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A call for nuancing the debate on gender, education and mathematics in Norway

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A call for nuancing the debate on gender, education and mathematics in Norway

Trine Foyn

To cite this version:

Trine Foyn. A call for nuancing the debate on gender, education and mathematics in Norway. Eleventh Congress of the European Society for Research in Mathematics Education, Utrecht University, Feb 2019, Utrecht, Netherlands. �hal-02421290�

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A call for nuancing the debate on gender, education and mathematics in Norway

Trine Foyn

OsloMet – Oslo Metropolitan University, Norway; [email protected]

This paper aims to scratch beneath the surface of a domestic concern with boys’

‘underperformance’ in school in Norway. Focusing on mathematics, I argue that there is more to the ongoing debate on gender and education than meets the eye. Exploring the unexpected emergence of a gendered context in a 10th grade mathematics class, I show the need for revisiting the gender and mathematics debate. Characterising the current debate in Norway as a binary concern with boys struggling in the educational system versus successful girls, I argue that the current moral panic is detrimental for girls in mathematics, where challenges remain for those choosing to study at a level which enables access to further studies in the STEM field. The Norwegian debate in this field needs to be more complex and nuanced than first impressions and assumptions about gender equality suggest.

Keywords: Gender, mathematics, discursive challenges, Norway.

Introduction: Presenting two discussions in the education debate in Norway

Current debate in Norway addresses how boys are outperformed by their female peers, from the early school years onwards. Led by Camilla Stoltenberg, Director General of the Norwegian Institute of Public Health, a National Commission on Gender Equity in Education was convened to explore gender differences in school and make recommendations to address inequities. Their report, published in February 2019, concludes that there are differences in girls’ favour in the Norwegian educational system (NOU, 2019). The Commission’s work has gained a lot of media attention, leading to headlines such as “Girls continue to storm ahead of boys in school”1 (Solvang, 2017).

While Camilla Stoltenberg has strongly expressed her worries about boys, academics such as Harriet Bjerrum Nielsen (2017) and Kristoffer Chelsom Vogt (2018) have challenged this view in public debate, arguing that it over-simplifies complex gender relationships in current Norwegian society.

Mathematics is not a central focus in this domestic discussion, apparently because differences in test results between boys and girls are small. Girls are performing slightly better than boys in mathematics, but the gap is less noticeable in comparison with other subjects and reading (Backe- Hansen, Walhovd, Huang, 2014; Nordtvedt, 2013; Statistisk Sentralbyrå [SSB], 2017). However, Norwegian students’ overall level of performance in mathematics has caused school authorities a headache since the “PISA-shock” of 2000, in which Norway did not perform well in comparison to other countries, triggering major policy-level attention on the improvement of mathematics

1 Translated from «Jentene fortsetter å rase fra guttene på skolen»

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teaching, including the introduction of National Tests in reading, English and numeracy in grades 5, 8 and 92.

My experience as a secondary school mathematics teacher has meant that I have frequently seen students who seem to give up on mathematics during the years in upper secondary school, or on the other hand begin to connect to mathematics. Reflecting on the issue of Norwegian students’ poor results in mathematics, I have wondered why some students seem to change their attitude towards mathematics during these crucial years of early adolescence. Hence, I embarked on a longitudinal study of students in a lower secondary school mathematics class, aiming to understand their developing relationships with mathematics, whether in a positive or negative direction.

Having tracked a class for one and a half years from 8th to 10th grade, I noticed gender dimensions in the 10th grade which are not captured by the general discussion of gender and education in Norway. This unexpected emergence of gender patterns led me to look more closely at the current debate. In this paper, I describe how a longitudinal analysis of individual students’ trajectories in this class provides a very different account of gender in comparison to basic test statistics. I will argue that the ongoing debate on gender, education and mathematics has to be both more nuanced and given more attention, in order to be fair to the all the students in the Norwegian educational system.

Setting the scene: “Class A”

“Class A” is a 10th grade class (age 15) in a lower secondary school in Norway, just outside Oslo.

The school is situated in a high income socio-economic area with a largely well-educated population, of whom the majority are ethnic Norwegians. I have been tracking “Class A” since midterm in the 8th grade (age 13), observing classes and holding focus group interviews. These data are supplemented with information on students’ test3 performance and teacher assessments. “Class A” is in general a high-achieving class with results remarkably better than the national level in mathematics, even those one grade above. The average grade in their 9th grade final test was 4,65, in comparison with national results in 10th grade examinations of between 2,9 and 3,6 in recent years4 (SSB, 2017).

Average grade in 8th grade Average grade in 9th grade

Boys 5,0 5,2

Girls 4,25 4,4

Table 1: Average grades for boys and girls in 8th and 9th grade

Table 1 illustrates the picture gained from the basic statistics for boys and girls in 8th and 9th grade.

These give the impression that boys are performing remarkably better than girls in this class. If we

2 These are distinct from national level examinations in mathematics in grade 10, at the end of lower secondary school.

3 These are school-level tests, designed by the teachers.

4 The Norwegian grading scale in grades 8-10 runs from 1 to 6, with 6 as the best possible grade to achieve.

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go beyond average grades a more nuanced picture appears. As we can see in Table 2, at the end of 9th grade, all boys are labelled as high achievers in the terminology used in the Norwegian assessment system (students achieving grade 5 or 6). Their grades are largely stable or improving, and only one boy is an exception to this pattern. The girls not only lag behind the boys in terms of basic grades, but, as a group, their grades seem to be more unstable, either remaining static or declining. Just one girl improved her results from 8th to 9th grade. No girls achieved the top grade in either 8th or 9th grade, although four boys did so in 8th grade and three boys in 9th grade.

Test Grade Number of boys achieving each grade Number of girls achieving each grade

8th grade 9th grade 8th grade 9th grade

6 4 3 - -

5 3 5 6 5

4 2 1 3 4

3 1* - 3 (2*) 1

Table 2: Overall patterns of attainment by gender (*Moved to a group for struggling students) Given the current debate on education, gender and mathematics, this emergent gender pattern was unexpected. The apparently more unstable situation of girls in “Class A” led me to question whether gender matters or not in Norwegian mathematics classrooms. Could “Class A” be just an exception from the norm in Norway? Thinking further on this question, a contrary question presented itself:

“Could it be that the binary gender debate in Norway needs further nuancing in order to bring genuine equity for both boys and girls in Norwegian mathematics classrooms?” Could it be time for a discussion of the challenges for girls as mathematics students in the Norwegian context where gender is ostensibly not an issue? The importance of scratching beneath the surface of the debate on gender, education and mathematics in Norway thus became difficult to ignore and is my aim in this paper.

The context of gender, education and mathematics in general in Norway

The current debate on education and gender in Norway emphasizes that girls outperform boys.

When it comes to school results, data from the Norwegian Central Bureau of Statistics (SSB) show that girls perform better than boys in almost every subject except gymnastics. The gender gap is most significant in Norwegian and English, and least in mathematics (SSB, 2017). The high school drop-out rate is higher for boys, and the general picture in higher education is that girls are in the majority in universities and colleges (Hollås, 2007). With this established reality of gender patterns in education, there is little room for worrying about girls, while ensuring boys’ success is at stake.

However, although women may be in the overall majority in higher education, this is not the case in the STEM area, where in Norway they are in a minority (Hollås, 2007; Olofsson, 2016).

International studies of this situation in the Netherlands and the Nordic countries have labelled this phenomenon “the gender-equality-paradox” (Stoet & Geary, 2018), noting the contradiction between high rates of women’s emancipation and hence gender equality in these countries and their

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underrepresentation in STEM higher education. Even though this pattern is also known in Norwegian statistics and has gained attention in the past (Tønnessen, 2018), it seems that it has been forgotten in the current debate.

Consideration of why women are a minority in the STEM area in Norway suggests that the years before students make their choices for higher education must be influential. It makes sense to look for traces of this pattern in the field of mathematics in the secondary school years, since mathematics is a key subject for all students who intend to continue with study in the STEM area.

Girls’ situation in mathematics is in danger of becoming a blind spot in this domestic debate on gender and education.

Digging beneath the surface of gender equality issues in Norway

To move beyond a binary picture of gender in the Norwegian education context, we need to draw on different data from that provided by the SSB analysis of test results. PISA 2012 (Kjærnsli &

Olsen, 2013) not only presented data on test results, but also on students’ relationships with mathematics. Nordtvedt’s (2013) analysis of PISA 2012 was that although girls performed slightly better than boys, there were no significant gender differences in mathematics performance in Norway; differences were more prominent in reading and in English. However, when it comes to students’ relationships with mathematics, another perspective on gender and mathematic appears.

Jensen and Nordtvedt (2013) reported that boys scored more positively on intrinsic motivation, stamina, assessment of their own capacity in problem solving, self-perception and self-efficacy.

Focusing on extrinsic motivation and anxiety, while there were no differences in the former, girls scored more highly on the latter.

Turning to national test data from the 5th, 8th and 9th grades, 2017 data show that girls achieve better results in reading, while boys have better results in numeracy (UDIR 2017a, 2017b). These results are in line with those of previous years. Even though boys seem to be ahead of girls according to these national tests, statistics show that when it comes to the 10th grade examination in mathematics, they do not gain better grades, suggesting a decline in the last year of high school. As the SSB (2017) notes, the tests differ in terms of both form and content, but they nevertheless raise issues regarding gender which suggest that we need to understand more about students’ experience of mathematics.

At the end of lower secondary school, students choose different education pathways. Bjørkeng (2011) reports that girls’ participation in the more theoretical mathematical pathway for science drops from 48% in 11th grade to 40% in 13th grade, even though they perform better than boys on the same pathway. Bjørkeng (2011) argues that girls have a need for better grades than their male peers do, in order to choose this mathematics pathway. She concludes that although girls often have equally good results as boys, they have less motivation and poorer perception of their skills, corresponding to the conclusions of PISA 2012 and drawing attention to the impact of girls’

relationships with mathematics on their participation in post-compulsory mathematics, in spite of their better grades.

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Discursive issues in gender and mathematics in international and Scandinavian contexts

“Whether the issue is gender difference or gender equity, in the Nordic countries the underlying issue will always be equal opportunity” (Wedege, 2007, p. 252). If equality of opportunity is the pathway towards gender equity, it is difficult to see why women are still in a minority in STEM and the mathematics pathway for science in egalitarian Norway. However, international studies have shown the impact of discursive challenges for girls who study mathematics, where mathematics is inscribed as a male domain (Mendick, 2005; Rodd & Bartholomew, 2006). In the Scandinavian context, Brandell and Staberg’s (2008) research in Sweden finds that despite the country’s “fairly good record concerning gender equity” (p. 495), female participation in intensive mathematics programmes is 38% in upper secondary school, dropping to 30% at undergraduate and 26% at graduate levels. They found that even in the egalitarian context of Sweden, mathematics was more likely to be perceived as a male domain among high school students. Boys had more positive relationships towards mathematics, and while both boys and girls conceived of mathematics as difficult and unattainable, these negative qualities were seen as more applicable to girls. Szabo (2017) similarly reports that boys and girls in accelerated mathematics classes in Sweden differ in their experience of mathematics.

Foyn, Solomon and Braathe’s (2018) study of high-performing 10th grade girls in Norway also reports on the discursive challenges for girls in mathematics. They document the social cost of being a “clever girl” and its effect on the dynamics between students in this group. In line with these findings, With and Solomon (2014) found that the dominant Norwegian discourse of gender equality seemed to have little impact on upper secondary school students’ attitudes towards mathematics. They found that girls positioned themselves as “just” hard workers and as lacking natural ability for mathematics. These studies suggest that there are challenges for high-performing girls when making choices to study mathematics, even in the Norwegian context.

Returning to “Class A”

The importance of understanding more about students’ relationships with mathematics than basic statistics can tell us is illustrated further by looking at “Class A” from another perspective. Looking beyond the impression given by the students’ overall results, and instead exploring individual trajectories in mathematics in the period from the second half of 8th grade and throughout 9th grade, suggests a complex picture of gender in mathematics.

Figures 1 and 2 show individual students’ trajectories in mathematics as they move through grades 8 and 9. Close inspection shows a pattern of gender differences which appear to be important. As we can see, boys show a more stable development than girls. Focusing on Figure 1, five of the boys gained better results at the end of 9th grade than at the beginning of 8th grade. One shows a drop at the beginning of 9th grade, but is back on track at the end of 9th grade. Another has lost his top mark, but he is still achieving very good results and these could be interpreted as stable with a slight dip. Turning to the girls, their individual trajectories show a more unstable situation. Figure 2 shows that there is only one girl whose results improve. The rest of the girls are in a more unstable

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situation, either declining or showing a dip before getting back on track. The girls’ unstable situation is a potential indicator in terms of their future as mathematics students.

Figure 1: Boys’ grades from grade 8 to 9, based on written tests and teacher assessment combined

Figure 2: Girls’ grades from grade 8 to 9, based on written tests and teacher assessment combined Data from focus group interviews adds a further interesting perspective. Those girls who described themselves as enjoying working with mathematics in 8th grade did not maintain their positive attitude during 9th grade. None said that they still enjoyed working with mathematics. On the other hand, boys who expressed positive attitudes toward mathematics in 8th grade maintained this view in grade 9. The most stable higher achieving girl in the group expressed a very negative attitude towards mathematics, using expressions such as “I really don’t see the point”. A final comment worth mentioning is that, in 8th grade, the teacher named just one girl among the best students in mathematics. She was not on the teacher’s top list in 9th grade.

A need for expanding the debate of mathematics and in Norway

Having argued that the debate on gender, education and mathematics is more complex than the impression given by basic statistics and average grades, my claim is that we need to take a more nuanced view of the role of gender in mathematics. Including data on students’ attitudes and relationships to mathematics, the course of individual trajectories and the role of popular discourse and peer cultures in student choice underlines the complexity of the issue. Knowing that women are underrepresented in the STEM area, combined with knowledge of discursive challenges for girls as

0 1 2 3 4 5 6

8th grade 1.semester 8th grade 2.semester 9th grade 1.semester 9th grade 2.semester

Longitudinal approach boys

0 1 2 3 4 5 6

8th grade 1.semester 8th grade 2.semester 9th grade 1.semester 9th grade 2.semester

Longitudinal approach girls

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students in mathematics in the educational system, my conclusion is that there is a gender dimension in mathematics in Norway which we need to be aware of. Maintaining the binary picture of boys struggling while girls effortlessly succeed in school will not be fair to either boys or girls.

The problem of girls being in a minority in mathematics for science is not being treated as in need of attention in the Norwegian context. Quoting Harriet Bjerrum Nielsen (2017a), it seems as if the alarm is louder when there is a problem for boys rather than for girls. From an economic point of view, failing to give this situation further attention means that Norway will suffer from the lack of women with important skills in mathematics in the STEM area. More theoretically, there is little basis for such a binary conception of boys and girls, and it does disservice to both (Francis, 2012).

The case of Class A shows the importance of conducting longitudinal, qualitative studies of students in Norwegian schools in mathematics. Important knowledge about the situation in mathematics will get lost if we continue to rely only on basic statistics and ignore issues of relationships towards mathematics and the dynamics of the mathematics classroom. My preliminary analysis raises issues which cannot be captured by the ongoing debate, and the emerging gender pattern shows the importance of scratching beneath the surface. Finally, these words from Harriet Bjerrum Nielsen (2017a) will highlight my conclusion: “Those who think that boys are being neglected in schools nowadays have most probably not been in a classroom for a long time”.

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