Beyond its utility to identify lamps, this parameter is essential because, in some cases, the lack of spout may indicate the use of solid fuels, allowing the wick to maintain itself, as Douglas (2001) and Thalmann (2012) suggest for Near East areas during the IIIrd millenium B.C. Research in the 2000s is characterized by a new interest in buildings’ lighting in Eastern Mediterranean. Regarding lamps, this interest is expressed by numerical reconstitutions based on experimental programs aiming at recording light. These experimental programs are effectively focused on lighting technological choices (from the wick to the fuel), such as what has been done for the sites of Troy in Minor Asia (BronzeAge) (Kurzmann, 2005), of Tel Kedesh in North Galilee (Persian period) (Elrasheedy, Schindler, 2015) or, more generally, in Ancient Greece (Vth-IVth centuries B.C.) (Amouretti, 1986). However, they are also interested in light properties, whose photometric data are recorded thanks to several measurement tools, in order to render numerical models. This method, for instance, permitted to examine the activities that could be performed under the lamps’ flames in andron (rooms dedicated to banquets) in Greece during IVth and IIIrd centuries B.C. (Moullou, et al., 2012a).
originating from anthropogenic activities (Materials and Meth- ods), remains at low levels until ∼3,900 BCE. We found clear evidence of Pb Anthro enrichment, and a modeled change point in
the dataset (Fig. 2G), at 3,600 ± 122 BCE and peaking by 3,490 ± 128 BCE (Fig. 3A). This finding strengthens the limited archaeometallurgical evidence of the inception of the BronzeAge in the Carpathian–Balkan region, with evidence for arseni- cal bronze use at this time (6) especially close to the Cu-rich deposits south of Danube. This finding strengthens the limited archeological indications of the southeastern European BronzeAge onset a millennium earlier compared with similar develop- ments in central and western Europe (49). Such activity may be linked with several regionally representative cultures (e.g., Baden, Tiszapolgar), although archaeological evidence is scarce (29, 30, 50). Copper may have been sourced from documented centers of metallurgy in central Serbia such as Rudnik in the Early BronzeAge (51), although evidence points to a wide trading network at this time in Europe (52). In terms of tin (Sn), the other main constituent of bronze, a more local origin may be possible. Uncertain archaeological evidence for Sn mining in
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For archaeologists, metallic artifacts are key materials to assess Middle BronzeAge production areas and cultural exchanges. Here, a set of 629 bronze palstaves excavated in northern France, belonging to Breton and Norman typological groups, was treated by (open) outline-based morphometrics with orthogonal polynomial regression. Using robust statistics developed for outlier detection, these Norman and Breton palstave outlines can be divided into two groups: those for which the shape ﬂuctuates close to the standard shape, called “congruent” axes, and those which are far enough from this standard to be considered as “non-congruent”, although they possess most of the features of the typological group. The highest density of discovery (whether congruent and non-congruent in shape) is in the extreme east of Brittany for the Breton axes, while the Norman axes are concentrated in northern Normandy, hence the choice of names. However, the distribution of congruent and non-congruent artifacts appears to be spatially dependent for the Norman group, and to a lesser extent for the Breton group, as there are proportionally more congruent specimens inside the supposed production areas than outside. This contradicts the generally accepted archaeological scheme which hypothesizes that all axes in a group originate from the same production center, and that some items were exported from there to supply neighboring regions. Other minor production centers probably existed, copying the original model with greater shape variation.
palaeotopography is the relation between the collapsed volume and
the depth of sea water in the ﬂooded caldera. As discussed by
Johnston et al. (2014, 2015) , Nomikou et al. (2016) and Hooft et al. (2019) , the Minoan tuffs, which accumulated in the caldera and were downfaulted in the fourth phase of the eruption, comprise a several hundred metre thick succession that is underlain by the sunken Pre- Minoan deposits at a depth of 1 –5 km below the surface. The precise lo- cation and thickness of the latter, and their volumetric contribution to Late BronzeAge Strongyli, can only be constrained by seismic data and further drilling. However, for spatial reasons based on our DEM analysis, the addition to the ring island of the destroyed on-land volume of Strongyli, which might have been downfaulted in the present caldera, cannot be more than ~2.7 km 3 .
Unit A in core AK-XV-2 is located between 286 and 450 cm depth. Two radiocarbon dates show that this unit developed before the 5th century B.C. (798–547 B.C.; Poz-78034). This age is confirmed by ceramics similar to those discovered in the core AK-XV-1 dated to the 5 to 4th century B.C. However, the identification of the ceramics shows earlier sherds dated to the Iron and Middle BronzeAge (Juglets, amphoraes, cooking pots; Figure 5). The important erosion marks on the ceramics attest to the presence of the sea. As for unit A of core AK-XV-1, the texture is sandy. The gravel fraction increases and rep- resents 36% of the total sediment in the first two thirds of the unit. They are mostly composed of small rounded pieces of ceramics (non- identifiable) and pebbles. The ostracod fauna is composed of a mixture of species with various ecological affinities, as in the core AK-XV-1. However, in this core, the lagoonal assemblage, comprising C. torosa, is dominant (55%). The freshwater to mesohaline species represents 23% of the total species. The coastal assemblage is the third assem- blage represented (19%). The same three species prevail (A. convexa, L. rubrincta, and P. elongata). The faunal density varies throughout the unit. The maximum density (ca. 800 valves for 20 g of sands) occurs when the freshwater assemblage is dominant even though the mean density is lower than 100 valves for 20 grams of sediment. Macrofauna, with a low density throughout the unit, attest to freshwater and marine influences.
The Tollense Valley (Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania) is characterized by a low moorland environment. Neighboring ground moraine areas have been favored settlement areas since the Neolithic. In 2007, systematic archaeological research in the valley was initiated, including excavations, underwater surveys, and metal detector surveys, as well as scientiﬁc analyses on bones and other ﬁnds. Human skeletal remains are discovered from a stretch of river of 2.5 km length. Based on a series of more than 100 radio- carbon dates on skeletal and wooden remains from the Tollense Valley, the ﬁnds horizon of the BronzeAge battle can now be dated to the ﬁrst half of the 13 th century BC. With one exception (WEZ16 was directly C 14 -dated to the Neolithic period) all samples are associated with the BronzeAge (c. 1,300- 1,200 calBC). The event is interpreted as one major conﬂict, not a series of chronologically divergent skirmishes, due to dating results and the general appearance of the ﬁnds layer with comparable disarticulation as well as lesion patterns of the human skeletal remains at all analyzed sites . From 2009 to 2015, extensive excavations funded by the German Research Foundation (DFG) were conducted at the main site Weltzin 20 (exposing an area of c. 462 m 2 ), less extensive ex- cavations were conducted at Weltzin 32; in both cases supported by comprehensive underwater surveys. Archaeological research on the BronzeAge site in the Tollense Valley has uncovered remains of a minimum number of more than 140 individuals thus far, predominantly of young adult men. These remains represent a special BronzeAge skeletal sample due to the large number of indi- viduals and their mortality proﬁle.
S1 Price, T., D., Frei, R., Brinker, U., Lidke, G., Terberger, T., Frei, K., M., and Jantzen, D. (2019). Multi-isotope proveniencing of human remains from a bronzeage battlefield in the Tollense valley in northeast Germany. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences, 11(1):33–49.
LC DOC CDOC C
Middens Bile acids in BronzeAge settlement layers and middens
Samples from middens contain low amounts of bile acids (only LCA and DCA) indicative of cattle breeding. These data corroborate information obtained sterol data (in the same range as pastures, cows, sheeps and horses).
imported during the Late BronzeAge. As evidence, the analyses of statuettes at Olympia show that tin quantities in bronze did not decrease to very low levels. It is likely that the leaded bronze, or more accurately leaded copper, used in tripods was a reaction to a brief lack of sufficient tin, but even after tin imports had resumed, the metallurgical practice of using leaded bronze for some objects continued for a short period. This is an indication that alloy formulas did not experience rapid change, and that metal working and casting practices which served their purposes were not abandoned outright. The influx of Near Eastern bronze work to Greece signalled the resumption of commercial relations in the Eastern Mediterranean, and bronzes that were produced after the mid-8 th century show that tin contents had increased back to their previous Late BronzeAge levels. The Near Eastern bronzes, such as cast sirens and hammered cauldrons contain tin levels at about 10%, which is more or less the same level noted in locally produced Orientalizing bronzes a short time later. The lead levels in the Near Eastern bronzes are low, except in the cast bullhead attachments, where leaded bronze was used in many instances, probably because it facilitated soldering the figures with a tin/lead mixture to mounting plates that were then riveted to the cauldrons. In contrast, almost all of the Orientalizing cast sirens and griffins also contained lead, but they were attached with rivets, even in sirens containing appreciable amounts of lead. This contrast in metal working is undoubtedly due to the fact that it was technically easier to use rivets rather than solder, and may be proof that the Near Eastern artisans were technically in advance. The lead quantities in the cast Greek protomes, particularly from Samos, were much higher than in their Near Eastern origin- als, and although it is possible that the use of lead in the cast objects was a result of influ- ence by North Syrian or Urartian metallurgical techniques, the higher lead levels cannot be explained satisfactorily, because tin levels are near or at optimum levels in the same bronzes. The highly-leaded bronze protomes were probably a preference of individual workshops, perhaps for aesthetic reasons. Data from other sites on Samos was not avail- able, so this aspect could not be verified.
The origin of barrow practice may date back to the transition period between Bell Beakers and Early BronzeAge, but burial mounds that could possibly date from this period are very scarce and were formerly excavated, thus providing very few information.Their chronological attribution remains therefore debatable. Nevertheless, continuity between the two periods is indubitable: theogival ceremonial arrowheads for instance and other high-quality productions, which can be considered as knapped flint masterpieces, undoubtedly come from the Bell Beakers’ square-eared arrowheads (fig. 4); the silver beaker from Saint-Adrien (fig. 5) recalls the form of a ceramic handled beaker from the Middle Rhine Bell Beakers, variants of which are known as far as the Atlantic area. As already mentioned too, the single burial spreads with the Bell Beakers only.
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This paper updates the question of plant resources during the BronzeAge and First Iron Age in the northwestern Mediterranean Basin. Among the cereals, six-row hulled barley is dominant throughout the territory, whereas naked and hulled wheats take on greater or lesser roles from region to region. Millet cultivation developed during the BronzeAge and became widespread in the First Iron Age. Apart from cereals, pulses, oil species and fruit appear to be secondary. Results from the study of archaeobotanical remains on wetland sites, however, lead us to question this ﬁnding, as oil plants and fruits are much better represented in waterlogged conditions. The cultivation of vine began in the First Iron Age. In spite of a number of characteristics common to plants throughout the study area, regional differences, evident in the BronzeAge, seem to dissipate in the First Iron Age.
Clément Nicolas* Abstract
Dates ranging from 2500 to 1700 BCE are a period of major social and economic change in western and central Europe, with the spreading of the Bell Beaker Culture and the introduction or the development of metalworking (copper then bronze). At that time, archery-related items became peculiarly significant for the Bell Beaker and some Early BronzeAge communities. They include especially specific types of arrowheads and an original item, the stone bracer, thought to have adorned organic wristguards. Technological studies point to the objects that were more or less easily made during the Bell Beaker period, suggesting that each warrior was able to shape his own set, while during the Early BronzeAge, the level of know-how as well the context of production suggests that these items were manufactured by craftsmen for the elite. Use-wear analysis shows that these objects might be commonly worn. During the Bell Beaker period, part of the arrowhead and, to a lesser extent, some bracers were used for shooting. However, in some regions during the Early BronzeAge, these objects were intended for display only. These two types of production and uses of archery-related items illustrate a shift from the object-signs of the Bell Beaker warriors towards items alienated from their primary function or sacred objects of the Early BronzeAge elites. Finally, the wide distribution of Bell Beaker arrowheads and bracers allow considering the relevance of the circulation of ideas, objects and individuals in adopting a European fashion.
F ABRICE D E B ACKER
Cardiophylax en Urartu: Un Modèle Celtibère ........................................569 B IRGÜL Ö GÜT , C HRISTIAN K ONRAD P ILLER
BronzeAge Anthropomorphic Figurines from Northern and North-Eastern Iran: A Reappraisal in the Light
The time period around ~3,900 years ago marked a drastic shift in male:female sex ratios inferred from excavated remains, after which the horse osteological record comprise
approximately four males for every female (Figure 2). This over-representation of horse males was maintained when disregarding those animals excavated from ritual burial sites (77/25 ~ 3.08 males for every female) and even more pronounced in the animal bones found in funerary contexts (66/14 ~ 4.71 males for every female). This indicates that the status of male and female horses dramatically changed during the BronzeAge period. This is in line with archeozoological evidence from the Late BronzeAge cemeteries of the Volga-Ural region associated with the Sintashta, Potapvka and Petrovka cultures, that suggest a domination of male horses in funerary rates (Kosinstev 2010). Interestingly, this pattern somehow mirrors that observed in humans, for whom a clear binary gender structure ubiquitous across all funerary practices, clothing, personal ornaments and representations is not observed during the Neolithic but became the norm from the transition between the Neolithic and the BronzeAge onwards (Robb and Harris, 2018). In addition, the prevalence of male horses in funerary contexts throughout the past three millennia is in line with archaeological evidence from burial sites (Bertašius and Daugnora, 2001; Taylor, 2017) and suggests that stallions (or geldings) were more prized for sacrificial rituals. This is possibly due to symbolic attributes then-associated with masculinity, mounted warriors and chariotry, such as power, protection and strength (Frie, 2018). In particular, following the invention of the spoked-wheel chariot around ~2000 BC, teams of male horses pulling chariots became typical of the Late BronzeAge rock-art. This suggests an essential ideological role of stallions and their use in elite warfare practices ( Drews 2004, Kelekna 2009, Novozhenov and Rogozhinskiy 2019 ).
1984; Beranová, 1993; Hejcman et al., 2015), medieval ploughs (Lerche, 1986, 1991, 1994, 2014; Šach, 1966), but none have assessed the erosivity of historical tillage tools. Contrary to the recent application of tillage tools in fields with long-term use, prehistoric tillage tools were more often used to establish new fields in pristine landscapes, or to till pastures and grassland fallows in prehistorical times (Graves, 1960). In this study we use an interdisciplinary archaeological-geomorphological approach in order to (i) assess the usability of ards that were commonly used in Central Europe at the turn of the BronzeAge-Iron Age for setting up new fields in grasslands or tilling a long-term fallow field, and (ii) provide the first evaluation of tillage erosion of a pre-historical tillage tool.
A total of 26 individuals from Alalakh produced genome-wide data and are included in genetic analyses.
d - ALA001 (Square 45.71, Locus 03-3017, Pail 257, Skeleton 04-9), Burial 4 in the Plastered Tomb ( Yener, 2013b ) in the Area 3 extramural cemetery, is the adult man (auricular age estimation of 40-45 years old) ( Haas et al., 1994 ) in the bottom layer of this tomb. The remains exhibit the presence of Diffuse Idiopathic Skeletal Hyperostosis (DISH), a joint disease characterized by the formation of new bone in the shape of flowing melted wax found on the right side of thoracic vertebrae 4-10. DISH etiology is unclear, but it is believed to be related to obesity and diabetes ( Waldron, 2001 ). Several of the joints and vertebrae exhibit signs of degenerative joint disease in the form of marginal osteophytes and enthesophytes ( Waldron, 2001 ). Examination of the dentition exhibited two episodes of dental enamel hypoplasia correlating to the ages of 1.9/2.1 years and 4.5/4.7 years old, thus indicating two health disturbances that occurred during childhood growth periods ( Hillson, 2014 ). A piece of plaster had been inserted into his mouth. His head was propped up with an s-curve jar, and in the area of his torso and pelvis were found seven bronze pins and a silver toggle pin. Eight gold appliques stamped with rosettes were around his head and chest, and a gold foil was to the left of his head. A Cypriot Base Ring I jug was along the southeast wall of the tomb and another was near his right forearm; two spindle bottles (one Red Lustrous Wheelmade Ware and one locally made in Red Burnished Ware) were found, one placed in the south corner of the tomb and one at his left elbow; a Syrian Brown-Grey Burnished Ware cylindrical cup was in crook of his right arm and another was found just above his left elbow; and, a Red Slipped nar- row-necked jug was along the southwest wall of the tomb. An amber pendant was found on his legs, along with a bone spindle whorl, several pieces of chert, and beads of carnelian, bone, faience, and glass were also discovered with the body. Two haunches of beef had been placed near his left arm and left femur, and a caprid molar was also found with his remains, indicating that food had been deposited with him. This is the single richest assemblage of grave goods ever found with an in- dividual at Tell Atchana. Dating of human bone: 1496-1325 cal BCE (3151 ± 24 BP, MAMS-33675).
In recent decades, the development of virtual reality has allowed us to propose realistic reconstructions of light- ing in BronzeAge buildings of the Eastern Mediterranean and Aegean world. However, light and darkness have been studied separately: the former in relationship to every- day life, the latter in connection to night activities, rituals and religion. Studying a Middle BronzeAge Cretan city and its corpus of lamps, we can identify several light- ing devices, of various kinds and functional qualities, the analysis of which contributes to revealing a Minoan lived space where light and darkness cannot be segregated.
Such a Pre-Kameni island, on the basis of a new K-Ar age obtained by the K-Ar Cassignol-Gillot technique, seems to have started to grow immediately after the Cape Riva eruption at 20.2 ± 1.0 ka, similar to the present-day Kameni Islands after the Minoan catastrophe 11 , 13 . However, the obtained age does not constrain the duration of
island growth. The extrusive activity may have declined, and possibly the island was dormant by the Late BronzeAge. This would be consistent with the lack of clasts of BGA with radial jointing (indicative of hot emplacement) in the Minoan products 10 . Nevertheless, this age allows us to calculate a minimum long-term mean lava extrusion