CONTENTS
General introduction: the political role of ethnic minority organisations in Brussels...1
1. the political channel function of ethnic minority organisations...1
2. Institutional and non-institutional political activities...2
3. The central hypothesis on the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community...3
4. Previous Brussels’ empirical research on the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis...4
5. Elementary choices in designing a research project...5
5.1. How to define an ethnic minority organisation?...5
5.2. A quantitative research method...7
6. What is at stake? Why study the political role of ethnic minority organisations?...7
6.1. The importance of strengthening the political influence of ethnic minority organisations...7
6.2. Increasing visibility...8
6.3. Underpinning a sensitive debate with empirical data...9
7. Five parts building this dissertation...10
Part 1: the Fennema and Tillie argument as a starting point...13
Chapter 1: debates on the political channel function of ethnic minority organisations...13
1 Introduction: A discontinuity between Amsterdam and Brussels...13
2 Various perspectives to understand the political channel function of ethnic minority organisations...14
2.1 The research domain on ethnic minority organisations...14
2.2 Different models of understanding...15
2.3 From different models of understanding to a series of independent variables...15
3 A focus on the differences across ethnic minority groups...16
3.1 Fennema & Tillie: the importance of considering the degree of ethnic civic community...17
3.1.1 The measurement of ethnic civic community...17
3.2 A focus on the interaction between group and context characteristics...20
3.2.1 A differential treatment of ethnic minority organisations following distinct migration histories...20
3.2.2 Increased political weight following a “negative” image of the group... 3.2.3 Moroccan organisations more dependent on socio-political legitimacy as compared to Turkish...21
3.2.4 The position a group takes within a POS influences the social capital argument...21
4 Focus on differences across various political settings...22
4.1 The concept of Political Opportunity Structure...22
4.2 A supportive context has no or even a negative influence...23
4.3 A supportive political climate has a positive influence...24
4.4 A constraining political context limits the resourcesfulness of “bonding” collaborations ...25
5 A focus on the differences according to various organisational characteristics...25 i
5.1 Certain organisations shape more strongly the political influence of a group...26
5.1.1 Service versus advocacy organisations...26
5.1.2 Horizontally and vertically structured organisations...26
5.1.3 The resources of an organisation: financial, human, social and symbolic capital...27
5.1.4 Organising around a collective identity: ethnic and religious identity...27
51.5 The position an organisation holds within a social movement network...28
5.1.6 Comparing between ethnic minority and majority organisations...29
5.2 Certain organisations access the political arena more easily than others...29
6 Discussion: introducing more angles to our research design...30
Chapter 2: The social capital perspective...33
1 The association between social capital and the political participation by ethnic minority organisations...35
2 Putnam's account of social capital 2.1 Putnam’s civic community...36
2.2 Empirical observations preceding the conceptualisation of civic community...36
2.3 The importance of horizontal relationships...36
2.4 The rational choice paradigm...37
2.5 Spill over and rainmaker effects central to Putnam’s social capital argument...37
2.6 Fennema & Tillie’s ethnic civic community...38
3 Remarks on the trust perspective on social capital...39
3.1 Fascinated and confused by the idea of “trust embedded in horizontal relationship”...39
3.2 Lack of conceptual clarity...39
3.3 In need for alternative models of understanding...40
4 Bourdieu: social capital as shaping positions and possibilities of an actor or group...40
4.1 Society as a plurality of fields...41
4.2 Group membership and social networks giving access to resources...41
4.3 The symbolic value of social capital...42
4.4 The relative value of social capital: the specific field and institutional context matters...42
4.5 Translating Bourdieu’s conceptual apparatus to the study of the political role of organisations... 5 Social capital enhancing contestation of the political status quo?...44
5.1 Networks of interpersonal and inter-organisations relationships facilitating collective action..44
5.2 The importance of inter-organisational collaboration for political contestation...45
6 Research on interlocking directorates...46
6.1 The class hegemony model: interlocks create a self-conscious upper class...46
6.2 Interlocks create a self-aware ethnic minority associative elite?...47
7 Indicators for social capital of Moroccan, Turkish and Congolese organisations in Brussels. .48 7.1 Various forms of relationships possible...48
7.2 Advantages to focussing on interlocking directorates...48
7.3 Disadvantages to focussing on interlocking directorates...49
7.4 Including information on everyday collaborations both within and outside the community...49
7.5 bonding and bridging social capital...50
7.5.1 A difference between strong and weak ties...50
7.5.2 Relation bonding and bridging social capital...51
7.6 Identifying the importance of interlocking directorates relative to that of other collaboration. 51 8 The multifaceted nature of social capital...52
9 Conclusion: hypotheses on the relative importance of internal and external collaborations....56
9.1 Hypotheses for institutional political participation...56
9.2 Hypotheses for non-institutional political participation...56
9.3 Hypothesis on the difference in influence between formal and informal internal collaboration... 9.4. Hypothesis on the importance of considering the particular position an organisations holds in the network...58
Part 2: The data collection on ethnic minority organisations in Brussels...59
Chapter 1: Three different databases...59
1 Introduction...59
2 The register data base...59
2.1 The register documents give access to rich information on Brussels associative life...59
2.2 The register data to delineate the Belgian Moroccan, - Turkish and - Congolese populations..60
2.3 Archive data allow to describe the population of registered organisations...60
3 A structural database of interlocking directorates...61
4 Survey data: a focus on the dependent variable...62
5 Discontinuities between the three databases...62
5.1 Discontinuity between data on interlocking directorates and data on the political activity...63
5.2 A discontinuity in time: archive data versus field collected data...64
6 Conclusion: combining three types of data to situate the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis Chapter 2: The selection criterion to identify Belgian Moroccan, - Turkish and - Congolese organisations 1 The national origin of the members of the administrative board...65
2 The selection criterion relative to alternative choices...65
2.1 A broad definition based only on the origin of the board members...65
2.2 A focus on Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese self-organisations...66
3 Internal heterogeneity among Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations... 3.1 Heterogeneity in the composition of the board...68
3.2. Origin of directors...68
3.3. Nationality and place of birth of the directors...70
3.4. Internal heterogeneity concerning ethnic origin of the members...71 iii
3.5. Internal heterogeneity in identification with a particular group...73
3.5.1. Register data: “activity based”, “ethnic group based”, “multicultural” and “transnational” 3.5.2. Survey data: orientation toward a particular group an the self-definition...75
3.6. Refusal due to a distance between group categorisation and - identification...77
3.7. Blind spots in grasping the ethnic minority character of organisations...77
4 Conclusion: the internal heterogeneity regarding an organising along group lines ...78
Chapter 3: Sampling design & field work...79
1 Administration of the survey questionnaire...79
1.1. Postal survey and face-to-face interviews...79
1.2. Field work: general procedure in contacting the organisations...79
1.3. A different sample design for each group...80
1.3.1. The Belgian Moroccan Sample...81
1.3.2. The Belgian Turkish Sample...81
1.3.3. The Belgian Congolese Sample...82
1.4. Final outcomes, response rate...82
2. The representativeness of the samples...83
2.1. Representativeness of The Belgian Moroccan sample...84
2.1.1. Comparing the looped organisations to the overall population data...84
2.1.2. Comparing the sample data to the population data...85
2.2. The interviewed Belgian Turkish organisations...87
2.3. The representativeness of the Belgian Congolese sample...89
3. Discussion of non-response and refusal...91
4. Conclusion: difficult process of data-collection...93
Part 3: Contextualising Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative life in Brussels...95
1. Introduction...95
Chapter 1: Comparing the three groups...97
1. History of Moroccan, Turkish and Congolese migration to Belgium...97
1.1. Moroccan Migration to Belgium...97
1.1.1. Three phases characterising the Moroccan migration to Belgium...97
1.1.2 Selectivity processes: the presence of diversity in the population of Moroccan origin 1.1.3 The migration of asylum seekers to Belgium...98
1.2 Turkish Migration to Belgium...99
1.2.1 Demographic approach: different phases...99
1.2.2 Chain migration: strong regional selection and a household strategy...99
1.2.3 Migration of political dissidents and of ethnic and religious minorities...100
1.3 The Congolese Migration to Belgium...100
1.3.1 Migration Before 1980: migration of Congolese elite...100
1.3.2 Migration after 1980: economic migration, asylum seekers and family reunification.101 2 The populations of Moroccan, Turkish and Congolese origin in Brussels...101
2.1 The size of the populations: group of Moroccan origin by far the largest...102
2.2 Geographical concentration: the population of Turkish origin most concentrated...103
2.3 Socio-economic status: the population of Congolese origin stand out as for educational level104 2.3.1 The position on the labour market...104
2.3.2 The level of educational attainment...105
2.4 Which integration trajectory? Collective versus individual integration strategy...106
2.4.1 The group of Turkish origin a more collective strategy...106
2.4.2 And the group of Congolese origin?...107
2.5 The level of political participation among private citizens...108
3 Contextualisation of ethnic minority populations...109
Chapter 2: The history of Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative life . 1 History of Belgian Moroccan associative life...112
1.1 A first phase: Moroccan workers arriving in Belgium...112
1.1.1 Two opposite types of organisations...112
1.1.2 Strong collaboration with Belgian trade unions...112
1.1.3 First women’s organisation...113
1.1.4 Emphasis on services and political claim making...113
1.2 A second phase: the emergence of a second generation and the economic crisis of the 80’s. .114 1.2.1 The emergence of Belgian Moroccan youth organisations...114
1.2.2 The emergence and consolidation of mosques...114
1.3 A third Phase: institutionalisation and politisation...114
1.4 Fourth phase: renegotiated relation with home land...115
1.4.1 Increased involvement in development projects...115
1.4.2 Increased involvement concerning the homeland political situation...116
1.5 A Fifth phase: increased politisation, artistic projects ...116
2 The history of Belgian Turkish associative life...117
2.1 A (very) first phase: self-help based on attachments to village of origin...117
2.2 A second phase: ideological and religious fractures...118
2.2.1 Organisations controlled by the Turkish state...118
2.2.2 The emergence of a progressive Belgian Turkish associative life...118
2.3 A third phase: ideological and religious fractures...119
2.3.1 The further institutionalisation of Turkish Islam...119 2.3.2 The emergence of religious movements and organisations of religious minorities
v
2.3.3 Progressive organisations important actors in adult education and socio-professional insertion...
2.3.4 Growth and diversification but also additional fractures...121
2.4 A fourth phase: Belgian associative life no longer a copy of Turkey...121
2.4.1 A second generation...121
2.4.2 Organisations emerge in the shadow of the European institutions...122
2.4.3 Strengthening relationships with Turkish Government...122
2.5 Conclusion: differences and similarities with the history of Belgian Moroccan associative life123 3 The history of Belgian Congolese associative life...123
3.1 Early years: students organisations...123
3.2 From nineties onward: associative “efflorescence”...124
3.2.1 Increased internal collaboration...124
3.2.2 Organising along local attachment and an identification with a pan African community 3.2.3 Women’s, religious, transnational, service and artistic projects...126
3.2.4 From a marginal presence to an associational efflorescence...127
4 Rich but incomplete historical accounts...128
Chapter 3: Ethnic minority associative life anno 2010...131
1 Introduction...131
2 The size of Ethnic minority associative life...131
3 The location of the organisations...133
4 Organising along ethnic group lines...134
5 The resources of an organisation...135
5.1 The age of the organisations...135
5.2 The size of the organisations...136
5.3 The budget of the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations137 5.4 Logistic equipment of the organisations...139
5.5 The human capital of the organisations...140
5.5.1 The number of paid personnel...140
5.5.2 The number of volunteers active in the organisations...140
6 Composition of the administrative board...141
7 The activities of the organisations...143
8 Services to members and interest representation...146
8.1 Organising services to members...146
8.2 Interest representation: strong similarities across groups...148
8.3 Strong differences across groups concerning the interest that is represented...150
9 Conclusion: heterogeneity in the respective associative fields...151
9.1 Similarities across groups...151
9.2 Differences across groups...151
9.3 Overview Control variables...153
Chapter 4: the position of the three groups in the Brussels political context...155
1 Institutional context of Brussels...156
2 The Prevailing integration regime in the Brussels Capital Region...156
2.1 The difference between an ethno-cultural and assimilationist regime...156
2.2 The co-occurrence in Brussels of two different integration regimes...157
2.3 The predominance of a laisser-faire assimilationist regime...159
2.4 An assimilationist approach and an organising along ethnic lines...160
2.5 Insights on the Brussels political environment to interpret research results...162
3 Financial support to Brussels based ethnic minority organisations...163
3.1 Institutional complexity creating opportunities...163
3.2 Evolutions over time: an increase as compared to 2004...164
3.3 Funding preferences: a focus on youth organisations, the importance of activities related to migration...165
3.4 Mobilising insights for later analyses...167
4 A strong increase in descriptive representation of people of non-EU origin in Brussels...168
4.1 Increase in descriptive representation...168
4.2 The group of Moroccan origin occupying a favourable position...169
4.3 Combining information on the Brussels POS and characteristics of the three associative fields. . 5 Evolutions in Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations ....171
5.1. Evolutions in the size of Brussels based ethnic minority associative life...172
5.1.1 Presentation of the graphs...172
5.1.2 Similarities and Differences: the Belgian Turkish associative life stagnated...172
5.2 Evolutions in organising along ethnic group lines between 2000 and 2008...173
5.2.1. Presentation of the graphs...173
5.2.2. Similarities and Differences: a stronger increase in group based organisations for the Belgian Turkish organisations...174
5.2.3. Interpretation: incompatibility between Belgian Turkish associative life and an assimilationist integration regime...175
5.3. Evolutions in ethnic minority associative according to the typology of Kriesi...177
5.3.1. Presentation of the graphs...177
5.3.2. Similarities and differences: a strong decrease of voluntary organisations in Belgian Turkish associative life...178
5.3.3. Interpretation: an incompatibility between another organising principle of Belgian Turkish associative life and the Brussels assimilationist context...178
5.4. Evolutions in main activity between 2000 and 2008...179 5.4.1. Similarities and differences across the three groups: an emphasis on social services. 180 vii
5.4.2. Interpretation: the Belgian Congolese associative life showing less fluctuations...180
6. Conclusion: Exploring distinctive positions of the three groups within the Brussels context 181 Part 4: The degree of ethnic civic community of the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese community in Brussels...183
Chapter 1: The ethnic civic community index...183
1 Introduction: testing the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis on ethnic civic community for Brussels 2 Social network analysis: background information...183
2.1 Talking about structural data...183
2.1.1 Two-mode and one mode networks...184
2.1.2 Network of interlocking directorates versus co-membership network...184
3 The measures included in the ethnic civic community index...185
4 Remarks on structural measures included in index of ethnic civic community...185
4.1 Considering the level of indirect relations...185
4.2 Limitations of working with a projection on a two-mode network...186
4.3 The sensitivity of the proportion of interlocks to the network size...187
4.4 The mean degree does not inform about the structural cohesion of the overall network...188
4.5 Taking into account the triadic level...189
5 The geographical dimension disappeared in the notion of ethnic minority associative life....191
6 The Brussels case, the ethnic civic community index of the networks of interlocking directorates 6.1 Results based on the 2003 data on the Moroccan and Turkish network of interlocking directorates 6.2 Organisational and associative density of ethnic minority associative life in Brussels anno 2009 6.3 Analyses concerning the dyad level...194
6.3.1 The level of direct relations in the Belgian Moroccan, - Turkish and - Congolese network 6.3.2 Analyses of direct relations in the co-leadership network...195
6.4 Visualisatoin of the 2009 networks of interlocking directorates...196
6.5 Analyses concerning the subgroup or component level...198
6.6 Analyses of subgroups in co-leadership network...200
6.7 Analyses on the triadic level...200
6.7.1 Descriptive structural measure discussing triad-structures...200
6.7.2 Triad structures in the co-leadership...201
6.8 Evolution in the structural characteristics of the networks of interlocking directorates...202
7 Discussion: bringing the different structural measures together...205
7.1 Calculating the outcomes for the Brussels case on the Fennema and Tillie index... 7.2 Adding information to the ethnic civic community index on the triad level...206
7.3 A similar index for the co-leadership network...207
8 Remarks in regard to the method...208
8.1 Using an aggregate measure...208
8.2 Testing the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis: discussing the aggregate effect by the individual effect Chapter 2: Introducing heterogeneity in the structural analysis of networks of interlocking directorates 1 Attributional characteristics on the dyad level...212
2 Attributional characteristics on the subgroup level...214
2.1 Attributional characteristics of the five largest components of the Belgian Moroccan network 2.2 Attributional characteristics of the largest components in the Belgian Turkish network ...218
2.3 Attributional characteristics of the five largest component in the Belgian Congolese network220 4. Discussion: networks of interlocking directorates taking into account attributional characteristics...223
Chapter 3: The independent factor: other forms of collaborations within and outside the own community 1 Complementing the picture on interlocking directorates...225
2 Frequent contacts within and outside the ethnic minority associative field...226
2.1 Difference between the Turkish network of interlocksand the contact network in Amsterdam and Berlin 2.2 Frequent contacts within the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative field 2.3 Frequent contacts outside the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative field 2.4 How do different forms of frequent contacts relate?...230
3 Contacts with Brussel majority associative field...231
4 Conclusion: studying the aggregate effect by looking at the individual effect...237
Part 5: studying the political dimension of Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative life...239
Chapter 1: The research design...239
1 Testing the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis on the aggregate effect of the degree of ethnic civic community 1.1 Introduction: some deviations of the original design...239
1.2 Verifying the aggregate effect on the degree of ethnic civic community by the individual effect 1.3 Verifying the aggregate effect of the presence of other types of collaboration by the individual effect... 2 Alternative perspectives on political participation...242
2.1 Attributional characteristic of the organisations...242
2.2 A contextual perspective on political participation...243
2.3 Different social capital discussions according to the type of political activity...243
2.3.1 A difference in resourcefulness between bonding and bridging collaborations...244 ix
2.3.2. The symbolic value of collaborations...244
3 The empirical analyses that are not performed...245
3.1 Still other indicators for social capital left out...245
3.2 Leaving out specific examples...246
3.3 The control variables that did not make it through the selection...246
3.4 No empirical verification of the intermediary process...246
4 The Statistical background to the empirical analyses...248
4.1 Integrating structural data and survey data...248
4.2 Statistics to discuss bivariate associations...248
4.2.1. The X² test: association between two nominal variables...249
4.2.2. The phi-coefficient: association between two dichotomous variables...250
4.3 Logistic regression analysis...250
4.4 Statistical background to understanding binary logistic regression...251
4.4.1. Interpreting the regression coefficient and deciding on its statistical significance...252
4.4.2. Interpreting model statistics and deciding upon their statistical significance ...253
4.5. Assumptions associated to logistic regression analysis...254
4.6. Direct logistic regression...256
4.7. Multinomial logistic regression...256
4.6. Interactions in logistic regression...257
5. Conclusion: discussing the aggregate effect by looking at the individual effect...258
Chapter 2 Institutional political participation: an involvement n the electoral process...259
1. Introduction: a strong descriptive representation of the Belgian Moroccan population in Brussels 2. Univariate Analyses: the level of electoral participation...260
3. Bivariate analyses: the factors underlying the electoral participation of ethnic minority organisations...261
3.1. Identifying the individual effect of the different forms of social capital...261
3.2. The individual effect of instrumental and expressive resources...262
4. Multivariate analyses on electoral participation...264
4.1. the predictor selected for the models...264
4.2. Missing values and checking assumptions...265
4.2.1. No significant association between variable on missing values and dependent variables 4.2.2. Verifying four assumptions associated to logistic regression analysis...266
4.3. A first series of logistic regression models: a focus on the embeddedness in the network ...267 4.4. A second series of logistic regression models: discussing the relevance of more everyday collaborations...
4.5. A third series: the discussion on the relative importance of actors of Brussels mainstream associative life
4.6. Discussion: multivariate analysis leaves us with more questions than answers...271
5. Discussion: contextualizing the results for the Brussels case...272
5.1. The absence of a structural link between the electoral sphere and ethnic minority associative life 5.1.1. The absence of a systematic recruitment of candidates in resourceful organisations. . .272
5.1.2. The absence of a systematic recruitment of candidates of Moroccan origin in the associative field... 5.1.3. A stronger link between representatives of Turkish and Congolese associative life . . .274
5.1.4. What factors can strengthen the electoral political role of ethnic minority organisations? Chapter 3: Participation to consultative mechanisms...276
1. Introduction: high expectations, weak opportunities...276
2. Univariate observations: the absence of a consistent rank order between three groups...277
3. The Bivariate analysis: rejecting the individual effect of an embeddedness in the network ..279
3.1. Bivariate analyses for the social capital indicators...279
3.2. Bivariate analyses on the control variables...280
4. Multivariate analyses: the strong influence of public funding and support by majority associative field... 4.1. Discussing Missing values and checking assumptions...282
4.2. A first series of logistic regression models: the individual effect of being embedded in a network 4.2.1. The model including the control variable on the size of the organisation...285
4.2.2. The model including the control variable on public funding...285
4.2.2. The model including the control variable on the affiliation to a federation...285
4.2.3. The model including the control variable on an intrinsic political motivation...286
4.2.4. The model including the control variable on the presence of religious activities...287
4.2.5. An overview of the interactions in the logistic regression models...288
4.2.6. An involvement in interlocking directorates matters when other resources are lacking288 4.3. A second series of logistic regression models: the discussion on the differential importance of internal and external frequent contacts...289
4.3.1. The ground model: only including the predictors on (both internal and external) frequent contacts 4.3.2. The model including the control variable on the size of an organisation...291
4.3.3. The model including the control variable on public funding...292
4.3.4. The model including the control variable on an affiliation to a federation...292
4.3.5. The model including the control variable on an intrinsic political motivation...293
4.3.6. The model including the control variable on religious activities...293
4.3.7. An overview of the outcome regarding interaction terms included in the models...294
xi
4.3.8. An involvement in external frequent contacts add to the access to consultative
mechanisms...294
4.4. The third series of logistic regression models: the importance of actors of majority associative life... 4.4.1. The ground model: the large effect size associated to contact with pro-migrant associative life... 4.4.2. The model including the control variable on size...296
4.4.3. The model including the control variable on public funding...296
4.4.4. The model including the control variable on an affiliation to a federation...297
4.4.5. The model including the control variable on an intrinsic political motivation...297
4.4.6. The model including the control variable on religious activities...297
4.4.7. An overview of the interactions terms included in the logistic regression models...298
4.4.8. The importance of the Brussels majority associative life for participating to consultation 4.5. Overall discussion: central influence of public funding and Brussels majority associative life 5. Discussion: different organisational profiles according to type of institutional political participation...300
Chapter 3: non-institutional political activities...303
1. Introduction: Topics of claim making...303
2. The influence of the POS on the nature of the claims...305
3. Claim making activities in Belgium, data reduction...306
3.1. Univariate analyses: no important differences across the three groups...306
3.2. Claim making in country of origin: Belgian Congolese organisations hold a first position...308
3.3. Latent Class analysis: differentiation between proclaiming and protesting activities...309
3.3.1. Latent class analysis proclaiming activities...310
3.3.2. Latent class analysis protest activities...312
3.3.3. Defining the nature of the classes...312
4. Understanding proclaiming activities...314
4.1. Bivariate analyses...314
4.2. Multivariate analyses for proclaiming: missing values and assumptions...316
4.3. A first series of logistic regression models: the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis...318
4.3.1. The ground model on interlocking directorates does not reliable predict proclaiming 318 4.3.2. The model including the predictor on public funding...319
4.3.3. The model including the predictor on being active on community concerns...319
4.4. A second series of logistic regression models: the discussion on the internal and external frequent contacts 4.4.1. Internal frequent contact (and not external) matter for understanding proclaiming...320
4.4.2. Exploring whether the variable on group affiliation acts as a confounder ...320
4.4.3. Adding control variables to the ground model...321
4.4.4. The models including the predictors on size, on public funding, on advocacy and on the
presence of religious activities...322
4.4.5. A particular interaction between the control variable on advocacy and the predictor on involvement in internal frequent contacts...322
4.4.6. An interaction between the variable on religious activities and internal frequent contacts 4.4.7. An interaction between the variable on a Moroccan affiliation and internal frequent contacts...324
4.4.8. An overview of the interaction terms included in the models ...324
4.5. A third series of models: the discussion on the importance of Brussels majority associative life 4.5.1. The model on contact with major associative life strongly predicts the outcome on proclaiming...324
4.5.2. The models including a predictor on size, on public funding, on community concerns and on religious activities...326
4.5.3. The models including the predictor on an affiliation to a federation and an advocacy orientation... 4.5.5. An overview of the interaction terms that add to the understanding of proclaiming...327
4.2. Conclusion: the importance of bonding social capital to get involved in proclaiming activities327 5. Direct contacting of public and political authorities...329
5.2. Univariate analysis: the Belgian Turkish organisations stand out...329
5.3. Bivariate analyses: the importance of interlocking directorates...333
5.4. Multivariate analyses: missing values and assumptions...335
5.5. A first series of logistic regression models...336
5.5.1. The ground models on group affiliation and on the network variables to yield a reliable prediction 5.5.2. The model including the predictor on public funding...338
5.5.3. The model including the predictor on community concerns...339
5.5.4. The model including the predictor on an advocacy mission...339
5.5.5. The model including the predictor on religious activities...340
5.5.6. An overview of the interaction that are meaningful for understanding proclaiming.. .340
5.6. A second series of logistic regression models...341
5.6.1. The predictors on frequent contacts interacting with the variable on group affiliation.341 5.6.2. The model including the predictor on size...342
5.6.2. The model including the predictor on public funding...342
5.7. A third series of logistic regression models...343
5.7.1. The contact with Brussels pro-migrant organsiations adds to the understanding of direct contacting 5.7.2. The model including the predictor on public funding...344
5.8. Discussion: The Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations stand out...344 xiii
6. Theoretical reflexion on the importance of social capital...346
General discussion: rejecting the hypothesis on the aggregate effect of social capital, discussing the individual effect and formulating alternative hypotheses...348
1 Testing the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis on the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community... 1.1. Confronting the rank order on both the index and the outcome in regard to political participation 1.1.1. The intermediary part of the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis...348
1.1.2. The Belgian Moroccan associative field expected to stand out as for the level of political activity... 1.1.3. The Belgian Turkish and - Congolese collective trajectory showing some particular strengths...349
1.2. The individual effect of being embedded in the network of interlocking directorates...350
1.2.1. Studying the individual effect to further verify the presence of an aggregate effect.. .350
1.2.2. An individual effect only for participation to consultation and direct contacting...350
1.2.2. The absence of an aggregate effect confirmed...351
1.2.3. The size and structure of the network matters when alternative resources are lacking351 1.3. Theoretical implications of finding a very specific individual effect...351
1.3.1. We reject a reflection in terms of trust embedded in horizontal relations...351
1.3.2. Alternative interpretations: need for further research...352
1.4. The importance of taking into account other types of collaborations?...352
1.4.1. Bonding and bridging frequent contacts and the contact with Brussels majority associative field... 1.4.2. An illustration of a multidimensional relation between social capital and political participation... 1.4.3. Interpreting the multidimensional relation between social capital and political participation...353
1.4.4. The absence of an aggregate effect following bonding and bridging social capital...354
1.5. An asymmetry with the individual trajectory further rejecting the Hypothesis...354
1.5.1. The absence of a symmetry between the individual and collective trajectory... 1.5.2. One remarkable symmetry in rank order...355
2. Understanding similarities and difference in the group level of direct contacting...356
2.1. Similarities in the political channel function of the organisations across the groups...357
2.1.1. The access to electoral involvement structured by a process of personal acquaintanceship 2.1.2. Predictors on public funding and on contact with pro-migrant organisations have high effect size 2.2. One difference in the level of political activity for the Brussels case: direct contacting...360
2.2.1. Discussing the interaction terms to understand the difference in level of direct contacting
2.2.2. A first alternative hypothesis: characteristics of the Belgian Turkish group not operationalised?...
2.2.3. A Second alternative hypothesis: taking into account the particular position within a POS
2.3. A remarkably large associative field compensating for a lack of opportunities?...366
3. Conclusion: situating the Fennema and Tillie argument...366
3.1. A first discussion: the Fennema and Tillie argument relative to the importance of contextual factors... 3.2. A second discussion: inside the social capital argument...369
3.3. Interactions shaping the social capital argument ...370
Bibliogaphy... Annexe 1: Tables including logistic regression models...383
Annexe 2: Survey questionnaire French version on the “organisations turques”...415
Annexe 3: Documentation concerning field work...435
Annexe 4: Organisations included in the survey...447
xv