Non-normative Life Events

The economic stress model (Conger et al., 1999) assumes that economic problems of a couple affect both partners. The relationship outcomes for couples due to economic pressures are mediated by the emotional distress generated and the levels of conflict arising as a result of economic hardship. Furthermore, support given by the spouse serves as a buffer between economic pressure and emotional distress (ibid). Economic problems increase the level of conflict, which leads to distress and a loss of mutual support by the partners. This in turn decreases the quality of the relationship (Lorenz, Conger, Simon, Whitbeck, & Elder, 1991;

Obradovič & Čudina, 2012). Lebert (2014) explored negative effects on the life satisfaction of men and women due to the risk of unemployment. Using Swiss data, the author found that the effect was the same for men and women. However, when support by the partner was analysed, it was shown that women react more sensitively to the support of their partner than men do (Lebert, 2014). Matthews et al.(1996) found that economic stress at one point in time led to marital stress later on. In another study, it was shown that conflicts in the family springing from problems in the professional life of either partner had negative impacts on the relationship quality of men and women (Matthews, Conger, & Wickrama, 1996). These negative effects are

3.1.1 Non-normative Life Events 83

often even stronger for men than women. As men are usually the main providers of the family income, the loss of their job has more negative consequences for their self-identity compared to women (Conger et al., 1990, 1999; Kinnunen & Pulkkinen, 1998; Larson, 1984; Obradovič &

Čudina, 2012; Vinokur et al., 1996; Čudina-Obradović & Obradović, 2006). Even in contexts where greater gender equality is promoted, different effects for men and women were found.

Using a Finnish sample, Kinnunen and Pulkkinen (1998) found that financial strain and insecure employment situations had negative impacts for men's marital quality but not for women (Kinnunen & Pulkkinen, 1998). In the research literature there is a huge debate about how couples manage the balance between household and the labour market, and especially how women cope with this so- called double burden. Along these lines, there is also a substantial debate about the male breadwinner model and how it has changed in particular over recent decades as ever more women have entered the labour market. Today there exist other models beside the male breadwinner model, like the dual-earner model, but often with the male as the main provider of family income. The concept of the master status goes beyond these models and describes whether there is one main life domain for each partner of a couple. This area can be the labour market or the household. In Switzerland, due to the still existing conservative attitudes concerning the family, usually the male master status is the labour market and the female master status is the household (Krüger & Levy, 2001; Levy, 2013; Levy & Ernst, 2002;

Widmer & Ritschard, 2013). Family and the labour market are highly gendered spheres of life.

Research focusing on the male breadwinner model and work-life balance primarily focus on the female perspective. It stresses the importance of how women achieve a balance between the labour market and caring responsibilities (Crompton & Lyonette, 2006). Research states that this gendered separation or better yet, the domination of the male breadwinner model, is declining (Scholz, 2009), but this is not true for Switzerland (Levy et al., 2002). The Swiss welfare state, which belongs among the liberal conservative states, favours an unequal division of the labour force and household tasks (Giudici & Gauthier, 2013; Widmer & Ritschard, 2013).

The female labour force has been increasing for several decades. However, women are often employed part-time in sectors that do not promise upward mobility. Their employment, therefore, is frequently linked to job instability (ibid). Even though women earn their own salary, it is often considered an additional salary for the household, as men provide the primary portion of earned income. While men’s careers are usually ascending and sustained, women’s

84 Chapter 3. Critical Life Events and Transitions

careers are characterised as interrupted, descending or static (Levy et al., 2002). Additionally, being active in the labour market is highly appreciated in Switzerland and unemployment or professional failure engender feelings of failure and uselessness (Lalive d’Epinay, 1990; Lalive d’Epinay & Garcia, 1988). This leads to the conclusion that socio-professional life events have negative impacts on the relationship quality, which are even stronger for men than for women.

Evidence to consider the dyadic level in situations of economic stress was given by Kinnunen and Feld (2004). They assumed that experiences of economic stress are shared in the relationship even when the event only occurs to one partner. Using a Finnish sample they wanted to answer the question how stress will be transmitted from one partner to another, assuming that there exist a reciprocal relationship between partners. Their findings showed that an economic stressful experience of one partner affect the strain of the other one. This was true for men and for women. But even though in Finland the egalitarian model is dominant and more equal impacts have been expected, the results showed that employment of men was more important and unemployment of men had more significant negative impacts on the couples' relationship (Kinnunen & Feldt, 2004)

Critical life events related to health, such as accidents or severe illness, and their impact on the relationship quality, will also be examined. They belong to the non-normative events, because they occur usually unexpectedly, they are unforeseen and undesired. The occurrence of these events can lower the relationship quality for several reasons. The couple has to reorganise their conjugal life and adapt to the new situation. Depending on the degree and kind of event or problem, it is possible that one partner is no longer able to contribute to the household income and supplementary costs because of treatment. In addition, the reorganisation of housework and paid work can kindle stress and lower relationship quality, as well as the fact that partners can no longer share all the leisure activities which they shared before the event occurred (Booth &

Johnson, 1994). A study by Booth and Johnson (1994) examined the effects of declining health on the relationship quality for the sick person, but also for the partner, and whether there are moderating effects. As one mediating factor, the financial situation was included. It was hypothesised that due to the illness of one partner, financial difficulties can occur which have negative impacts on the relationship quality. A second mediating factor was the division of housework. The authors assumed that the illness of one partner goes together with changes in the division of housework, which can also bring about changes in the relationship quality.

Interaction and joint activities were a third mediating factor, assuming that changes in such

3.1.1 Non-normative Life Events 85

activities occur due to the illness of one partner. Negative behaviour of the ill person was included as the last mediating factor, assuming that negative behaviour lowers the relationship quality. The results showed a decline in relationship satisfaction with declining health status for both the ill person and the partner. However, the effect is stronger for the partner of the ill person. Divorce intentions are only significantly correlated for the partner of the person ill. All mediating variables showed some significant impact. Especially the reduction of joint activities and interaction due to the illness had negative impacts on the relationship quality (ibid).