necessary mainly due to the fact in the forest regions only permanent

crops can be grown which need a certain measure

of security. Land in

the non-forest region is only for lease and not

for sale. The tenant is

also not allowed to grow permanent crops on it, since

this

is

tantamount

to individual ownership. But conditions under which land is leased

out

has moved it away from mere usufactuary land to what

amounts to indivi¬

dual ownership.

In investigating the genesis of agrarian

capitalism in Ejura

we shall interest ourselves with the last ten years since its during

this

period that Ejura had gone through a

radical transformation in its agri¬

culture and social structure.

CS/254.4—17

Page 29

The first and major change that was introduced into

Ejura

was

the

coming of the state farms and the

agricultural wing of the workers Brigade

during the Nkrumah period. The state

farms ushered in the wide

use

of

.agricultural machinery on

large-scale farms, the employment of

wage

labour

and.the development of cash crops. The table below shows

this fact clearly.

Source.% Station Questionnaire. Min. of

Agriculture! Div. of Ec. and Sta.

Name of

key 1. Area acquired 12. Area

under potatoes

2. " cleared 13. " " cocoyam 3. " prepared 14. mixed

vegetables

4. " planted 15.

Number of people employed.

5. " under maize

c

s/2 544-17

Page 30.

As the table shows, in 1964 ^{there were} 974 agricultural wage workers of different categories, 1016 in 1965 and 1148 in 1966 - right before

Nkrumah was over-thrown. Although Ejuru has known the use of agricultu¬

ral workers for many years before, the state farm were to have impor¬

tant consequences in the subsequent years, even after the farms were

abolished, at least nominally, since it has popularized the use of

machines and improved farm inputs. When the ministry of agriculture

took over the responsibility for the farms and the machinery, no rever¬

sal of policy.-was to be -seen since the tractors were sold to.private

individual farmers, and the land was taken by the Ejura Farms, Ghana limited. The table also shows that the farms had given much more impor¬

tance to growing commercial crops like tobacco, Urena and groundnuts, except maize which has attained commercial value. Food crops like,

cassava and potatoes are almost not grown. The state farms have there¬

fore given a firm basis with which agrarian capitalism can take off in Ejura area.

But what is the plans of the small-holder in this situation? Hence

we must- first consider the size of holding in different groups inorder

to be able to appreciate the problem that will be discussed. A study

that was co-nducted in twelve villages in Ejura in

1967?

indicated that

almost

lôfs-

of-the peasant farms-were less than 5 acres,

17.1$.between

5 and 9*9 acres arid only 5-4 between 10 and 19.9

acres.^

^{The study}

did not come;across peasant farm with 20 acres. However to-day there are_a few

farms

-

commercial

farms such as

the Ejura Farms, Nyamebekyere

Farms; Bepeso Farms etc. which have extensive areas under cultivation.

It is in this setting that the Agricultural Bank, the National Invest¬

ment Bank and the various Boards for cash crops, came to operate.

C

S/2 544-17

Page 31

The Agricultural Bank came into the scene in 1970 with the purpose of extending credit services. Its clients are either individuals or co¬

operative groups credit is extended to farmers for the purchase of tractors and mainly for the production of cash crops which have attained commercial value. It is the policy of the hank to extend loans only to far.eors organised

into cooperatives who own between 6 and 100 acres. This automatically

excludes more than

80$

of the peasants from receiving credit facilities.

So this must be added individual farmers with more than six acres but who cannot meet the collateral requirements of the bank, such ^as building- or

agriculture machinery, which is practically out of the reach of the majo¬

rity of farmers. The bank, within the last three years has financed the purchase of 14 tractors

(one

tractor costs 7400

cedis)

and extended a sub¬

stantial siim of money to yam, maize and rice cooperative groups.

For the 1972 period, the bank has extended a loan of 113,190 cedis

to 332 farmers. In that _year there were 191 members in the yam coopera¬

tive group, 132 members in the maize cooperative group and 11 other indivi¬

dual farmers. This year, i.e. up to mid -19735 21 yam cooperative groups obtained 198,040 cedis, while 14 maize and one rice cooperative groups

81,305

cedis and 5470 cedis was extended. It is definitely expected that these figures will rise before the _year is over.

The Ejura branch of the National Investment Bank is concerned exclu¬

sively with very large scale farms of more than 200 acres as such it finances three of the large-scale farms, namely Ejura Farms, Nyamebekyere Farms, and Bepeso Farming company. Unfortunately figures on loans ex¬

tended to these farms are not available but it should not be difficult to note that its objective is to develop big rural capitalists.

CS/2544-17

Page 32

In this operation the "banks are not alone and the establishment of particularly the Cotton Board, the Tobacco Board and the Bast Fibre Board,

(have

equally played important roles in the differentiation of the peasan¬

try." The analysis of figures of the Cotton Board presents some difficul¬

ties since the figures collected from the districts of Mampong, Attebubu

and Odumasi are outside Ejura area - which is our main concern here. How¬

ever the function of the board in general and the rapid increase in the

area under cotton can give us a partial picture of the situation which may enable ^us to assess the direction and tendency of the development.

The Cotton Board started operation in 1969 cn(i in the last five years it has extended the supply of free seeds fertilizers and insecticides

and the supply of springing machines. In one year alone,

(1970-71)

it

has distributed

830,914

pounds of cotton seeds. The farmers thus res¬

ponded by acquiring the cotton culture. In 1969-70 there were 588 cotton

farmers growing cotton on 250 acres. This figure rose to 85O ^acres in 1971-72 with 1097 farmers. For 1972-73 it is expected that 1572 farmers

will grow cotton on 2600 acres. The Tobacco Board also started operation

in 1969 both as an extension and a buying agent. Tobacco growers had

benefitted from the loan which the Board itself extends for purposes of hiring labor-power tractorizing their plots, transporting their produce

and construction of barns. The board has nine tractors at its disposal

which it hires to farmers at a rate of 4 cedis per acre for harrowing

and 6 cedis _{per acre} for ridging and ploughing. It also advances 50

cedis for every farmer for hiring labor power. Thus the number of tobacco

growers rose from 278 in 1969 "t° 1200 in 1972-73» This year the beard

has credited farmers with a total of 139>479 cedis in January, for the

construction of barns and other inputs. In Mayr1973 it has advanced 225,299 cedis for the same purpose. As, for the Bast Fibre which offers

the same kind of services, no figures are available on its operation. It

is reported that since the fibre plant is a new one to the farmers, to-day

there are only

588

farmers who grow it.

CS/2544-17

Page

337

Dans le document The development of agrarian capitalism in Ghana: with particular reference to ejura district (Page 30-35)