SOPRC . Groundwater recharge in low coral islands Bonriki, South Tarawa, Republic of Kiribati

INTERNATIONAL HYDROLOGICAL PROGRAMME

Groundwater recharge in low coral islands Bonriki, South Tarawa, Republic of Kiribati

Issues, traditions and conflicts in groundwater use and management

bY

I. White’, A. Falkland*, L. Crennan3, P. Jones4, T. Metutera’, B. Etuati’ and E. Metai’

’ Water Research Foundation of Australia, Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, institute of Advanced Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, ACT 0200, Australia

’ Ecowise Environmental, ACTEW Corporation, PO Box 1834, Fyshwick ACT 2809, Australia 3 Institute for Sustainable Futures, University of Technology, PO Box 123, Broadway 2007, Australia

4 AusAlD Institutional Strengthening Project, Land Management Division, Ministry of Home Affairs and Rural Development, PO Box 7, Bairiki, Tarawa, Republic of Kiribati

5 Public Utilities Board, Ministry of Works and Energy, PO Box 498, Betio, Tarawa, Republic of Kiribati y Ministry of Environment and Social Development, Bikenibeu, Tarawa, Republic of Kiribati

Public Works Division, Ministry of Works and Energy, PO Box 498, Betio, Tarawa, Republic of Kirtbati

IHP Humid Tropics Programme IHP-V Theme 6

IHP-V 1 Technical Documents in Hydrology 1 No.25 UNESCO, Paris 1999

SC-99iwSI49

SOPRC .

whatsoever on the part of UNESCO concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or of its authorities, or

concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

Contents

Abbreviations ... 2

Figures ... 2

Tables ... 2

SUMMARY . . . ., . . . ..,.. . . s... . . . 3

RECOMMENDATIONS . . . 5

Institutional ... 5

Bonriki Community ... 6

1. TRADITIONAL, SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC ISSUES IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF WATER RESERVES IN LOW, CORAL ISLANDS . . . 7

1.1 Introduction ... 7

1.2 Aims of this project ... 8

1.3 The Study Site.. ... 8

2. THE BONRIKI GROUNDWATER RESERVE . . . ..f... 12

2.1 Development of the Bonriki water reserve ... 12

2.2 Legal status of the Bonriki water reserve ... 14

2.3 Community involvement in the public use of the water reserve ... 16

3. INSTITUTIONAL ARRANGEMENTS FOR WATER IN IURIBATI . . . 17

4. LAND AND SOCIO-CULTURAL NORMS AND VALUES . . . 21

5. INVOLVING AND SURVEYING THE LOCAL COMMUNITY . . . 24

6. VIEWS AND CONCERNS ON GROUNDWATER RECHARGE, WATER USE AND LAND USE . . . 26

7. RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE STUDY . . . 30

7.1 Institutional ... 30

7.2 Bonriki Community.. ... 31

8. CONCLUSIONS . . . .., . . . ..,.. . . 33

8.1 Wider Applicability of Findings . . . 34

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ... 35

BIBLIOGRAPHY.. ... 36

ADB AGHDL AUSAID MESD

NGO’s PUB PWD SOPAC SPC UN UNCDF UNDP UNESCO WES WHO

Figures

Asian Development Bank

Australian Government, Department of Housing and Construction Australian Agency for International Development

Ministry of Environment and Social Development Ministry of Home Affairs and Rural Development Ministry of Natural Resources

Ministry of Works and Energy Non Government Organisations Public Utilities Board

Public Works Division

South Pacific Applied Geoscience Council Secretariat of the Pacific Community United Nations

United Nations Central Development Fund United Nations Development Programme

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation Water Engineering Services

World Health Organisation

Fig. 1.1 Location of the study site, Tarawa Atoll, Republic of Kiribati. 9

Fig. 1.2 Tarawa Atoll. 10

Fig. 1.3. Population and growth rate of South Tarawa compared with the national figures 11 Fig. 2.1 Bonriki Island showing the pumping galleries, salinity monitoring boreholes and air

strip (after Falkland and Woodroffe, 1997) 13

Fig. 2.2. Use of salinity boreholes, BN 1 to BN 5, in fig. 4 to define the extent of fresh groundwater at the Bon&i water reserve (after Falkland and Woodroffe, 1997) 14

Tables

Table 4.1 Land management practices, Bonriki - The impact of socio-cultural norms and values

on water management 22

Table 6.1 Concerns of Bonriki villagers juxtaposed against counterclaims of individual villagers, Government and agency staff and other South Tarawa residents (from

Crennan, 1998) 27

3

Summary

Groundwater in shallow, freshwater lenses in low coral islands is the main source of potable water for many small island nations. Because lenses with significant volumes of accessible and unpolluted potable water are increasingly rare in regions of rapid population growth, areas of land associated with shallow groundwater used for public water reticulation systems are often declared public water reserves. This restricts or prohibits land use by traditional owners. As part of an UNESCO-IHPSOPAC study of rainwater recharge of a freshwater lens in a water reserve at Bonriki, Tarawa Atoll, Republic of Kiribati, this study examines the issues involved in the establishment and management of water reserves. Bonriki was selected because of the severe pressures on groundwater and land resources in urban South Tarawa, the capital of Kiribati. The aim of this component of the project was to involve the local community in the project, to identify local socio-cultural issues in land, groundwater management and ownership, particularly under variable rainfalls, and to determine concerns of local landowners about the study.

A review of legislation and institutional arrangements for water resources revealed a lack of identified roles and responsibilities due to the absence of overarching water resource laws.

The situation was further complicated by the Government not having finalised leasing arrangements for the water reserve with landowners, despite the reserve being used to for pumping of water since the late 1970’s. With no legal agreement in place between Government and the landowners, the landowners are now in a strong bargaining position in relation to access and land use practices on their traditional family lands comprising the water reserves.

Conversely, it also means that the current and continued public use of water reserves, to supply water via the reticulated water system to the wider public, is in a precarious position.

A key issue is that traditional resource ownership and land use. attitudes and aspirations in developing, small islands states, evolved in low density, subsistence communities. These are increasingly at odds with the planning requirements of high density, urbanised societies such as South Tarawa. The lack of comprehensive water legislation and legal agreements combined with a lack of clarity of roles and responsibilities of government agencies in South Tarawa, are indicators of the tensions between the subsistence past and the urban future being faced by many communities on coral islands.

Suggestions to separate water management roles and responsibilities such as water supplier and regulator, for example, are heavily dependent on the availability of resource expertise, which is limited in small island nations. In this context, regional organisations, such as SOPAC, could assist in filling this lack of expertise and providing a continuing focus for capacity building. The responsibilities for the on-going protection of the water reserves and the monitoring of the sustainability of groundwater extraction are key issues. In the Bonriki case study, this has been significantly compromised by continuing vandalism to salinity monitoring boreholes and unacceptable land use practices by the local landowners, which has been exacerbated by the fact that lease agreements between Government and landowners have not been finalised.

Formal and informal meetings with the elders of Bontiki village, the traditional landowners of the water reserve, revealed that the groundwater recharge study was, unwittingly, part of a wider struggle. This struggle involves the quest for increased financial and social compensation by the Bonriki community from the Government for the establishment of the water reserve and an international airport on Bonriki land. Vandalism of infrastructure, at both the water reserve and the adjoining airport is symptomatic of the general discontent and anxiety

I.~ .“. - “-- ,---._-

of landowners. The thrust for additional compensation and the promised resettlement, so colored the responses of most of villagers that it was not possible to separate oral traditions and history about groundwater from the ongoing dispute with the Government. What could be ascertained, however, was the identification of a range of complex and interrelated traditional socio-cultural factors which influence the day to day practices, attitudes and aspirations of the Bonriki community towards groundwater and land use management. Issues such as groundwater recharge and pollution processes were peripheral to the main concern of villagers.

The need for a community education program including school education on groundwater was identified. The principle complaints of the Bon&i villagers, beside seeking increased compensation, were the lack of consultation over use of their family lands, decline of plant productivity due to groundwater pumping, loss of the right to use their lands as and when they wish, and overcrowding of their village. Other residents of South Tarawa considered Bonriki village relatively well-off and the village is looked on with envy and some distrust by other residents of South Tarawa.

Claims for increased compensation are based on the fact that Government payments to landowners for lands classed as ‘water reserves’ are less than payments to lands used by Government for residential and commercial purposes in South Tarawa. They are also based on the perception that groundwater pumping has decreased crop production and affected the health of vegetation on the reserve. There were also complaints that not all villagers received adequate compensation for the airport corridor acquired by the colonial government in 1970’s and returned to landowners by the current Government in 1996. These all add to the push for additional compensation.

The recharge study was only of interest to many of the villagers and landowners if it could bolster their claims for increased compensation or provide employment opportunities. It was explained, at a village meeting, that the study had shown that the maximum watertable drawdown by pumping was one fifth the natural daily tidal fluctuations, so that pumping could not be impacting on the water available for coconut tree production. The majority of villagers refused to believe these study findings and saw the study as biased towards the Government, rather than an opportunity to mobilise their key claims, namely loss of unfettered access to their main family wealth, that is, their traditional lands. It is this issue which is at the heart of the declining condition of the water reserves and the principal reason for inaction in ensuring acceptable land uses and the long-term sustainability of water reserves.

It is concluded that it is paramount that appropriate legal arrangements between Government and landowners, covering use, access, resettlement and compensation arrangements, be in place before agreed freshwater lenses are used as public water reserves. If not, payment of a simple monetary compensation as in the case of Bonriki, creates as many problems as it solves. Government needs to take a more pro-active stand on water resources including adequate arrangements for landowners. Open dialogue with the Bonriki community on the key traditional socio-cultural issues affecting land use and water management and their applicability in an urban setting, is a key priority, albeit a difficult one. A range of , recommendations is presented. In terms of financial compensation, it is suggested that instead of simple compensation for restricted land use, regular payments be made by the water supplier to Bomiki villagers as custodians and managers of the water reserve, with payment linked to mutually agreed performance indicators of appropriate land management. The use of part of water reserves as sports fields is also suggested. Safe conjunctive land uses for water reserves need to be researched. The applicability of results to other small island states is discussed.

Recommendations

Institutional

In islands characterised by communities with a strong dependence on land for their sustenance, the provision of adequate compensation, resettlement arrangements and the provision of security of land tenure, is a fundamental requirement before Government declares any private land over a freshwater lens a public water reserve and begins water extraction

In the Bonriki case study, the completion of lease agreements between Government and the traditional landowners setting out terms and conditions relating to the Bonriki water reserve is paramount, notwithstanding the fact that the Government has already been extracting water from the Bonriki freshwater lens for the last twenty years. Failure to do this will result in continuing unresolved issues and tensions in water reserve management, such as vandalism of infrastructure.

The enactment of overarching, comprehensive water legislation by Government would assist in resolving institutional uncertainties concerning roles and responsibilities for water management. Steps towards such enactment would be a move towards balancing ‘public good’ over ‘private gain’, given such notions are relatively new in small island nations such as Kiribati. This legislation must be perceived to be implemented and enforceable.

As a general principle, there needs to be much greater dialogue and community discussion initiated by Government on the key underlying socio-cultural issues affecting the sustainability of the public water reserve management at Bonriki. Unless these issues are confronted, current water management conflicts will continue.

The functional separation of supply and regulation in the water sector would assist in the process of sustainable management by defining roles clearly and separating conflicting responsibilities. However, it is dependent on the availability of appropriate human resource expertise in water management.

A program of sustained training and capacity building of local expertise deserves particular

attention in

any policy development for water resource management in small island states.

There is a potentially strong role for regional organisations, such as South Pacific Applied Geoscience Council, SOPAC, to assist in both capacity building and institution strengthening.

The Public Utilities Board, PUB, is the water supplier in South Tarawa. Demand management through water charges should be re-examined in order to provide for system maintenance, monitoring compensation and water use reduction.. The PUB should pay the compensation (or water reserve management fees) to the Bonriki villagers as. a clearly identified user cost against water revenues.

In order to transfer some of the ownership and responsibility for water management back to the local community, the PUB should both supply water and collect water rates from the villages of South Tarawa. Villages should be responsible for the supply of water and collection of fees locally.

The regulator should monitor rainfall inputs, the thickness and salinity of the supply lenses, salinity and microbiology of produced water at the pumping stations and throughout the reticulation system and check leakage throughout the distribution system. The regulator should ensure that the extraction, supply and delivery of water are not harmful to the

environment, and that extraction of water is being carried out in a sustainable way. These key roles should be mandatory, irrespective of who is the regulator. Part of this responsibility would include the operation of models of groundwater and the extraction process. This data should be reported regularly to the appropriate Minister. A public awareness and education program in water conservation, including means of reducing demand on reticulated water resources and groundwater pollution should be initiated.

Bonriki Community

The Bonriki community have made sacrifices for the wider public good of South Tarawa.

Both financial and social measures of compensation still need to be adequately addressed for the Bonriki community.

Bonriki villagers should be approached to take on the role of custodians of the Bonriki water reserve with compensation or management fee linked to upkeep of the reserve through performance indicators. This may help partly restore their traditional relationship with their land and may decrease vandalism.

Performance indicators should be negotiated and agreed with the Bonriki community.

Sports fields could be established on part of the water reserve to both increase recharge and provide an outlet for youthful energies in local communities, where Government support exists.

A review after five years should be carried out to assess the effectiveness of these measures.

Research is, urgently required to investigate socio-culturally acceptable, conjunctive land use associated with fresh groundwater extraction from water reserves in low, coral islands to relieve pressure on land.

The establishment of any future water reserves on inhabited areas with private land tenure be carried out under a negotiated contractual arrangement between the water supplier and the traditional owners, prior to water extraction.

Agreements would be overseen and approved by the water regulator who would take into account social, economic and environmental impacts, quality aspects and sustainability.

1. Traditional, social and economic issues in the

establishment of water reserves in low, coral islands

1.1 Introduction

Many low coral islands depend on shallow, fresh groundwater contained in freshwater lenses for potable water. In dry periods, this dependence on water from unpolluted freshwater lenses rises considerably. The transit time for pollutants in the unsaturated zone above these lenses is typically in the order of one day. As a result, the groundwater is especially vulnerable to contamination from surface sources, particularly of faecal matter (Dillon, 1997). In order to prevent this, where groundwater is extracted for public reticulation systems, the practice has been to declare the area a water reserve with restricted uses and access. The social, cultural, economic and hydrological factors surrounding the establishment of water reserves and supply systems and the continuing management of freshwater lenses and the reticulation system in low coral islands, are complex but fundamentally important. The interrelationships between factors must be considered if sustainable and equitable use of resources is to be achieved (Falkland,

1992) and if future small, low island water supply schemes are to be initiated successfully.

In many small island countries characterised by private land tenure arrangements, traditional land ownership includes the land’s resources, particularly groundwater. This is one of the principal issues underlying resource conflicts. Some Governments have adopted models of land ownership, where ownership of below-ground resources is vested in the state, cutting across traditional values. While such models maybe reflected in the prevailing legislation, the traditional view is that all the resources of the land, including the adjoining sea or lagoon waters, are the property of the registered owners. With the heavy dependence in small island communities on seafaring, strong oral traditions have been passed down concerning the sea and weather (Riinga

et

al., 1997). However, little appears known about the oral traditions regarding groundwater on coral atolls.

The establishment of water reserves and the management of the associated water supply systems by both recently elected indigenous governments and former colonial powers, has often failed to appreciate local community needs, culture, land tenure and land use requirements. As this study shows, such management approaches still prevail today, as Governments come to grips with the freedom of independence, the legacy of decisions made during the colonial period, the responsibilities for maintaining infrastructure and monitoring resources and the increasing urbanisation of island communities. Such approaches have led to conflicts between local communities, water management agencies and Governments, which have sometimes been manifested in the vandalism of infrastructure and increasing demands for compensation by landowners. The impact of resource development and water pumping on the health and productivity of traditional crops, coconut, swamp taro, pandanus and breadfruit grown on water reserves, is of social and economic concern to landowners, particularly where limited land use and access rights have been imposed.

The concept

of

public use’, of Government controlling private family lands

for

water supply

for

communities and villages remote porn the water reserve, is often considered to be to the detriment

of

local obligations to the extended family and the local community. ‘Public use ’ is a foreign concept in many island communities. From the landowner’s view, their long term relationship with the land and its role in providing daily food for subsistence living

for

family members, far outweighs any needs of Government for public good, particularly tf they are carried over from another era, (Crennan, 1998).

Resolution of basic preconditions for sound water resource management, such as financial compensation for the loss of restricted use of land included in water reserves, can exacerbate problems within the community and between communities. In addition it can adversely affect land stewardship through uncertainty of ownership or responsibility for water reserves. As well, demand management through public water pricing is frequently not well developed or enforced, with the inevitable consequence that resources for supply system maintenance are limited leading to frequent break downs in the reticulation systems. These issues must be recognised collectively and addressed in order not to repeat the mistakes of the past and to identify options for future sharing and management of water in island communities.

1.2 Aims of this project

The overall aims of this project were to:

~1 provide techniques for the estimation of water recharge in low coral islands, u involve the local community in the project,

0 identify local socio-cultural issues in land and groundwater management including any oral history on groundwater recharge (especially under variable rainfalls),

LI determine local concerns about water recharge and water management,

o disseminate results to those involved in resource assessment and management on small coral islands and

o provide training in technical and consultation methodology.

This report concentrates on the social science component of the project.

1.3 The Study Site

The recharge study was undertaken on Bon&i island (1’23’ N, 173O09’E) Tarawa atoll, Republic of Kiribati (see Figures 1 .l and 1.2). The island is at the apex of the North and South Tarawa and is linked to adjoining islets by causeways (see Figure 1.2). With the adjoining water reserve of Buota to the north west, Bonriki serves as the main source of reticulated water for the urban population of South Tarawa, the capital of Kiribati. In 1995, South Tarawa had a I population of 28,350 persons on a land area of only 15.76 square kilometres. South Tarawa is one of the fastest growing urban areas in the Pacific, with a growth rate of 2.2% between 1990- 9$ compared with a national growth rate for Kiribati between 1990-95 of only 1.4% (SPC, 1998). Figure 1.3 shows the population and population growth rates for South Tarawa compared with the national figures. The population of South Tarawa is expected to be approximately 50,000 persons by the year 2015, so the need for a properly managed water supply system cannot be understated (Jones, 1995).

Fig.

1. I Location of the Republic of Kiribati. The Republic spans approximately 3,500 kilometres east to west.

The Bonriki water reserve was chosen for study because of: the support of the Government of the Republic of Kiribati; the importance of the Bonriki freshwater lens as the main source of reticulated water supply for urban South Tarawa; the presence of trained personnel; the existence of long term data on rainfall; and the strong correlation of rainfall to ENS0 events. In addition, the pressures on the water supply due to the expanding population and demands of South Tarawa, combined with tensions between the Government and traditional landowners concerning compensation for loss of land use, together with and the apparent decline of plant productivity on the Bonriki water reserve, all added to the importance of the site.

The large coefficient of variation of annual rainfall (0.49) for the 1947-98 period indicates the uncertainty of rainfall in the long term. The average annual rainfall for Betio in South Tarawa (30 km west of Bonriki) is 2027 mm with a range of 398 to 4333 mm and a mean monthly coefficient of variation of 0.83. There is a strong correlation of rainfall with El Nifio - Southern Oscillation events.

I I

172'55“E

I I I

'173'iO'E '

I I I I I I I I

173'05 E 173’16’ I

;I ,? TARAWA ATOLL, KIRIBATI I/

lO>m.

, 1'35'N

I

1'30'N

\

\

TARAWA LAGOON

1'20' N,

Fig. 1.2

Tarawa Atoll. Bon&i Island is on the lower right of the atoll. Water from Bonriki is distributed 30 kms along South Tarawa to Betio, on the lower left of the atoll.

11

100,000

80,000

60,000

40,000

20,000

0

+

South Tarawa Populatidn

---1. \ \

South Tarawa Growth Rate

Kiribati Growth Rate ‘.

-- --- (-I- /(I-- N

-T \

1965 1980 1985

Year

Fig.

1.3 Population and growth rate of South Tarawa compared with the national figures.

2. The Bonriki groundwater reserve

2.1 Development of the Bonriki water reserve

The freshwater supply in South Tarawa comes predominantly from three sources: the public water supply system which extracts shallow groundwater from the freshwater lenses at Bonriki and Buota; private wells generally close to residences; and rainwater collection. In South Tarawa, the distribution for piped water, well water and rainwater catchments at the 1995 Census WAS 55%, 58% and 23% respectively @PC, 1998). In dry periods, the first two sources of water predominate. Since population densities in urban South Tarawa are high (the islet of Betio has a population of 10,344 persons (1995 Census) on an area of 1.5 square kilometres (SPC, 1998) p rivate water wells are often contaminated.

During the closing stages of the Second World War, Bonriki Island was a United States Air Force base, with three linked runways still clearly visible. Significant extraction from the Bomiki freshwater lens started in the mid 1970’s when three infiltration galleries were installed by the Australian Government (AGDHC, 1975). These galleries were constructed in a

cruciform pattern with four 15 m long gallery arms. The total pumping from these galleries and an earlier gallery was equal to about 220 m3/day. Three galleries of the same design were

installed at Buota, each with a pump rate of 55 m3/day. The advantage of infiltration galleries over vertical wells is that they have smaller water-table drawdown and hence less risk of upconing of underlying salt water. Initial estimates of the per capita daily requirements for water were 4.5 L for drinking and cooking, with a further 7.8 L for washing (Harrison, 1980).

Following a review by the Australian Government in the early 1980’s of possible water supply options, recommendations were made to increase the pumping from Bonriki (AGDHC, 198 1; 1986), the earlier galleries were replaced by an Australian Government funded water project. A more extensive network of 17 longer (up to 300 m) infiltration galleries with pumps able to extract 50-55 m3/day were installed in the mid 1980’s. The Australian government Tarawa Water Supply Project was designed with an estimated a safe yield of 1150 m3/day from Bonriki, Buota and Taeoraereki galleries with a further 80 m3/day from ferrocement tanks. The abandonment of Taeoraereki water reserve and the absorption of the ferrocement tanks into the reticulation system reduced the then maximum supply to 1000 m3/day. The scheme was

designed to cater for a total population of about 35,000 by the year 2000, including commercial/

industrial users and ‘normal’ system losses. The original design average per capita consumption of potable water was 30 L/day (0.03 m3/day) (AGDHC, 1981; 1986).

Before 1987, usage of reticulated water was around 350 m3/day. During the installation of the new galleries in 1987, with six new galleries running, consumption had risen to 600 m3/day.

By early 1988, the total consumption and losses had risen to the design limit of 1000 m3/day.

13

The original design concept had reticulated water being supplied through a mixture of 1,000 individual connections and community tanks or standpipes. Before the water supply project had finished, the number of individual connections had trebled and the projected per capita

consumption had risen to 40 L/day (0.04 m3/day).

The Bonriki lens (see Fig. 2.1) now operates with the 17 new galleries and one remaining old gallery, while Buota has 6 newer galleries. The current extraction rate is about 1,000 m3/day from Bonriki and about 300 m3/day from Buota (Falkland, 1992; White et al, 1999). The pumped portion of the Bon&i water reserve has an area of about 71 hectares. The freshwater lens lies approximately 2 - 3 metres below the ground surface (less than 1 metre above mean sea level) and has an average thickness of about 15 metres. Assuming a specific yield of 0.3, the lens holds approximately 3.2~10~ m3 of water. The freshwater produced has an average electrical conductivity (EC) of about 700 us/cm water but it varies between about 400 @/cm after heavy rains to over 900 @/cm during dry times.

A Monitoring Borehole - Infiltration Gallery -- Tracks/Roads

Cross section

500 metres

Lagoon

Fig.

2. I Bonriki Island showing the pumping galleries, salinity monitoring boreholes and air strip (Source: Falkland and Woodroffe, 1997).

The reticulated water supply is intermittent and the system frequently fails to meet demand. Intermittency is due to a range of factors including illegal connections, reticulation leakages, increasing demand and taps not turned off (Falkland, 1992). Since the early 1990’s public water has not been charged for. The lack of demand management, the high population growth rate on urban South Tarawa, due to both births and inward migration of outer islanders, as well as the lack of common use of rainwater tanks all place demands on the water supply system which exceed the system design specifications.

Estimates of the amount of water that can be extracted from the freshwater lenses in South Tarawa have changed dramatically over time. One early study reported that the extraction was not sustainable at Bonriki, even under small pumpingrates (see summary in Falkland, 1992).

^ .

The current extraction rate, about 10% of mean annual rainfall (Falkland, 1992), appears conservative. Ignoring dispersion, outflow and direct evaporation losses, and in the absence of any rain, the current pumping regime would take approximately 10 years to deplete the lens. A recent numerical study of the impact of climate change (Alam and Falkland, 1997) showed that, with the current puml5mg rate and a reduced long-term rainfall (75% of current rainfall), the freshwater lens was still sustainable but thinner. The longest below average rainfall period in the available rainfall record is only three years (Falkland, 1992). Salinity monitoring boreholes, located across the lens (see Fig. 2.1), are essential for monitoring the sustainability of groundwater extraction. These provide measures of the thickness of the freshwater portion of the lens across the water reserve. Fig. 2.2 shows the use of a transect of these boreholes to define the extent of the freshwater lens (Falkland and Woodroffe, 1997).

Approximately 20% of the Bonriki water reserve is covered by predominantly senile coconut trees, with scattered pandanus palms and understorey vegetation, which is burnt regularly. There are also abandoned babai (swamp taro) pits scattered across the lens, which are sources of organic matter inputs to the lens. Besides groundwater abstraction, current land use on the lens includes harvesting of coconuts, logging of coconut trees, harvesting of coconut and pandanus fronds, vegetable gardens, two cemeteries, illegal housing and pig pens.

BN5 BN4 BN3 BN2 BN1

Ol

%~e!~4&l/k:z:~ --.-.-““‘“““,-.-~-~~e,“Ell

-Y.,* S.a LO”., ---_--_---_-- --- --- --- --- --- + --- ---. 10 .-_

8-

: 12- L i 16- f f 20- P o 24-

26- 32-

~~~~~~~==~~~~~~

38600 Radlometrlc dates in ka 06.6

Top of leached limestone B lOOmetre.

I I Borehole BN3 corresponds to borehole I on Fig.1

lsolines of eleotrlcal conductivity (pmhos cm-‘) ~2500-

Fig.

2.2 Use of salinity boreholes, BN 1 to BN, 5 in Fig. 2.1, to define the extent of fresh groundwater at the Bonriki water reserve. (after Falkland and Woodroffe, 1997).

2.2 Legal status of the Bonriki water reserve

The land from which groundwater is extracted at Bon&i was declared a water reserve under the

’ Laws of the Gilbert Islands, 1977 (Chapter 83, page 20). Other water reserves on South Tarawa were declared on Betio, Teaoraereke and Bikenibeu, but all have now been closed. The Bikenibeu reserve was relinquished prior to the construction of the new hospital in the early 1990’s while water extraction from Teaoraereke ceased in 1987 due to pressures from landowners to Government to occupy their traditional lands. The Betio reserve was closed due to pollution from adjoining industry and housing. The high density of settlement around Teaoraereke as well as the other water reserves means the groundwater is polluted and suitable only for secondary use (Falkland, 1992). The relinquishment of these three key water reserves

15

on South Tarawa, driven primarily by increasing population and development pressures, places further emphasis on the need for sound management practices on the remaining Bonriki and Buota water reserves, servicing urban South Tarawa. It is not clear in the legislation if the land at Buota has been declared a water reserve.

While the Bomiki lands have been declared a water reserve by legislation, no leases have been completed between Government and the landowners to formalise the use of the water reserve for public use. Lease documents have been prepared by the Government but they require the signatures of Bonriki landholders, the endorsement by a Court Magistrate in the presence of the landowner and a Government official, and finally, the endorsement of the Minister for Home Affairs and Rural Development (MHARD). In Bonriki, there are some 129 registered landowners but no leases are completed, while in neighboring Buota only. 16 out of 79 leases have been signed (Source; Land Management Division, MHARD, 1999). While Government at a policy level has been keen to formalise the lease, the landowners have been reluctant to sign because:

o the rate of compensation for lands classed as ‘water reserves’ is lower than compensation paid for other lands leased by Government. In South Tarawa, the annual rates are $638 per

acre for water reserves, $850 per acre for residential and $1250 for lands used for commercial purposes. Bonriki landowners are demanding a higher rate of payment.’

Government has justified the lower rate by the fact that landowners can enter their lands and collect coconuts and pandanus.

o the original amount of compensation paid for the adjoining airport lands, returned to landowners in 1997 after being acquired by the former colonial Government in the 1970’s, was a ‘pittance’ and more compensation was due.

o the promise of resettling the Bomiki community to the Line Islands, some 3,000 kilometres to the east, has not been progressed. In 1992, the Government provided some 30 plots of land on reclaimed land at adjoining Temaiku Bight but the landowners were reluctant to leave their traditional lands and the reclaimed lands remain vacant.

o conditions in the proposed lease agreement give Government absolute right over the water reserves, to preserve the integrity of the underlying freshwater lens. This is not acceptable to landowners and legal advice is being sought (Source: Land Management Division, MHARD, 1999).

In addition, there is still debate within Government as to who should sign the lease on behalf of Government - Public Utilities Board (PUB) or the Land Management Division, MHARD. Neither organisation is keen to take on the enforcement role associated with public lands, where landowner demands continue to be strong. Given the above factors, the lack of formal agreements in place over the water reserve, and the deep-rooted socio-cultural norms and practices, it is not surprising that landowners have longstanding anxiety and tensions over Government use of the Bomiki lands as a water reserve.

The Land Management Division, MHARD, currently makes the annual compensation payment of $638 per acre to the Bonriki landowners in January each year. The payments are made at the Bonriki village mane&a following announcement of payment times and date on local Radio Kiribati. More frequent payment may lessen some of the concerns. Since compensation is a legitimate charge against water supply, it would seem appropriate that it be paid by the Public Utilities Board (PUB), the South Tarawa Water Supplier, and financed out of water rates so as to avoid hidden subsidies and to include compensation as a cost to water supply. The cost of providing free water to the Bontiki village, if that continues, should also be factored into supply costs. The issue of the supply of free public water generally deserves

attention. While such policy tacitly acknowledges local water property rights, it provides no incentives for water conservation or wise water use, as well as providing no revenue for the reticulation

and

supply system maintenance or monitoring.

2.3 Community involvement in the public use of the water reserve

The study found no readily-available information on community involvement or consultation in the declaration of the water reserve by the former colonial government. All information gathered on community involvement with the use of the water reserve concerned the Australian

Tarawa

Water Supply Project and subsequent Government actions. As part of the Department of

Housing

and Construction water supply system project, meetings were held with Bomiki and

Buota

residents in their villages in the mid 1980’s. At the meetings, the aims and operation of the water supply project, the installation of galleries were discussed. Land clearing and compensation for trees destroyed by the project were specifically discussed. At Bonriki, the

project was

greeted with enthusiasm and support, because a lot of local employment was

generated

by the construction phase. No objections to the project or questions on the impacts of groundwater extraction were raised (P. Mylrea, pers. corn., 1999).

It is important to recognise here that the style of community consultation envisaged by developed, donor countries, particularly in the mid 198Os, is fundamentally different from the traditional, discussion and consensus approach followed in the

maneaba

(meeting house). The

expectations and time frames imposed by external agencies for community consultation are not

at all in keeping with the traditional process of consensus operating in the

maneaba.

Much longer times are required for discussion and consultation (Harrison, 1980).

By August 1987, close to the completion of the project, community feelings had

apparently changed. Bomiki

and Buota residents refused to pay for their reticulated water

causing concern

to the

supplier, the

PUB. The

General Manager PUB had a number of

discussions with villagers in an attempt to resolve issues. Unfortunately the situation

was

exacerbated by the disconnection of non payers from the system. Despite disconnections, daily consumption figures continued to rise and it was found that 30% of Bomiki household meters had been tampered with or damaged.

Throughout the 1990’s many meetings with residents were convened by the Government,

through both PUB and the Land Management Division, MHARD. Little progress has been made in negotiations with landowners, or with the signing of leases for the government use of the water reserve.

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3. Institutional Arrangements for Water in Kiribati

In many countries, institutional structures and legislation sometimes constitute impediments to the wise and sustainable use and management of water. Often, however, it is not the legislation that needs reformation and change. Good legislation can also lose its impact through poor implementation (AusAID, 1998). One of the key issues in developing small islands states is that traditional resource ownership and use, which previously evolved in low density, subsistence communities, is now often at odds with the requirements of high density, urbanised societies, such as South Tarawa. Of particular interest to the recharge study was the legislative framework and responsibilities for resource ownership and use, as well as the monitoring of recharge and the sustainability of groundwater extraction and the performance of the distribution system. As part of information gathering, a review was conducted of documents relevant to groundwater recharge, use and management, although a detailed review of existing water legislation was not part of this study.

A Draft 10 Year National Water Resources Master Plan (Shalev, 1994) thoroughly reviewed the situation relating to water and sanitation in Kiribati. It highlighted existing deficiencies and called for major legislative and institutional changes. The Draft Master Plan identified key problems that existed in the water sector (Metutera, 1994) including:

water demand in South Tarawa exceeds the existing potable groundwater sources, high losses from the water and sewerage reticulation systems in South Tarawa, insufficient use of rainwater collection,

dilapidated public toilet facilities forcing people to defecate on beaches and in the bush’, shortage of skilled staff and professionals,

low water rates and deficiencies in collection, management and operation, slow progress in the introduction of potable water supply systems in villages, lack of coordination between institutions dealing with water and sanitation.

Some of these issues have been or are in the process of being dealt with by Government.

For example, leak detection and remedial works have decreased leakage losses in the reticulated system in urban South Tarawa. As well, many outer island communities in the Gilbert Group have now had hand or solar water pumps installed under a UNDPAJNCDF project. A planned

’ This misunderstands the issue. I-Kiribati do not like to use public toilets for cultural reasons.

Using the beach is a traditional and preferred choice which is often maintained, especially by outer island relatives, even if people have a private toilet in their home.

ADB project aims to refurbish the water supply system and install appropriate sanitation at individual homesites. Other issues, particularly the larger institutional and management challenges including scarcity of trained personnel, persist. In Kiribati culture there is also a general disinclination to, share knowledge, (which is considered a valuable personal possession) outside the family. This approach is carried over to dealings between government personnel and between different agencies and institutions, creating difficulties in natural resource management, where knowledge sharing is essential.

A key issue identified in the Draft Master Plan was that there was no unified and comprehensive water and sewerage law in Kiribati. No responsibility for overall water resource management has been vested in any Government authority (Metutera, 1994). In addition, institutional responsibilities for the assessment, management, protection and conservation of water are not clearly defined. Draft water resources legislation and proposed institutional arrangements drawn up by the UN Interregional Adviser on Water are still before the Government. This effectively means that existing institutions have responsibilities for water inherited from older legislation and past administrations. Inevitably, overlaps in responsibilities and roles persist, which are reflected in the state of the water system.

l

l

l

l

l

l

l

l

l

The agencies currently with responsibility for water are (Metutera, 1994):

The Public Utilities Board (PUB), Ministry of Works and Energy (MWE) - set up in 1977 to coordinate and manage water supply and sewerage disposal in South Tarawa. PUB is a Government-owned corporation which generates and distributes electricity, and provides water supply and sewerage services.

The Water’ Engineering Section (WES) of the Public Works Division (PWD), Ministry of Works and Energy (MWE) - established in 1986 to coordinate outer island water projects by investigating new water supply schemes, preparing designs, estimates and funding submissions, implementing and managing outer islands water supply schemes and providing advice and technical help on outer island water supplies to island Councils. WES has currently taking responsibility for overall water resource management in the Republic of Kiribati.

The Ministry of Health and Family Planning (MHFP) - responsible for water quality monitoring for public health and the provision of sanitary facilities for villages.

The Ministry of Environment and Social Development (MESD) - responsible for environmental impact assessment of major water supply, sewerage and waste disposal schemes.

The Meteorological Ofice, MESD - responsible for the collection and dissemination of rainfall and weather data

The Division of Agriculture, Ministry of Natural Resources (MNR) - responsible for agricultural development including water use by crops.

Ministry of Home Affairs and Rural Development (MHARD) - responsible for land planning including urban planning and development in South Tarawa

The National Water Supply and Sanitation Committee - established in 1990 under the then Ministry of Health, Family Planning and Social Welfare to coordinate water and sanitation in Kiribati. The role of the Committee is to monitor water quality, to review and consider future water and sanitation projects, and to act as an advisory body to Government Ministries and NGO’s on water and sanitation.

Island Councils - implement rural water and sanitation projects and maintain basic equipment with the assistance of PWD.

19

Other organisations such as NGO’s also have inputs to the water and sanitation sector.

These include the Save the Children Federation, the Kiribati Women’s Federation and the Tarawa Technical Institute’s Rural Training Development Unit. In addition, international organisations such as Au&D, UNDP, UNCDF, WHO and ADB have had significant involvement in water and sanitation development in the provision of both policy and technical assistance.

As in all countries, water and land related issues in Kiribati cut across many Ministries and organisations. Inevitably, arrangements are less than optimal with overlaps of roles and responsibilities and poor co-ordination. In a small, close-knit communities such as in South Tarawa, efficiency gains from rationalisation and clarification of roles and improvement in delivery are essential (Metutera, 1994). The difficulties facing South Tarawa go far beyond those of water, with an umbrella co-ordinating body or Urban Management Committee much needed to bring together urban infrastructure activities in urban South Tarawa (Jones, 1995).

The 10 Year Draft Plan legislation recommended the separation of supply and regulation functions (Metutera, 1994), as has occurred in many countries throughout the world. It recommended that in South Tarawa, the supplier be the PUB and that it be restructured to reflect that role, particularly emphasising its revenue collection (Metutera, 1994). It was envisaged that the PUB would become an independent organisation, subject to laws, regulations and permits and answerable to a regulator. It also recommended that regulation functions for water be transferred to PWD, and that water resources management be assigned to the MESD. It also recommended that the National Water Supply and Sanitation Committee come under the MWE. It is debatable whether such an institutional arrangement is appropriate in small island nations.

In many countries, the role of water regulator has been increasingly assigned to Ministries or Departments concerned with the environmental assessment and protection. However, the strategy of separation of supplier, manager and regulator, used in developed nations, assumes a pool of appropriate expertise is readily available to Ii11 both roles. In small island nations, this is seldom the situation. The shortage of water expertise in Kiribati has long been identified as a key resource management issue (Harrison, 1980).

It has been suggested that the Water Engineering Section, WES, of PWD be assigned the role of regulator (Metutera, 1994). Its proposed roles are to:

l review and modify existing laws and regulations related to water and sanitation,

l assess and monitor the sustainable yield of groundwater in all islands of the Republic,

l explore and study alternative water reserve areas,

l monitor the chemical and microbiological composition of drinking water in centralised water supply systems in consultation with MHFP,

l review all plans and proposals for the use of groundwater and to recommend appropriate technologies,

l identify and prepare project proposals for consideration by Government,

l establish official standards and codes of practice for construction and installation of water production and supply and sanitation systems,

l examine water tariffs and make recommendations were necessary,

l supply technical and supervisory assistance to outer islands, and

l provide administrative support for the National Water Supply and Sanitation Committee Importantly, the role of the National Water Supply and Sanitation Committee would need to be redefined since it overlaps with that proposed for WES. The question of which Department or section should be the regulator is dependent on the availability and concentration

of water expertise. Currently the hydrologic, engineering and hydrogeologic expertise is spread between PUB, WES in PWD and MESD, with the MIIFP having microbiological expertise.

Importantly, for this study, monitoring of recharge and the yield and sustainability of the Bonriki and Buota lenses is key issue which needs to be clarified, The continuity and training of local expertise are fundamental issues that deserve particular attention in any policy for water resource management in small island states. The role of regional bodies, such as the South Pacific Applied Geoscience Council (SOPAC), in assisting in capacity building and supporting expertise in small island states, is potentially vital.

In the past, monitoring of the salinity profile through the freshwater lenses, as well as the salinity of individual production galleries, is a critical check on the sustainability of groundwater extraction processes. PUB has carried out this task routinely. As part of this study, the PUB also monitored daily rainfall at Bonriki. This is a useful additional input to the rainfall record of South Tarawa and important for assessing groundwater recharge at Bonriki. The recharge study found that, during dry times, significant differences existed between Bonriki and the official meteorological station at Betio. A single agency should be responsible for modelling recharge and the extraction process, primarily using simple water balance models backed up with more sophisticated groundwater models.

The system of salinity monitoring boreholes located across the water reserve (see Figs 2.1 and 2.2) is essential for monitoring of the long-term sustainability of groundwater extraction.

This system has been severely compromised by vandalism of boreholes at Bonriki. The number of complete boreholes had been reduced from the original fifteen to two during the present study. The remaining boreholes are (BN 16) at the centre of the lens and (BN 1) at the seaward edge of the lens. Since the completion of the study, BN 16 has been vandalised, leaving the extreme seaward edge of the lens as the only complete monitoring point. The production of cross sections of the extent of the lens, such as in Fig. 2.2, is no longer possible.

Without comprehensive water legislation and clear identification of roles and responsibilities for water management, backed by a committed Government, it is difficult to address efficiently, effectively, systematically and unambiguously, the complex issues involved in the establishment, maintenance and management of water reserves, groundwater extraction facilities, water reticulation systems and demand management. If the underlying socio-cultural and economic discontent, evidenced in the continued vandalism of equipment in the water reserve, are not addressed, it will not be possible to effectively monitor the sustainability of the groundwater extraction system.

21

4. Land and Socio-Cultural Norms and Values

It became apparent early in the study that the question of water supply from the Bonriki water reserve was a complex and sensitive social, cultural and economic issue. The community’s affiliation with their land lies at the root of the quest by Bonriki villagers for increased Government compensation for the use of their land for the water reserve and the international airport. Land to the I-Kiribati is both a social and economic resource. No I-Kiribati can be described as being landless as all have an interest in land in one form or other. The I-Kiribati rely substantially on their lands to provide for subsistence living, even in the urbanised setting of South Tarawa.

An interest in land provides a reliable source of food as well as attendant fishing rights in the adjoining lagoon and ocean. It also provides the opportunity for cash income such as harvesting of copra. In contrast, a landless person or family, such as potentially exists at Bonriki, has no reliable means of providing for themselves and their extended family. Further, given that parents have the right to disinherit children from family interests in land, there is a strong tradition and motivation to care for their parents in their old age, so as to share in the families land wealth (Jones, 1997). Added to this is the I-Kiribati norm that people’s activities on their own land and their use of the land’s resources, are their own business (Harrison, 1980).

Traditionally, they can do whatever they wish with their own land. Such socio-cultural norms and values, so fundamental to the I-Kiribati way of life, are increasingly being eroded in the Bonriki community and in urban South Tarawa.

Centralised control of land and resources for public purposes is a notion inherited from the period of colonial rule (Crennan, 1998). It is a concept foreign to the norms and values of the traditional community. These socio-cultural norms and values, their quest for increased compensation and the complexity of issues so coloured the responses of most individuals that it was not possible to clearly separate oral traditions and history concerning groundwater and its use from the on-going dispute with the Government. Moreover, oral traditions about groundwater, evolving from rural, low-density, isolated community experiences would appear to have limited relevance to the urbanised, high density, suburban environment of South Tarawa to-day. What could be ascertained, however, was the identification of a range of socio-cultural norms and values which directly impact on land management practices and water reserve management issues in Bonriki (see Table 4.1). These norms and values go a long way to explaining the attitudes, practices and aspirations of the Bonriki community in regard to the use of their lands as a water reserve by Government.

Table 4.1 Land management practices, Bonriki - The impact of socio-cultural norms and values on water reserve management

Land Management Identified Socio-Cultural Norms Impact on Water Reserve

Element Identified at and Values Management at Bonriki

Bonriki

l Collection of tree l landowner and kinship group has l local day to day concerns and bush resources - exclusive rights to trees and land dominate - not longer term coconuts, timber and resources (whether land is leased view of need for water

toddy or not) reserve

l food needed to supplement cash ^l Government not strong on income on a day to day basis enforcement including

security of water reserve

l Provision of housing l landowners can build when and ^l increasing number (30 plus) and shelter where they wish on their land of houses on reserve edge

l landowner must provide housing l increasing number of roads and shelter for immediate and and access tracks crossing

extended family + reserve

l Provision of water supply

l Sewage disposal

l water traditionally from wells

l little rainwater collection

l public water is ‘free’ - historically no charge

l beach and lagoon traditionally used for defecation t

l bush also used for defecation

l local wells exist amongst water reserve

l little respect for public infrastructure on their lands

l contamination of freshwater lens and disease

transmission in water reserve

l Domestic waste disposal

l waste deposited in pits or on ^l contamination of freshwater beach, depending on house lens and disease

location transmission in water

l some waste burned reserve

l Gardens and animal ^l traditional elements of I-Kiribati ^l contamination of freshwater

enclosures lifestyle lens and disease

transmission

7 Average size of household in South Tarawa at the 1995 Census was 8.1 persons per household (SPC, 1998)

$ Percentage using beach and lagoon for defecation in South Tarawa at the at the 1995 Census was 33% and 32% respectively (SPC, 1998)

The supply of water through a reticulated main is a major break from tradition, as it takes control of and responsibility for water and security of supply out of the hands of individual households (Harrison, 1980). The notion of charging for water is foreign to the I-Kiribati. The I- Kiribati distinguish between two types of water, te karau (rainwater) and te ran (well water).

23

Traditionally, rainwater was collected from pamlams palm thatched roofs and was flavoured and discoloured. Additionally, the national drink, palm toddy has to be made with te ran, further adding to the I-Kiribati preference for well water over rainwater (Harrison, 1980).

The distinction between rainwater and well water may indicate that traditional knowledge about water does not include the processes of recharge of or natural losses from groundwater.

Despite the traditional outstanding strengths of the I-Kiribati in navigation and reading the sea and weather conditions, there appears to be a general ‘disconnectedness’ from groundwater and the processes governing its quantity and quality. For example, the study found that there was, in the I-Kiribati language, no word for evaporation, one of the two principal components of atoll water balance (White, 1996). In order to attempt to explain the processes governing the supply of water to the groundwater to the Bonriki people, the word buanerake (literally, vapour upwards) was coined.

A UNESCO-sponsored study of Tungaru (Kiribati) traditions on the impacts of climate change and sea level rise revealed some apparently startlingly ignorance about groundwater (Riinga et al., 1997). When asked What do you think caused the well water to be brackish?, 45.6% of the 201 respondents did not know, 26% thought it was due to the sun or increasing temperature and only 13.7% thought it was due to the sea or increase in sea level. When the same sample population was asked for Ways to improve water quality? 43.6% had no idea, 26.5% said boil water 3.9% said use rainwater and only 0.5% said dig the well away from the sea. Many I-Kiribati do not believe in germs or that they can be made sick by something in water they cannot see.

While such surveys need to be treated with caution, given the I-Kiribati tendency to avoid conflict (Saito, 1997), there does appear to be a general lack of understanding about shallow groundwater and groundwater processes. This is also the case in many other nations. The UNESCO Groundwater Pollution project conducted in Tonga o (Crennan et al., 1998) also revealed a lack of community awareness about groundwater and sources of groundwater pollution. Together, these point to the need for a community education and awareness program, developed with local communities and targeted at key groups such as primary and high school students.