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The reason why I started to study psycholinguistics is the amazingly complex puzzle of language acquisition: It seems as if within the blink of an eye, babies learn how to integrate the acoustic, prosodic, lexical, syntactic, pragmatic, and discourse information necessary to comprehend their interlocutors. As adults, we use our language(s) all naturally, easily, unconsciously, and so rapidly in everyday life that – perhaps luckily – we are for the most part unaware of the high complexity of the underlying processes of comprehending and producing language. But when we reflect on this, children really accomplish what appears like an impossible mission. Cross-linguistic variance as well as inter-individual heterogeneity within a same language evidences the co-existence of diverse courses of language acquisition, and grammar acquisition in particular. Yet, we notice similar milestones of reached syntactic representations and syntactic processing strategies. These observations lead to think that babies are smart rather than “blank pages” and must be equipped with a powerful and universal language faculty, as suggested by the theory of Universal Grammar, to evolve so rapidly towards an adultlike level of proficiency.

UG [universal grammar] may be regarded as a characterization of the genetically determined language faculty. One may think of this faculty as a “language acquisition device,” an innate component of the human mind that yields a particular language through interaction with present experience, a device that converts experience into a system of knowledge attained: knowledge of one or another language. (Chomsky, 1986, p. 3) But language acquisition is sometimes delayed or severely impaired as in DLD, a condition associated with multiple genetic and environmental risk factors (Bishop, 2006) affecting a not inconsiderable part of kindergarten children (7 %; Tomblin et al., 1997). Although my dissertation work was primarily concerned with the fundamentals of typical grammar acquisition to bring up new pieces to the puzzle of language acquisition, I cannot ignore atypical development.

A fuller understanding of these fundamentals may hopefully enable future advances in clinical research on diagnostics and therapy of atypically developing children. As a speech and language therapist, as a consultant for elementary language pedagogy, as a mother, and also as a person who is always seeking for meaning in everything we do, I feel the absolute need for theoretical findings from the academic world to have useful repercussions in real-life and especially for the children. So, I end my conclusion with a suggestion of a broader implication for speech and language therapy, starting with what we know now based on my dissertation and ending with what we still don’t know.

What we know

Before the age of 2 years, word order representations, i.e., syntactic knowledge, are in an abstract, adultlike format and the syntactic operation of moving constituents (here object fronting) is already mastered, but syntactic processing, i.e., parsing, is still in maturation. Young children’s divergence from adults’ comprehension performance can thus be attributed to developing linguistic processing skills.

Between age 5 and 8, syntactic processing becomes more and more adultlike in that incremental parsing strategies are used and sentence revisions are performed. Older children’s (occasional) parsing difficulties can be attributed to insufficient non-linguistic processing skills, namely cognitive control, influencing the parsing outcome in children, an influence that has also been found in adults.

In brief, there is evidence for child-adult continuity in terms of syntactic representations (knowledge of grammar) and apparent non-adultlike syntactic performances rather stem from differences in linguistic and/or non-linguistic processing abilities determining how the knowledge of grammar is put into practice during real-time comprehension. Thus, to fully explain human language and understand language acquisition, both representations and processing mechanisms have to be taken into account.

What we don’t know

Obviously, my dissertation can’t answer the question to which extend children with DLD differ from children without DLD in terms of knowledge of grammar and use of grammar. But our findings contribute to a clearer idea of early language abilities in typical development, which provides a scientific basis to build on. I have shown that cognitive control is shaping the ability to use grammar in comprehension, which could be true for children with DLD as well. They could thus benefit from the cognitive training study mentioned earlier (see Proposal V), which would potentially generate useful implications for the therapy of speech and language disorders and promote evidence-based practice. It may open a door towards additional, digital remediation materials and therapeutic interventions that are grounded on an explanatory theory of syntactic processing. But first and foremost, future research needs to establish (a) if children with DLD show cognitive control limitations and (b) if these limitations indeed predict syntactic processing difficulties. If so, then cognitive control trainings like ours could be integrated in syntactic

rehabilitation programs (in line with Delage & Frauenfelder, 2020, and Stanford et al., 2019, on working memory training).

Digital-based cognitive trainings and more generally the use of digital media, an area that I am currently working on in my role as a consultant for elementary education, have shown benefits for cognitive development (e.g., enhanced visuo-spatial attention in school-children playing action-based video games; Dye & Bavelier, 2004). However, especially screen media also carry the risk of negative effects, for example on sleep and regeneration (e.g., Cheung et al., 2017;

Chindamo et al., 2019; Rettenbacher et al., 2020), if these are utilized passively, excessively and/or very early on. Thus, the advantages of a hoped-for cognitive training effect must be considered along with possible risks associated with digital-based trainings, particularly for young child populations. It is our responsibility, in research as well as in pedagogical and therapeutic practice, to purposefully use the possibilities of digital technologies to positively support child development.

To date, only one study reports cognitive training effects in children with DLD, showing that working memory training transfers on the production of 3rd-person accusative clitics, a clinical marker of language disorder in French (Stanford et al., 2019). This training comprised simple and complex span tasks as well as an N-back task without lures, which thus involves the ability of working memory updating, but not inhibition. To the best of my knowledge, no comparable study exists that targets cognitive control, and more specifically inhibitory control, which I showed to have a significant impact on syntactic processing. It could thus hold great potential for language therapy. Being able to use cognitive control training to strengthen syntactic processing abilities in children with DLD would be a valuable application of my dissertation work.

T HE END :

T O BE CONTINUED

“What we know is a drop, what we don’t know is an ocean.”

—Isaac Newton

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