Comrade Chairman Mengistu Haile Mariam, Chairman of the Provisional Military Ad
ministrative Council and of COPWE and Commander-in-Chief of the Revolutionary Army of Socialist Ethiopia,
Your Excellencies the Heads of State and Government, Distinguished ladies and gentlemen.
Once again, we are happily back in this historic city of Addis Ababa, wich we con
sider as the crossroad of the political and economic destiny of the continent of Africa. We are most delighted to share with you this extremely happy occasion of the Silver Jubilee
celebrations of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa.
The presence among us, until late last night, of the United Nations Secretary-General, His Excellency Dr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, has made this a more significant occasion. We wish to express our appreciation to this great man for speaking so unequivocally against the forces of oppression and domination and on the unfavourable international economic situa
tion.
Comrade Chairman, permit me to convey, on behalf of the people of Zambia and on my own behalf, our sincere gratitude and profound appreciation to you personally and, through you, to the entire people of Socialist Ethiopia. It is certainly without doubt that, under your able and illustrious leadership, the Provisional Military Administrative Council and COPWE have transformed Socialist Ethiopia into a dynamic and progressive country.
Indeed, your genuine efforts, Comrade Chairman, to raise the general standard of living of the people of this great country through self-reliance and mass mobilization for develop
ment have already won Socialist Ethiopia world-wide acclaim.
Comrade Chairman, when I say these words, I am not merely being polite to you as my congratulations to the people of this great nation for this wonderful achievement.
During the celebrations of this joyous and most fitting occasion, it is important that we
tinent. It will, therefore, be happily recalled that the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa paved the way for the establishment of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). Thus the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa became the pioneer or
ganization which progressively opened the way for many subregional programmes and in
stitutions such as the African Development Bank (ADB), the Multinational Programming and Operational centres (MULPOC's), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and, only recently, the Preferential Trade Area for Eastern and Southern African States (PTA).
But we must also consider the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa mainly as Africa's first international continent-wide organization. For, prior to the emergence of the Organization of African Unity, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa was the one forum for waging not only the economic battle but also the war for the political emancipation of Africa and for the total eradication of racism. Today, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, together with its sister organization, the Organization of
African Unity, is one with the rest of the progressive international organizations in the con
tinued struggle against poverty with its offshoots of hunger, ignorance, disease, crime, cor
ruption and, above all, exploitation of man by man.
As the brainchild of the United Nations Economic and Social Council, the United Na
tion Economic Commission for Africa has lived up to its expectations as an effective voice at international forums not only in defence of African interest but also of the third world.
Also, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa has demonstrated beyond doubt that through scientific research and collective self-reliance, the African continent can make remarkable progress in economic development.
Comrade Chairman, it is quite evident that, from its inception, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa has amassed a rich reservoir of data through scientific re
search which has been of great assistance in the establishment of subregional organizations such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the MULPOCs, the Preferential Trade Area and the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC).
tinent. Indeed, the Lagos Organization of African Unity summit, by emphasizing economic independence, provided a basis for the continued existence of the OAU beyond the attain
ment of political independence by African States.
I must hasten to add here that we believe that all these various forms of inter
governmental co-operation at the regional or subregional levels, if properly organized, are of extreme importance iri achieving our ultimate objective of the economic and social in
tegration of Africa. We hold the view that inter-governmental co-operation at the regional or subregional level or even at the bilateral level is not a one-dimensional issue. It calls for several approaches provided, of course, each organization adheres to its own terms of reference or modus operandi in order to avoid duplication or conflict of interests.
Comrade Chairman, let me now repeat what I have said at many forums on regional economic development and the international community.
Having praised the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa for its achieve
ments so far, it would be foolhardy of me not to point out the obstacles created directly or indirectly by certain elements of the international community, which obstacles have ham
pered progress in the economic development of Africa.
The first obstacle lies in the support that certain Western countries continue to give to fascist and apartheid South Africa.
On its part, independent Africa has, time and again, implored Western Europe to take heed of the explosive situation in southern Africa. Unfortunately, Western countries have continued to run with the hare and hunt with the hounds. Our brothers and sisters in the West tell us that they are against apartheid and yet they continue to invest heavily in South Africa. This is obviously a serious contradiction. One cannot condemn apartheid and, at the same time, invest in South Africa.
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Comrade Chairman, it is clear that unless apartheid is removed now, there will definitely be an explosion. A bloody revolution is bound to take place there. The West, threfore, has to choose between giving support to the masses of the African people who are struggling to remove apartheid with good prospects of co-operation for their future once independence has been achieved and continuning as of now and facing a doubtful future for their invest
ments.
For, who is so naive as not to know that no people who have started a just, struggle for freedom and independence have failed? History has shown us that there have been none East, West, North or South.
This, Excellencies and Comrades, brothers and sisters, is not only a statement of fact but a grim reminder of what is going to happen if this warning is not heeded.
The enormous capital investment and transfer of technology that flows into South Africa, compared with the meagre and usually token aid or assistance given to the rest of independ
ent Africa, makes a mockery of the volume of resolutions adopted at the United Nations General Assembly and its Security Council in favour of a peaceful solution both towards the independence of Namibia and the eradication of apartheid in South Africa.
This disregard of the voice of reason from the progressive members of the international community is one of the characteristics of exploitative international capital with its offshoots of imperialism, colonialism, neocolonialism, zionism, racism and apartheid.
Comrade Chairman, we need to continue to work for peaceful change in South Africa. Botswana, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Swaziland and my own country, Zambia.
South Africa's strategy is to destabilize these States in order to disrupt any programmes of economic development in the subregion.
Comrade Chairman, I am pleased to note that most of the distinguished representatives gathered here come from independent African States that, by their actions, have vowed to support the liberation struggle until the entire continent of Africa is free from oppression and foreign domination. Of course, we all know that in South Africa, there is the African National Congress spearheading the struggle for majority rule by removing apartheid. In Namibia, SWAPO continues to lead the people there towards independence. These are the organizations we have to support
The second obstacle lies in the failure of the rich countries to honour their obligations to the poor countries within the context of the new international economic order.
In this respect, it will be recalled that the United Nations has, over the last few years, adopted positive resolutions urging the industrialized countries to put aside 0.7 per cent of their gross national product (GNP) — this percentage was later on raised to 1.5 per cent — for assistance to developing countries.
The sad part of it is that, except for the Nordic countries, the rest of the industrialized countries have so far not fulfilled these levels of assistance to developing countries.
Although for some time now the response to the basic needs of the ne\V international economic order has gained meaningful topical relevance, the North-South dialogue between the haves and the have-nots is approaching a dangerous point in the form of a conflict be
tween protectionism and free trade.
The scenario leading to the present impasse in the North-South dialogue is well known.
Suffice it for me to mention that great hopes had originally been set in the early 1970s on global negotiations between the developed North and the developing South within the framework of the United Nations. After the failure of the Paris Conference of 8 developed and 19 developing countries in 1978, the Cancun meeting held out the promise of inaugurat
ing a renewed phase of global international economic negotiations. Unfortunately, a state of stagnation has since prevailed. It is of grave concern that, as we celebrate the Jubilee of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, the authoritative gathering of interna
tional economic institutions, namely, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, etc. has not been able to provide, for its part, ideas and proposals or undertake prac
tical measures for any viable solution to the acute economic problems of the world arising from trade, balance of payments deficits and protectionism. As it is well known, the balance of trade and payments deficits and protectionism are closely connected. Our earnest request is that instead of protectionism, the developed countries should, through preferen
tial, non-reciprocal and non-discriminatory trade, allow the developing countries to export their goods, to the developed countries.
Comrade Chairman, given the present condition of the world economy, the development of our countries on the African continent has been practically blocked. In general, we face a stagnation of our economic activities as the prices of our developing countries' primary commodities fall considerably. In addition, apart from the critical phase of the global finan
cial situation now prevailing, developing countries have to share a heavier burden of world inflation.
It is obvious that the situation in the field of world trade in primary products would be much more satisfactory if more progress had been achieved with regard to the Integrated Programme for Commodities, as set out in UNCTAD resolutions adopted in Nairobi in 1976 and at other subsequent international forums on this subject. The industrial exports of developing countries are encountering greater obstacles as a result of the protectionist policies placed in their way, often in subtle forms, by developed countries.
We should continue to condemn the imbalance caused by the present lopsided interna
tional economic system for its role in the development crisis. Meanwhile, we should echo the voice of concern by the recent meeting of the Group of 77 held in Buenos Aires, namely, that token prices paid for raw materials together with rigid tariff barriers, high in
terest rates, inflation, growing indebtedness and unemployment have all brought the developing world to its present critical state.
But, Comrade Chairman, for Africa to survive, we must continue to be both optimistic and realistic. We need to continue to impress upon the developed North that it shares this world with the developing South. In other words, as human beings sharing the same earth, we are obliged to co-operate in order to exploit the enormous natural resources at our dis
posal for the benefit of the entire world. However, while efforts are being made to maintain the North-South dialogue, the United Nations Fxonomic Commission for Africa should con
tinue to enhance its programmes aimed at consolidating the South-—South dialogue through collective self-reliance.
Comrade Chairman, collective self-reliance must be understood here in its wider sense.
It is meant to emphasize certain important areas of complementarity which can profitably be 2 0
exploited by developing countries, thereby reducing dependence on the developed North. In essence, collective self-reliance on the part of the developing nations can be viewed as an extension of the logic of coalition formation, a typical example of which are subregional or regional groups such as we have represented here today.
Africa must, therefore, continue to build those structures that will liberate it from its present dependence. Africa needs to establish its own countervailing infrastructure to fight in
ternational economic exploitation. But above all, Africa needs fortified co-operation between the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa in order to achieve this objective. Africa, together with other developing countries, has enor
mous potential in terms of both human and natural resources. Collectively, the developing countries have all the ingredientes to harness these resources.
Comrade Chairman, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, I would be remiss in my responsibility if I did not say a word about the United Nations Economic Commission for
Africa secretariat. I would like to pay tribute to Mr. Adebayo Adedeji, the Executive Secretary, and his entire staff throughout the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa system for a job well done in implementing the various programmes set out by the States Members of the region. During his term of office, Mr. Adedeji has not only con
tinued from where his predecessor, Mr. Robert Gardner, an equally able and dynamic or
ganizer, left off but has vigorously pursued the programme of setting up subregional inter
governmental units of co-operation as a means of fulfilling the ultimate objectives of the new international economic order. In this respect, the recently inaugurated Preferential Trade Area for Eastern and Southern African States is a clear testimony of the determina
tion of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, under the direction of Mr.
Adedeji, to meet the challenges set out by the United Nations for our region.
I am pleased to submit that the political desire and goodwill to meet this challenge, on the part of the Preferential Trade Area. Member States, has been overwhelming. I there
fore consider the signing of the Preferential Trade Area Treaty by the sister Rwandese Republic, tomorrow, as a most appropriate gesture of regional solidarity to mark the impor
tant occasion of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa Silver Jubilee.
Long live Africa's revolution!
Long live African unity!
Long live the Economic Commission for Africa!
Thank you.