Other women we interviewed briefly, and who traded between South Africa and Swaziland, complained of police and customs harrassment at the borders. That is because they are required to have valid trading licenses and also must ray customsduty on their wares, This, they said, reduced thein profits considerably. Women hawkers and peddlers who move from door to door in the Republic are required to have licenses for such .activities both in Swaziland and in the Republic. Many told us that they had to try and avoid the police in both countries.
IX. CONCLUSION A. Summary
Swaziland is a small land-Iocked country in southernAfrtca, largely dependent on the Republic of South Africa. It 'receives its imports from, and exports its Iabour to; South Africa
and shares a monetary and customs union, ., .
The informal sector in Swaziland is very small because of : the small size and number of Swazi urban centres; the only recent development of the formal sector which gives rise to an informal sector; the fact that many Swazi work in South Africa so there is hot yet an
" unemployment problem; the well developed economy of South Africa has inhibited the development of local enterprises; trading licenses are hard to obtain and there is little training available for potential small business owners.
Whil~ information on the informal sector is scant, it is apparent that activities are divided clearly into "male" and "female". Women work in food, sewing and handicraft, men in metalwork
and woodwork. ' . ,'
Generally, informal sector operators are more highly educated than in Kenya and Zambia, but women are less so than their, male counterparts. Earnings are lower than in the formal sector and women are worse off than the men.
women'rn~kE;up 80 per cent of all operators in the informal sector but their activities 'are not alv.taysevident. They may work at home or at peddling or hawking. Handicraft is popular, :'as isdl'essmaking, knltting, hairdressing, the sale of cooked food, selling secondhand clothes and beer brewing. It is difficult to assess income as women tend not to keep accurate financial
. recorcs, " . :
i-",'
: The Small Enterprises Development Company is the most important government intervention but they are having financial and other diffitulties, and also tend to favour such male enterprises as manufacturing and construction industrtes.
Non-government Organizati~n often direct their efforts to rural communities and give little help to the urban informal sector. Training and help givenby NGO's often has constraints
such as localeage or fees. . .,
"
International agencies do help women acquire skills ana the Women in Development project has helpedwith training, loans and making wholesale goods, such as material available.
There is practically no street trading in the country. Some women engage in long distance trading, bartering in Mozambique 'or South Africa.
Maj()r constraints ,to .development can be summed up thus : Swaziland's dependence on South Africa; dominance by expatriates\cand Swazi native law and customs which hinders women - women never attain the. status-or adults and require, consent in all things from their menfolk (getting trading licenses in partfcularrls very difftcult), capital is frequently a problem; and business units are often ill-equipped.
With SEDCO faced with so many organizational and financial problems, small-scale enterprises face greater problems than previously. There is therefore a need for' the Swazi government to work out viable mechanisms of intervening in the sector, especially as the formal sector is already beginning to show inertia. For example, the government could institute' a loan scheme to aid the unemployed and informal sector' operators. Such a scheme should be liberal - Le, low interest rates, easy terms of repayment and low collateral requirements.
Such a scheme is already in operation in Mauritius.
"~~''','.''
.':',r, .
"
Page 85
A hostile policy environment intensifies the women's financial and psychological insecurity.
Cutdated colonial bye-laws regarding trading and other informal sector operations must be updated to confront changed and changing circumstances.
The NGOs and other international organizations could aid women in the informal sector by, for example, offering training facilities, revolving loan schemes, constructing creches, and the like.
B. Research Needs and Major Areas for Attention
1. There is an urgent need to investigate the actual magnitude of poverty faced by female' operators in the informal sector since ,we now know that most of them are to be found in the
"Community of the Poor".
2. The concept of "family owned" businesses and enterprises should be explored to indicate the extent to which female labour is utilised without remuneration. Fragmentary data points to the fact that their labour is commanded without corresponding financial reward, since their' labour in "family owned" enterprises is preceived as an extension of their domestic production.
3. We need to know how participation in the informal sector affects the family institution.
For example, the use of child labour and the implication this has for children's development. "
Also, how 'does prolonged hours of work affect the women operators and their families, especially , the children.
4. There is practically no research on women who work as domestic servants. Data on this area could throw light on, for example, their conditions of work, wages; job security or
insecurity, and the like. '
5. More research is :lec,]<.d en til'" I"w women participating in the "intermediate sector".
This should look into the nature of support structures that they receive and Whether such support inhibits autonomy in their business operations. Also, in what ways, if any, are such businesses' different or similar to those run by men.
C. Policy Issues
1.' Cfficial harrassment is a serious hinderance to female operators in the informal sector. , Urgent measures are needed to remove all the obstacles, especially those relating to licenses' since revenue lost to (~overnmentfrom this source is relatively insignificant.
2. There is
t:
need to, pay more attention to skills acquisition by women to improve their"level of participation in the formal sector. , . ,
3. The majority of women in the informal sector are faced with primary poverty. All forms of interventions should be geared towards the provision of basic needs for such women and.
their families. Food security, to avert malnutrition especially in urban areas calls for immediate attention.
4. All forms of discrimination against female operators, especially those pertaining to capital formation, need reviewing to facilitate r;rer.ter participation.
D. Recommendations
Laws and customs which militate against women's participation in economic activities should be amended to remove all or most of the obstacles to their operations•
.-; , - . ,
-Swazi regulations regarding obtaining licenses and permits for business operations need relaying to facilitate participation by both male and female entrepreneurs.
Training facilities offered by SEDCG should be strengthened to offer greater assistance to small entrepreneurs, especially women and domestic responsibilities and productive functions.
Lending policies of most financial institutions are too stringent -for most small entrepreneurs, and affect women more severely, perhaps the government could intervene to see that these are somewhat related. For example, collateral and financial security required are usually too high for small-scale enterprises.
The lLG in 1977, recommendation to the Swazi governmeht regarding issuing licenses·
only to Swazi nationals for small-scale enterprises and business should be implemented to facilitate greater participation of Swazi people in this sector.
Various international and national organizations operatinp: in Swaziland should endeavour to coordinate their activities to avoid- duplication in order to achieve more' effective interventions.
The handicraft industry in Swaziland needs greater governmental intervention since it provides incomes to a large segment of Swazi society and has been shown to have greater potential, especially regarding export markets. For example, there should be an active, bod.y, preferably government sponsored that would provide advice to handicraft producers on marketing both at national and export levels.
For proper interventions to t.e effected, we need to know more about Swaziland'S informal sector, especially in urban areas. There is therefore an -urgent need to conduct surveys and research into this sector. Data should be disaggragated to provide information on male and
female operators. .
Pilot surveys should be undertaken to indicate the most important research areas for women in the informal sector. For example, we know practically nothing about beer Lrewing even though it is thought to be an important income yielding activity.
There is an urgent need to conduct research into informal sector activities dorntnateo by women, such as commodity trading, dressmaking, hairdressing, catering, and the like. And also to establish the number of women in this sector, their levels of incomes those with licenses and those without, capital stock, demographic profiles, and so on.
Evidence indicates that women do not have equal access to formal sector and productive informal sector operations, Training facilities -for skill acquisition should be established and extended to women to narrow the gap.
Page 87
There is strong evidence to suggest that practically all lending institutions discriminate against female entrepreneurs in their lending policies. There is therefore need for governmental intervention in this area in order to increase female participation.
SEDCO loans have in the past disproportionately favoured male enterprises, in terms of the amount of funds disbursed, if this institution is revitalised, it is imperative that their lending policies be more balanced to benefit female enterprises. Small entrepreneurs should also be provided with infrastructural facilities, such as water, telephone, electricity, toilet facilities, and the like.
From the various discussions with heads of the many women's organizations, one gets the impression that there is not an overall women's machinery that is universally accepted as being responsible for women's affairs. There is an urgent need to rectify this state of affairs in order to facilitate and improve the level of intervention from government and other organizations.
'I
,-,
EEFEHENCES
Abebe Wolderufael, "Trip Report on a Visit to Swaziland 19'79".
Andrehn, I., D. Rabemila &. M. Smith, "Draft report on the Living Conditions of Women in the Northern Development Area of swazllano 1577".
Government of Swaziland and UN office of Technical Cooperation, Swaziland, 1977.
Armstrong A. &.Russel, "M. A Situation Analysis of Women in Swaziland". UNICEF/SSEU,1985.
De Vletter &. al•••, "The Swazi Rural Hornstead", University of Swaziland, Social Science Research Unit, Kwaluseni, 1983.
4th National Development Plan; "Government of the Kingdom of Swaziland" 1987/88.
ILU/JASPA Reoucing Dependence; "A strategy for productive employment and developemnt in Swaziland, 1977.
ILO/SATEP Incomes, "Prices and Wages Policy in Swaziland". International Labour Office, Lusaka, Zambia. 1982.
ILO(Hussel) "The Production and Marketing of Women's Handicrafts in Swaziland". Social Science Research Unit, University of Swaziland, (1983).
Low A.R.C., "Farm Management Survey Reports, 1981
Loughran L. &.J. Argo; "Assessment on Handicraft Traininc needs for Hural Women in Swaziland 1986.
M.S. Matsebula; "Economic Profits and Factor Proportions in Swaziland's Urban Informal Sector". Project Paper N°.7. Economic Department, University of Swaziland, 1986".
M.S. Matsebula; "Characteristics of Swaziland, Urban Informal Sector : Size, Proprietors' Profits, and Production Environment". Project N°.6 Economic Department, University of Swaziland, 1986.
M.S. Matsebula; "Entrepreneur Performance in Swaziland's, Urban Informal Sector". Paper presented at seminar arranped by the Economics of Swaziland. Uniswa, Kwaluseni, 19137.
Nxumale M. "The Socio-economic dynamics of Horne-Brewinc Practicies in Swaziland". (An Exploratory Study) University of Swaziland, 1902.
Ntshingila M. "Rural Women in Wage Employment report on a small sample in Central SWllziland".1904.
Page 89
Nhlabatsi L. & Ikuezi-Nke; tt Woemn's Participation in the Development of Swaziland and possible areas for Technical Co-opsratfons interventions", Background paper for National Technical Co-operation. Assessment and Programmes (NATCAP) in Swaziland, 19G6.
Russel M.; "High Status, Low Pay : Anornolises in the Position of Women in Employment in Swaziland" (Jr. of Southern African Studies Vol. 12 N°.2 19(6).
Stephen Micheal; " Small is Beautiful". An Overview of the Swazi Economy. 1983.
SEDCU - Annual Report 1982/83.
Thabede P.M. "The improvement Gf the Development Process of Small-Scale Enterprises in Swaziland" MBA Thesis, University of Leeds 1984.
Tabibian N.; "Swazi Women Income Generating Activities" Division of Extra-Mural services, University of Swaziland 09(3). ~
UNICEF -" The survey of Holes, tasks, Needs and Skills of Rural Women Swaziland 1978/89".
Government of Swaziland, Ministry of Education and UNICEF (1978/79).
UNICEF - "A situation analysis of Women in Swaziland 1985".
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We wish to express gratitude to the following individuals and organizations who, in one way or another helped to make our mission to Swaziland a success,
UNDP Office in Mbabane, through the v,race of its Kesident Representative provided us with transportation whenever possible. Miss N. Muhommend of the same office was also helpfull in several ways.
The UNICEF office through the kindness of Mr. Mark Sterling helped with documents on women in Swaziland.
The Head of Home Economic Division of the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives, Mrs C. Motsa provided valuable contacts with women's organizations especially the various leaders of Zenzele Women's Organization. Ms. Nomakosi Mlambo of the same Ministry kindly acted as my guide during the mission providing transportation, valuable assistance in data collection and on some instances, worked late into the night despite her own family obligations.
Mrs. Semilane, the Head of Zondle Women's Cr[';anization for information on Swazi women and society.
At the Women in Development Project in Manzin! we wish to thank Ms. Dlarnini and Ms. Muller.
At the University of Swaziland Social Science Research Unit, we received assistance from its Director Dr. Brown and Ms. Faith Mkhouta of the same Unit who helped, beyond duty with many documents on women in Swaziland.
Ms. M. Nxumale of Sociology Department for her time.
Ms. Nhlabatsi of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for many insights into Swazi Law and its impact on women.
At the Ministry of Commerce and Industry Handicraft Division, Mr. Mugomezulu and
Mr. W. Dlamini of the same Ministry. .
Ministry of Planning and Statistics, Mr. Wegner of Economics Division.
Dr. M. Russel for her insights on Swazi society.
At Small Enterprises Development Company we thank Mr. Paul for same insights on some of the company's operations.
Last, but not least, we wish to thank the many women in Swazi informal sector in Mbabane and Manzini who took time to discuss their business with us.
PART
V ..
WOMEN IN THE INFORMAL SECTCR IN ZAMBIA
-,.:"
'"
I. INTRODUCTION
According to international classifications, Zambia, located in Southern Africa, is a lower-income country. It has a population of 6.4 million and is said to be growing at over 3 per cent per annum, Like other low-income countries, Zambia is characterised by a heavy dependency ratio. Almost 50 per cent of the population is under 15 years (UNICEF, 1986 : 3), and 2 per cent is over 65 years.
After Algeria and South Africa, Zambia is the most urbanised country in Africa (CSO,1984) with about 45 per cent of the total population living in the various urban centres. From all the available evidence the rapid urban growth, due to rural urban migration, is a post colonial phenomenon. The massive influx of people into urban areas, checked previously by repressive colonial laws, has had the usual consequence of exerting enormous pressure on the limited infrastructural facilities, evidenced by risinf"
unemployment and the proliferation of squatter settlements.
The coalescence of the rapid population increase and the sharp fall in world copper prices (Zambia's primary commodity) together with heavy import bills, among other things, has meant that a large segment of the population is now faced with poverty. According to a 1981 ILO Mission to Zambia, as many as 80 per cent of rural house-holds and 26 per cent of urban house-holds may now be living in poverty. Another study by CIDA (Hurlich, l386) indicates that malnutrition, especially in rural areas, may be approaching crisis proportions.
Again, ILO (1977) in another study on Zambia, observes that "Despite an impressive investment rate of 30 per cent of GDP and a total capital expenditure of K 3,500 million between 1965 and 1975, a large segment of the population still lacks the basic necessities of life and a sizeable proportion of the labour is openly unemployed".
In addition, the capital intensive industrialisation, followed by Zambia, and other African countries, has had the effect of worsening an already intolerable situation. For example, Mwanza (1978) estimates that the average capital cost of creating a single job in some development projects in Zambia is K 14.8 thousand. This orientation has been shown to be true of Kenya and is also the case for many other African countries with similar development strategies.
In Zambia, "this concentration on capital intensive production, coupled with the failure of the government to move industries out of the narrow industrial zone along the "line of rail" •.• laid the foundation of the two related problems : rapid rural urban migration, and consequent unemployment" (Todd and Shaw, 1979:4).
The seriousness of the problem is shown by the fact that of 40,000 persons enterinp;
the labour market each year, only 15,000 will be absorbed. The rest will be either unemployed, return to the rural areas (in agricultural sector) or find work in non-formal activities in rural areas or the urban informal sector. The latter (informal sector) in Zambia, has been demonstrated to pose serious constraints to entry, especially for male aspirants (see for example, Hopper 1978, Todd et al, and the various studies by the
ILO/SATEP, among others). This is ~-,ecause "in Zamt.in, the wn"e sector offers employment to only 21 per cent of the labour force which•.• is growing at a rate of 3.5 per cent per annum.
Thus if all, the annual increases in, the labour force are to be absorbed into the wAl!,e sector, wage employmentwould have to grow at nearly 17 per cent annum" (ILC/SATEF, 1984:1)•••an unlikely event in the foreseeable future. In this scheme of things, women are more seriously
affected than men. ' ,
n.
INFORMAL SECTOl( IN ZAMBIADespite the failure to check the rarid population growth rates in African regions and the steady decline of these economies (leading to massive unemployment and underemployment), the concept of informal sector - a concomitant of the failure of the formal sector - remains unpopular with most policy makers in Africa.
And yet the importance of this outlet, both for the urban and the rural unemployed, has steadily gained-currency, For as numerous studies by the 11.0, and other incependent researchers indicate, informal sector now absorbs between 30 - 70 per cent of the total urban labour force in African countries, as is clearly shown t,y the table below.
In Zambia, according to A survey of small-scale enterprises, carried out by Milino and Fisseha (1985 "... if one includes rural Lusaka and the Copperbelt, plus the large urban areas, there are about 350,000 SSE's engaging some 575,000 people nationally" (Ilurlich, 1936:151).
This notwithstanding, informal sector in Zambia and Southern Africa in ~,zeneral, is, compared to West African countries and other third world countries of Asia and Latin America, relatively underdeveloped - a direct consequence of the colonial policies which severely restricted migration of Africans to town, except when cheap labour became imperative. This is pithily summed up by Aryee and Mhone (ILC,/SATEP, IJ(~5:C) who argue that "among the third world countries of the world it is patently obvious that regardless of the definition: of
"informal sector" used in terms of employment, size, obiquity, scale and complexity of operations
"informal sector" used in terms of employment, size, obiquity, scale and complexity of operations