Selection dimensions

The selection of the within-case examples of co-development processes were chosen with the aim of observing a strong link between the dimensions of interest (X and Y) and a useful variation on the relevant parameters that can help reveal different aspects of the interaction between them. They were selected to explore the relationship between variances among the structures and the agency of the migrant associations.

Within-case selection was not done randomly. This was due to several factors. First, there were an extensive number of cases that fitted the definition of co-development process and that, secondly, were also occurring between Senegalese and Catalan localities in the period considered before doing fieldwork to Senegal (2004-2011).

There were also a number of cases that fitted the dissertation’s aims, and it was impossible to undertake an in-depth study of all of them. Thus, use was made of Gerring's (2009) principle to guide the selection of co-development processes. That author argued that an important aspect was ‘to isolate a sample of cases that both reproduces the relevant causal features of a larger universe (representativeness) and provides variation along the dimensions of theoretical interest (causal leverage)’

(Gerring, 2008, p. 645).

Localities in Catalonia

Barcelona, Girona, Lleida and Mataró were the localities in Catalonia attached to the selected co-development processes. Several dimensions were taken into account for the selection. These were, namely, the different ways in which local government had undertaken their approach towards migration and development while including their relationship with important regional actors such el Fons-Català; and also taking into account the historical background regarding the relationship of local governments towards civil society in general. Therefore, the four localities were representative of different modes of engagement with co-development (for instance, Lleida’s local government has been very active and has had a distinctive approach, while co-development in Girona has been more dependent on the activity of local civil society).

Besides, according to a quantitative study, the capacity of Sub-Saharan migrant associations with access to local development funds in Catalonia ‘increases with more local presence of Sub-Saharan migrants in the locality’ and decreases with the overall population of the locality (Østergaard-Nielsen and Acebillo-Baqué, 2016, p.

377). Therefore, at a socio-demographic level, the share of Senegalese-born over the total population was also taken into account (Mataró, Girona, represent historical nodes of Senegalese migrants in the region). At the end of this section 3.2. there is a table with a synthesis of localities characteristics (Table 8).

Senegalese regions to which the co-development processes are connected: Dakar and Kolda

The mapping of co-development practices showed that there are co-development practices funded by Catalan governments around several regions in Senegal. Mostly, they involve the area of Casamance (which is an historical region in Southern Senegal, not an administrative area, and is divided into the current administrative regions called Ziguinchor, the recently created Sédhiou, and Kolda) and the Dakar region (the capital of Senegal has the same name and its located within this region).

The selection of Kolda and Dakar as regions of origin, where the practices are connected, is based on seven different factors that are now discussed.

First, Casamance is a historical and important source of outflow of migrants residing in Catalonia as was discussed in the introduction. At the same time, both regions have relatively different shares of outflows when accounting for the overall flow of Senegalese international migrants. In the last and second ANSD⁶³ census survey (from 2013), households were asked whether a member had been abroad at least during a six month-period in the previous five years. Hence, almost 165.000 people (1,2% of total population) had emigrated.⁶⁴ The distribution of emigrants per region points to Dakar as the region with the highest share of emigrants (30,3% over total population). The region with the second highest number of Senegalese who had moved abroad for a six months period or longer was Matam (13,8%). Kolda is further behind in the ranking and had a percentage of 5,1% emigrants (ANSD, 2014, p.

250)⁶⁵.

Second, both regions were in sharp contrast with each other. To begin with, Kolda was a peripheral region which was difficult access. Dakar was the region at the centre Senegal. In terms of socioeconomic configuration, only some indicators are given to show evidence of the trends. Figure 3.1. takes the Monetary poverty index data from

63 ANSD stands for Agence Nationale de la Statistique et la Démographie, Senegalese National Agency for Statistics and Demography.

64 According to the survey, the majority had left to Europe (44,5%), West Africa (27,5%) and Central Africa (11,5%). A share of 2,3% went to America. France (17,6%), Italy (13,8%), Mauritania (10,0%) and Spain (9,5%) were the four first destination countries (ANSD, 2014, pp. 248–249).

65 In addition, the survey also reveals that, before leaving, the majority of Senegalese emigrants did not have any level of instruction (45,5%). Those who, when they left. only had elementary education were the following biggest group, accounting for a 18,3% (the rest of data being: Medium level 9,4%, Secondary 10,2%, Superior 10,7%, ‘Doesn’t know’ 6,0%) (ANSD, 2014, p. 250).

Table 3.5. to show Senegalese inequalities at the regional level: Northern Senegal was richer than the Southern part of the country, whereas Kolda was the poorest while Dakar was the richest region. Regarding literacy rates, the best rates were registered in urban areas, and the data showed that the percentage of adults aged 15 and over that can read and write at least in one language had generally improved over the decade. In rural areas, where it reached 23.3% in 2001-2002, the rate increased to 38.9% of those who could read and write in 2011. In addition, general literacy rate masks significant disparities by gender. It appears that in all residential areas, men are more literate than women: 79.9% against 58.7% in urban Dakar, 75.9% against 50.4% in other urban centers and 54.1% against 27.2% in rural areas (ANSD, 2013, p. 46). When looking at regional level, Kolda, can be considered to be a rural region and had an average of 43.7% of adults aged 15 and more that could read and write (see Table 3.5.). From a more historical and state formation point of view, the differences between Northern Senegal and South reflect inequalities in the formation of the Senegalese state, its power structures and internal conflicts.⁶⁶

66 In fact, the Kolda region was created in 1984 soon after the Basse-Casamance uprising and conflict.

It was an attempt by the state not only to delete the name of Casamance but also to politically split the Casamance territory apart (Fanchette, 2011).

Figure 3.1. Regions of Senegal. Monetary poverty index (2011, in %) Source: Image modified from an ANSD (2016) webpage’s capture (open data)

Table 3.5. Regions of Senegal. Projections of total population for 2016, monetary poverty index (2011) and general literacy rate (2011)

Regions Total population (2016)

Monetary Poverty Index (in %)

General Literacy rate (%)

1 Dakar 3.429.370 26,1 68,6

2 Diourbel 1.641.350 47,8 35,1

3 Tambacounda 756.588 62,5 35,0

4 Saint-Louis 983.032 39,7 53,2

5 Thies 1.941.549 41,3 53,8

6 Fatick 787.037 67,8 45,8

7 Kaffrine 632.023 63,8 42,0

8 Kaolack 1.053.535 61,7 50,2

9 Kedougou 166.907 71,3 35,0

10 Kolda 725.690 76,6 43,7

11 Louga 950.102 26,8 36,4

12 Matam 630.703 45,2 28,4

13 Sedhiou 500.064 68,3 47,3

14 Ziguinchor 601.929 66,8 65,0

Source: Own elaboration. Monetary poverty index and General literacy rate data from ANSD/ESPS-II: Enquête de suivi de la pauvreté-2011 (ANSD, 2013); Total population data from ANSD 2016 projections (obtained from ANSD website)

Third, these locations were different as regards to the number of practices involved and the amount of official development assistance channelled during the period, with Kolda being the region with the higher number of projects detected in 2011. Fourth, overall, the number of Senegalese migrant associations in Catalonia detected as operating in Dakar do so in a different types of localities than those encountered in Kolda. Thus, whereas most often the associations that were connected in Kolda do so in smaller localities and seem more influenced by kinship/ethnic belongings, those connected to Dakar do so in much bigger localities. Fifth, Kolda, unlike Dakar, was a priority region for the Catalan government development’s agency (DGCDAH/ACCD, 2013).⁶⁷ Sixth, the ethnic configuration of the regions was different: Dakar was diverse but mostly inhabited by Wolof while Wolof is also the most spoken language.

Kolda was predominantly dominated by Pulaar, which refers also to the main language used in the region.

It is worth saying that the revision of literature shows that Kolda (and, by extension, the Casamance) is understudied by migration scholars (Lessault and Flahaux, 2013).

In fact, other researchers highlight the scarcity of studies from social sciences dedicated to the Haute-Casamance (Upper Casamance, that is, Kolda and Séddhiou regions) (Fanchette, 2011).

67 Since the first Catalan Development Plan in 2003, Senegal has been singled out as a priority country for the Catalan regional government (in the plan of 2003-2006 there were 15 priority countries, the next plan 2007-2010 had 11 priority countries, meaning that policy-making and funds were prioritised in those countries). The specific plan proposed targeting Catalan International Cooperation in Senegal with Kolda as the priority region to work within the whole country (DGCDAH/ACCD, 2013).

Table 3.6. Kolda and Dakar spatial selection: comparative similarities and differences

Comparative dimensions Kolda Dakar

1. Migrant outflows to Catalonia

Important Important, but difficult to discern the extent to which 4. Type of localities Smaller localities in

residence; more influenced

6. Ethnic configuration Mostly Fula More diverse, but mainly Wolof

Source: Own elaboration Project-based selection criteria

Other aspects, that needed to be kept in mind when discussing the selection criteria, were connected directly to the projects and actors funded. That is, these criteria refer directly to the definition of co-development used in this research. Thus, the selected projects needed to conform with the conditions that follow.

First, the local government’s public funding needs to be given to a migrant association. In some cases, the funding went through an intermediate NGO working with migrant associations in Catalonia. However, the funding needed to contribute to an overall strategy that would be migrant-led. Thus, projects defined as doing co-development but the funds of which were granted to other types of non-migrant NGOs, would not be considered.

Second, there was a sustained commitment from Catalan local governments in terms of funding towards the migrant association. The migrant associations had received funding from local governments in competitive calls more than once during the period 1999-2011. This condition sometimes involved the project being funded changing (because the project may be developed in different phases). In other cases, in a period of several years, one association may have been funded to undertake

different projects. In some other cases, but not always, the decision on the ODA allocation came from the association of municipalities Fons-Català.

Migrant associations’ selection criteria

The final co-development processes also mirror some internal variation according to main taxonomies reviewed in the literature. This variation was according to several important axes: topophilic orientation (hometown associations)/other dimensions considered included: religious/non-religious, ethnic based/mixed-National based.

3.2.3 Selected co-development processes: different localities in origin and