactson the hydrologicalcycle on thelarge-scaleinclude changingprecipitation patternsinintensity and extremes,andsoil moistureand runoff changes(Batesetal.).

Acycleof extreme eventsthat influencesAndean watersecurityisthe El Nino- SouthernOscillation (ENSO),although it isnot clear if thereisacorrelation between climate change and ENSO (Bateset al., 2008). ENSOevents arecompo sed ofEl Nino and La Nina phenomena in Latin America.In the Urubamba basin,El Nino has been associated with droughts(Servicio NacionaldeMeteorolo gia eHidrologfadel Peru, 20 11).Thesephenomena havestressedwater availabilit y,asdroughtsrestrictwater supply availablefor irrigationand insome instancesreduce riverflows (Dulla mel,2011;

Ordinola,1997).

The Andean mountains possessmostly semi-arid to arid climates and are experiencing climate changes andvariation.andenhanced weather events.Theincreased precipitationwill mostlikelyoccurat higher altitudes,withprecipitationdecreases occurring insubtropical or lower regions(Bateset al., 2008) . Infact.ecoclimatic

variabilityincreasesat higher altitudes (Earls, 1998).Additionally, the changed precipitation patternsare projected to increaseflooding and droughtprobability, with landsexperiencingrain-basedfloodsand drought in a moreextrememanner. These events will compromise waterquality surface runoff by increasingthepossibilit yfor pollution. Increasedincidence of extreme floodingand droughtlead to increased sedimentation, and pestsand pathogens (encouraging pesticideuse),which willimpact watersecurity (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change,2007).

Key water securityissues identified inLatin America and the Caribbeaninclude groundwater contamination,depletion,water use,and accessconflicts(Gardiner,2002).

Major industrial activity from mining and agriculture accountsforcontamination by metals,chemicalsand toxic waste,while untreatedsewage createsunsanitar yconditions ripe for cholera(Gardiner). Thereare alsomany pollutants created asa resultofweakly- regulatedeconomic growth that contribute to decreasingwater quality.Nationalwater policie saregenerally lackin gin regulator ymechanismsresultinginweak management, environmental regulations and water accessapproaches (Gardiner).

2.2.Ada ptiveCapacityandWaterManagement inSocio-EcoIogicalSystems

Redman, Grove and Kuby (2004:163) define asocio-ecological systemas:

1."A coherentsystem of biophysicalandsocial factorsthat regularlyinteractin a resilient, sustained manner;

2. A system that is defined atseveralspatial, temporal,and organizationalscales, which may be hierarchically linked;

3.Aset of critical resources (natural,socioeconomic, and cultural)whoseflow and useisregulatedby a combinationof ecologicalandsocialsystems; and 4. A perpetually dynamic,complexsystem with continuous adaptation."

Systemstheory evolved to view ecological systemsoperating in nonlinear, unpredictablestates, giving riseto complexity theory. Emphasischanged from individual system parts to relationships between system nodes (Capra, 1996).The importance of emphasizingrelationships over nodesis illustratedin Figure 2.1,which depicts a local ecological knowledge web.The web representsthe relationshipbetween knowledge elements asculturally encoded within asocio-ecologicalsystem. Andean reciprocit y is directly linked to environment alknowledgeand codesof ethics.Inorder to engagein reciprocit y,a certain degreeoftrustandsenseof communityispresentto helpensure future collaboration and exchange (Folkeet al.,2005).

Throughout their development,many Andeansocieties became thoroughly acquainted with the character of their environments .Theirenvironmental historyhas included on-goingdisturbances,as well aspunctuatedshocks, ecological or human- induced. If a disturbanceexceeds asocio-ecologicalsystem' s adaptive capacity, then the community risks losing its organizational cohesion and its ability to recover (Janssen&

Osnas,2005).The depletion crisismodelin the conservationfield discussesthe learning involved following a resourcedepletion crisis.Itargues that watersecurity issuescan

prompt further learning in responseto depletion,as a matter of necessity (Berkes&

Turner,2006). Asperturbationsallowsocio-ecologicalsystems toself-organize, learn, and adapt, it follows thatsuppressing perturbationsorstresses can inhibit the learning processinvolvedin maintaining and enhancing adaptivecapacity(Berkes&Turner).

Smaller disturbance shelp build experience and assist systemsin building resiliencefor larger or more prolonged perturbations(The SustainableScale Project, n.d.).Although many factors influence the pathways as well as the rise and decline of entirecivilizations, certain experiences in the physicalenvironment have contributed in determining opportunity and disadvantage forsocio-ecological system development. Transient and protracted disturbances have alsocontributed to both innovative responseandsocietal stagnation (Dillehay & Kolata, 2004).Experiencingsuch disturbance sispart of the learning processinvolvedin resiliency and allows societies the opportunity to develop and employvariousshort-term and long-term mechanisms andstrategiesin light of the watersecurity problemsthey encounter.

2.2.1. LocalEcologicalKnowledge

Local ecological knowledge greatly influencesthe manner in which reciprocal relationships operate. This knowledgeencapsulates the intricate marriage betweensoc ial and ecologicalsystems and the cumulativeevolved knowledge grown from multi- generational socio-ecologicalsystem co-existenceand knowledge transmission ,which then becomespart of asystem's memory.Local ecological knowledge isculturallycoded

into a community's organizationalstructure, effectively resultingin a management system based on lessons from experience through generations (Berkes and Folke, 2000).

ConceptualizationofLEKwithin an IndigenousKnowledgeWeb LEK Components:

-knowledge embeddedwithin a

~-~--I--__,/'.L.---tweb of indigenous knowledge -these pieces are extracted and absorbed into modem resource management

Figure 2.1: LocalEcologicalKnowledgeWeb (Adapted from Casimirri,2003).

Multi-generationallocal ecological knowledgehas greatly contributedto Andean communities'adaptive capacityin light of watersecurity. This cumulativecompendium ofknowledge evolved out of observation ,exposureandexperiments,and continuesto be transmitted to contemporary generations,albeit multi-levelrelationship shave greatly influenced their cohesion,valuation, and application (Berkes, 2005; Valdivia etal.,2003 ).

Although elaborate knowledgesystems provide tools to anticipate and plan, rural Andean societies may lack the ability or be prohibitedfrom effectuating coping strategies.They

may alsolack the higher level of articulation and coordination required to enact successful adaptation mechanisms.

Many Andean communities.includingMullak'as-Mismina y,have developed methodsof anticipatinggrowing conditionsfor theyear basedon biotic and abiotic indicators (Gilles & Valdivia. 2009) . Certa inapplication s ofethnoastronomy provide an excellentillustrationof a local ecological knowledge-guidedabiotic indicator usedto forecastrainfall and the strength of EI Nifioevents. Farmersin Mullak'as-Misminay observe the Pleiades constellation and use the strength ofstar visibilityasa rainfallguide to plan their agricultural schedule (Urton. 1981; Orlove et al., 2000).Thesocial learning involved in thissort of traditional knowledgehelps Andeansocieties cope with the uncertaintyand unpredictabilityof their ecosystems.and in particular the hydrological cycle. throughinnovativemanagement strategies(Berkes et aI., 2000) .A seemingly productiveandstableseason in the Andescansuddenly experiencea disrupt ionin temperature and rainfall patternsthatcan prompt unexpectedfrostthat spoil crops (Earls.

1998).Whilethe timing ofspecificshocks themselvesmaybeunexpected,their occurrence isnot. Disruptions can be particularlydifficult to withstand insubsistence societies. and in order to endure theseunforeseencontingencies,Andean soc ieties must possessthe capacity to plan and re-plantheir agricultural approach in order to be resilient in the face of such fluctuations and perturbations(Earls).The ongoingand projected climate changes may bring further uncertaintyand make local knowledgesystems invaluable. With diminishing accessand control over local water resource s. such as through prohibitiveland tenurearrangement sor market pressuresdictatinghighercrop

demands,the conditionsthat allow thepracticeand feasibil ity of theseknowledge systems maybe hindered(Charnley etal.,200 8).

Localecologicalknowled geis often unappreciatedby extra-local actors and may even be threatened.External actorsmayextractcertain elementsfrom the web without consideration of itsrelationship swith othernetworknodes,or the impact thiswilldeli ver.

Historically,colonial effortswerefurtheredusingportionsof localecologicalknowledge that proved most beneficial, withthe remainder discardedor distorted to bettersuit administration and execution of colonial rule (Hudson, 1992).The fragmentation oflocal ecological knowledge practices, such asvertical cultivation,wasin part due to the intensifiedextractionof labour and resourcesfrom Andean communitiesusedtofuel a gro wing New World export market economy,resultin gin diminishedlocal product ive capacity(Andrien,20 11).

Theapplication ofdistorted stereotypesofindigen ous societies isdetail ed in StephenKrech' sThe EcologicalIndian:Myth and Histor y (1999).Init,Krechdescribes how indigenou s cultures havebeen portrayed asinherentl y environmentalist throughthe utopian projection of the "Noble Savage".Thisportrayal attributes a childlike innocence and victimhoodto indigeneity.Conversely ,they havealso been portrayed asthe incompetent, irrational ,and even subhuman"Ignoble Savage".This versionusually viewed the Ignoble Savages asincapableofself-governance, begging for the noble intervention tosave them from themsel ves,whichturnsinto "White Man'sBurden"

(Miller, 1982). Heider,Stack,and Betancourt (1990:82)poignantly stated"asthe Noble

Savage shows theinnategoodness whichisunspoiledbycivilization , so the Ignoble Savage shows the innate evil whichisuncontrolled by civilization."

At timesthesetwostereotypescombine to form asimplistic hybridthat produces a version thatisnon-reflecti veofreality.Bothversions take heterogeneou scompl ex societies with longhistorie sthat have developedthroughlearning,decision -makin gand interaction with their environment andeffectively reduce their culturalagency to simplistic, child-like societies(Krech, 1999).As such, both viewsdeny the complex culturalprocessesinvolvedinthe development of indigenoussocieties and the local ecological knowledge they harbour.

The Inca'srule ended with the conquest,which prompted a lengthyColonial period(1532-1821). Up until the

is"

century,the Spanishimplemented the encomienda system oflawin orderto establi sh slave labourfrom indigenouspopulationstobolster their extractiveandagricultural industries (Encyclo pedia Britannica, 2008).In accompaniment to Spanishlaw,fragments of Andeansocio-politicalandeconomic systems wereextracted withtheremainder discred ited oraltered in order to facilitate colonial administration (Hudson, 1992).Subsuming existing Andeanreciprocity and labour practiceshelped directcolonial projectsandgovernance(Gose,2008).

2.2.2. Vulnerability

The adaptive capacityof asystem isshaped by the ways and degreesin whichit is vulnerabletosystemshocks. Vulnerabilitycan be defined asthe extent to whichsocio-

ecologicalsystemsare put at riskdue tointernal or external perturbations (Stadel,2008) . An example of vulnerability can be water scarcity,and likewise,a copingstrategy may be to implement increasedor new conservationefforts in theface of this scarcity. For indigenousAndean rural farmers,the concept of complementarity serves a crucial function in maintaining agriculturaland ruralsubsistence. Complementarityrefersto the configuration by altitudeof Andean ecological zones,and the mannersin which Andean farming communitiescomplementtheir economic activitieswith these differentzones through colonizatio n(Stanish, 1989).

Examplesof complemen tarity include verticalterracing used for optimizing agriculturalopportunitiesalongsteeplysloping mountain terrain;rotationalsystems for shifting crop and field use;traditional agriculturalmechanismsusing irrigation strategies andstructures; the balanced interaction of growingcrops,rearin gand herdinganimals;

planting; and livelihood diversification (Earls,2005). Manyofthese activitiesare oriented byreciprocity,which isembedded in thesocio-cultural coordinationand beliefs of Andean communities.In tandem, theyhelp maintain resilienc ydespite vulnerabilities.

Table2.3.VulnerabilityandSurviva lStrategies inAndean Rural Areas

Economil: Social Ecolo~hl

Poverty and marginalization

I

CrisisStuation

I

Water insecurity Collapseof socialnetworks

•

~hrgina1 livelihoods,

I

Vulnerability Ilnadequate consen a tioll,

insufficientincome,water unsustainable

Inadequatesocialsecuritv environmentalexpoitltion

•

Enhancemeatof scbsisteace

I

S~"' Stnt....

I

Conservation,resource

puduction, livelihood ~tection,a1temative

diversification Improvedorganrzationam resourcesuse nerntlrlcinlt

... .... ....

ImJXOve~~~::conomic

I

Local=:;:~ PO"~

I

Enhancementof environmentalqualitv (Adaptedfrom Stadel,2008:22)

Figure 2.3depictsthe interaction between economic,social, andecological componentsandthe flow of experienceswithina socio-ecologicalsystem.Italso shows theinteractionvulnerability has withothercomponentsof socio-eco logicalsystem resiliency,and thepossibilitie s forinnovationandstrengthenedstrategiesemergingoutof marginaliz ation.

Merinoand Robson (2005)argue that thereare numerousmechanisms by which communitiesdevelop conservation knowledge, includingthe gradua l leamingthatcomes withthenatural progression of time. Thismodel examinestheprescriptivebehavio urand productiveoutcomesofstrifethatdirectlycompe nsatefor resource depletion.

2.2.3.Adaptation and Resilience

Anthropologists and archaeologistshad long believed irrigationsystems in the Andes were developed approximatelybetween 530 AD and the Spanishconquestof the 16^thcentury (Zimmerer, 1995).However,archaeological discoverie sin recent yearshave led experts to believe that irrigation may have developed much earlier. Unearthed Andean canals date as far back as 5,400 to 6,700yearsago,with designs that indicate a capacity to control and measure water flow to enable continuous water delivery to fields (Dillehay et al.,2005).At this time, the region was becoming increasinglyarid,and was experiencing punctuateddroughts (Chepstow Lusty et al.,2003;Dillehay et al.).

In the Andean context we can emphasize not only practices conserving biodiversityand traditional management techniques, but alsoadaptive capacity to implement changesin the face ofstresses. Adaptation can be defined asthe "process, action, or outcome in asystem in orderfor thesystem to better cope with, manage or adj ust tosome changing condition, stress, hazard,risk oropportunity",and isdescribedas

"adju stment sin asystem 's behaviour and characteristicsthat enhance itsabilitytocope with externalstress" (Brooks,2003; Smit&Wandel, 2006:282).

In sustainability science,resiliencehas taken on two different meanings. The first isclassified as engineering resilience,referring to the amount of time required for a system to return to its equilibrium point post-perturbation, and is concerned with the system' s elasticity (Brand&lax, 2007). The second meaning transcendsthe assumption of an equilibrium-steadyregime and considersthe amount of perturbation a system can absorb until it cansettle intoanewlystablestate for a period (Jiang&Shi,2009).That

state isdefined accordinglyby itsown properties andstructure, not necessarilymatchin g the formerstate but retainingessentialsystem components such as structures, processes, and feedbacks.Basedon thisdefinition,the majority ofecosys tem categorie scan function in differingforms ofstability. Hence,pathwaystostability may not bereturnin g to anything, but rather evolvingintosomething new.

The three characteristicsofsocio-ecologicalsystem resilience are defined by Resilience Alliance (2011)as:

• quantity of change asystem can undertake without losingits core functionality andstructure,

• the extent of asystem'scapacity forself-organization, and

• the capacityof asystem to evolve based onexperience , learnin g, and adaptiveresponse.

Capra (1996) hasdiscussedthe evolution ofsyste ms theory thathastransiti oned thinkin gfrom rationalitytowards intuition, analysisintosynthes is, reductionisminto holism,and linearity into non-linearformsof understandin g.Theshift invalues has transitioned,at leasttosomeextent,fro m expansioni smtoconservation,competition to cooperation,quantity to quality,and domination to partnership.Thesevalues are reflected in Peru' snewly emergent Integrated Water Resource sManagement policy (Comision Tecnica Multisectorial,2004).Disciplinesthemselve s,aswellastheir practicalapplications,including in the realm of international development,have increasingly orientedtowardsan inclusionof the intuitiveness of local ecological

knowledge. The depths of thesetransitionsare argued, however,especiallyby critics of development politicssuch asArturo Escobar ,Paul Gelles,and Paul Trawick.These authors have provided insightful analyses concerning post-colonial patterns that continue to resonatein development projects suchaspressuri zedirrigationschemes that focus heavilyon quantitative efficiency calculationswhile devaluing qualitative assets (Escobar, 1998;Gelles,2005; Trawick, 2003).

2.2.4.Socio-ecologicalSystem Resili ency

In discussingproperty rightsinsocio-ecologicalsystems, Berkes and Folke(2000) examine the "tragedy of the commons", aterm first coined byHardin (1968 ).The traged yof thecommons refersto the environmentaldegradationof commonlyshared resource s.Hardinexplains thistragedyis caused by individuali stic gain of formerl y communal land, which createsashared disadvantage. The importance of this work liesin the problematic nature of morality under the modern nationstate concerned with profit and maximizing yields,andsuggests, in a world of finite resourc esand anexpanding global human population ,no techn ical solution willsufficientlyextend theworld' s resourcestosatisfy the insatiable demand. Resourcesconsidered valuable ina community may inform a localsystem of rightsand responsibilitie s,which aresubject to co-evolutionas circumstanceschange.Hardin'stragedy,Berkes and Folke(2000) contend, occurs when the institutionfails to control resourceaccessandimplement collective usedecisions.Interferingexternalfactorsorinterior institutionalweakne sses may eithercontribute to existinginstitutionalfailures orcreate new ones.

If asocio-ecologicalsystem is of a multi-equilibr iumnature, adisturbancemay potentially propel thesocio-ecolog icalsystem into an alternative equilibriumregime (Gunderston& Holling, 2002).Gundersonand Hollingsuggest that the prospect of an equilibrium transition through a perturbation iscontingent upon the magnitude of the perturbation aswell as socio-ecolog icalsystem resiliencein itspresentequilibrium regime .

Socio-ecological system resilienc ycan contribute to asystem's enrichmentas wellas its poverty. Strongly resilientsystems may prevent beneficial opportunitiesto 'release' and reorganize as vulnerablestates may allow forgrowth and change(Peloquin.

2007).Additionally,what is considered resilienttodaymay bevulnerable tomorrow,as conditionschange and become favourable to differentelements.While calculationsfor reorganization outcomeprediction sinnonlinearcomplexsystems yield various possible results,the manner of reorganizationiscontingentupon the historyof asocio-ecolog ical system (Berkeset al., 2003).Gunderson and Holling (2002) argue the desirable equilibrium to achieveis asustainable future;however , societal-ecosys tem responses and impactsduring reorganizationmayyieldequilibrium resultsthat areunpredictable.

Berkeset al.suggest that governin gorganizati ons shouldapproach their sustainability goals asan ongoing,evolvin g,fluid process,building onsystem memory and enhanc ing multi-sector capital.

2.3.Impacts of Margina lizationand Multi-level Governance on Water Security

Globalstructures as well as social, politicaland economic processesat multiple levels impactdistributionand accessto waterresource s andservices. Thefourth IntergovernmentalPanel on Climate Change (IPCC) reportstates resourc e-based populationsare mostvulnerable to climate changesdueto historical, social, political and economic exclusion (Parry, 2007).Economic exclusion focuseson the marginaliz ation experienced due to the market system,asmarkets systematically do not accommodatethe poor asthey typically lack the ability to participate in their profit-orientedproduction scheme (Altamirano et al., 2004). Marginalizationresultingfrom politicalexclusion addressesthe inequality of individual and communal rights access. Rightsaccesswill differ in accordancetosocial,economic andcultural capital individualsandcommunities possess,aswell asdemographic consideration s such asethnicity,gender,and age.The poor areparticularly susceptible to human rightsviolations given their diminished access to capital,understandingandability toengage with societalinstitution s, and lackoftime to mobilizeand participate in politicalprocesses (Altamiranoet al.).Social inequality, poor politicalrepresentation ,andstructural violenceinvolvedin resourceallocation across both public and private realmsareimportantconsideration sin the processes involvedin marginalization(Altamiranoet al.).

2.3.1.Development Politics and Multi-Level Relationships

Escobar (1988), a key author and critic of development discour se,arguesthat the development field operates in a manner which exertspower overothers.Thisisdone through two avenues:the professionali zationof developmentand the institutionali zation of development. The former refersto thestrategies and processesthrough which knowledge and the validity of knowledge is produced,disseminated,and manipulatedin order to construct"truths" and norms aboutthe developing world. The institutionalization of development establishesthe institutions that facilitate development discourses and techniques by creating, documenting, altering, and putting the information into execution (Escobar,1988). Such institutions include multi-lateraland bi-lateral agencies, including financial institutionsand United Nationsbodies,non-governmental agenciessuch as CARE and Oxfam,aswell asnational andsub-national developin g world institution s.Theseinstitutionsconvergeto hold programs,forums,conferences, and other expert gatherings where knowledge on development is generated, diffused and validated.Theseinstitution smake up a host of actorsinteractingwith and influencing multi-level governance.

Zoomers(1999) examinedtheinconsistency of development policy and projects aimed to decreasepoverty and the persistenceof poverty for rural Andean farmersdespite the poverty reduction projects.Possibleanswershave emerged as low development cooperation, as well as insufficient continuity in developmentschemes given lack of funding,short-term duration,or logisticalconstraintsdue to isolation.Another explanation hasfocused on the demand-sideof developmentaimsand the incompatibility

of outside development concepts with Andean rural reality. This latter explanation sees the fault lying in the development discourse itself due to the foundational epistemologies and applications being unsuitable for indigenous Andean rural smallholder fanners (Zoomers).Zoomers believed a balance can be struck by crafting development policy that is suitable and relevant to Andean rural development byserving as a complementary mechanism to the heterogeneity of livelihoodand survival strategies woven throughout the Andes.

2.3.2. Monetary Poverty and Social Exclusion in the Rural Peripheral Andes

Rural populations possess certain forms of marginalization in terms of their physical distance from urban centres that concentrate opportunity and power. Their location creates a challenge in accessing governance and policy development (Sumner et aI., 2008).Stadel (2008) argues both agricultural and rural livelihoods have been significantly impacted by increasing market and profit orientations.The resulting impact on certain regions has been manifested as a widening socio-economicdisparity.The rural economically-poor face distinct hurdles that include remoteness, decreased political access, and diminished capacity for coordinating and engaging in political processes (Sumner et aI., 2008). These constraints exist in addition to other indicators present in monetary poverty settings such as low literacy rates, resources, and decreased ability to comprehend the subjects that prevent meaningful participation in policy-related discussions.Monetary poverty, particularly in rural areas, can present itself as a trap that offers little opportunity for social mobility.

Boelens(2006) believesthat indigenousand communal irrigationmanagement organi zations,their livelihoodsand watersecurity itselfare threatened bycontemporary neoliberal policy due to what isperceivedasan excessiveemphasisof water valuein market and profit terms.Important questionsto askare,whocontrols water access and rights,and how waterreformsinfluencethis control. Likeagrarian reform s,water reform salterrightsto a resourcevitalto agriculturalproduction(Boelens&Zwarteveen, 2005). It wasargued that a transferof entitlements to water, therefore ,will not necessarily be readily accepted without protest.Centralizing and privatizingwaterfor market purposesisconstructed for profit and allowsa water market to develop.

Thismarket grewincreasinglyunstabledue to lack of monitoring,and General JuanVelascoAlvaradoattemptedtoimprove uponthisby establishing hisGeneralWater Law (17752). Thiscodified waterlawwasin place until 1969 (Condori Luque,1995).

The new law declared that all water becomethe propertyof thestate, andabsorbed hacienda owners into water usergroups,with all the rights and responsibilitiesdefinin g thistheoretically more collectiveand egalitar ianwater arrangement (Trawick,2003). The state appropriated all water, in particularprivatizedwater sources,and redistributed it to the communities. An important pointmadebyTrawick wasthatthe moneyredistributed from privatizedsources wasnot necessarilyre-deliveredto thecommunities fromwhich they originated, and the disparity that has been exacerbated by long-termprivatization policieshas continued.

One fourth of the Peruvianpopulation livesinextreme monetarypovert y (Rural PovertyPortal,n.d.).The majority offarmers in thePeruvianAndes aresmallholder