Diriyah Narrated by Its Built Environment:
The Story of the First Saudi State (1744-1818)
By
Nawaf Bin Ayyaf Almogren Bachelor of Architecture
King Saud University Riyadh, Saudi Arabia
May 2016
Submitted to the Department of Architecture
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Architecture Studies
at the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology May 2020
© 2020 Nawaf Bin Ayyaf Almogren. All rights reserved
The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or
hereafter created. Signature of Author: ________________________________________________________________ Department of Architecture May 8th, 2020 Certified by: _______________________________________________________________________ Nasser Rabbat Professor and Director of the Aga Khan Program for Islamic Architecture Thesis Supervisor
Accepted by: ______________________________________________________________________ Leslie K. Norford Professor of Building Technology Chair, Department Committee on Graduate Students
Thesis Supervisor
Nasser Rabbat, PhD Aga Khan Professor of Islamic Architecture
and readers
Timothy Hyde, PhD Professor of the History and Theory of Architecture Abdullah Al-Mutawa, PhD Professor of Modern HistoryDiriyah Narrated by Its Built Environment:
The Story of the First Saudi State (1744-1818)
By
Nawaf Bin Ayyaf Almogren
Submitted to the Department of Architecture on May, 28, 2020 in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of
Master of Science in Architecture Studies, AKPIA
Abstract
:Diriyah is a parched settlement in the arid deserts of Central Arabia. It went, very swiftly, from not differing much compared to its local sphere, to assuming the role of a beacon capital which controlled Arabia almost in its entirety. From its ambitious emergence in 1744– which stemmed from a historical pact between political authority and religious influence, until its punitive downfall in 1818– after assuming the role of a bunker under siege for six long months, Diriyah witnessed numerous political stages which effected its built environment. Between a dire need to defend and fortify at one point, and an eager desire to show luxuriousness and grandeur at another, Diriyah’s built environment became a shimmering pond reflecting the ever-shifting political status of the state at any given time.
By relying on historical textual accounts, infused with visual means of analysis, this thesis explores, and narrates, the urban development history of Diriyah during the timeframe of the First Saudi State (1744-1818), through using its built environment as a main examination tool. Accordingly, Atturaif historic district in Diriyah, was chosen as an urban model which directly stemmed as a result of establishing the state under the double weight of politics and religion. Located on an elevated majestic plateau, Atturaif became the center of power, and the decision-making hub of the ever-growing ambitious state. Hence, its urban form was examined, its core elements investigated, and notions of its symbolism analyzed.
Eventually, the project described herein argues that the urban story of Diriyah presented an interesting model to analyze. How a strategic pact between the two different entities of politics and religion came together to turn a small patch of land, amongst ever-battling tribally-ruled settlements, into a capital of a State which possessed the largest extent of influence in the Arabian Peninsula since the 7th century.
Thesis Advisor: Nasser Rabbat
v
Acknowledgments
:“All praise, glory, and thanks be to Allah, the most beneficent and most merciful”
I would like to express my deepest appreciation to my thesis supervisor and student adviser, Professor Nasser Rabbat, for guiding my journey at MIT every step of the way. Without his persistent help and continuous advice, this thesis would not have been possible. I would also like to thank my committee members, Professor Timothy Hyde and Professor Abdullah Al-Mutawa, for kindly enriching this project with valuable inputs and kind feedbacks.
Above ground, I am eternally indebted to my family: My father Abdulaziz– my mentor and champion, my mother Hind– my rock and guardian, my beloved brothers Faisal and Salman, and my dearest sisters Sara, Nouf, and Sheikha for their undying support. I must also thank my friends for their unwavering encouragement. Additionally, I am exceptionally grateful to my country and leadership for sponsoring my studies and providing me with this opportunity of a lifetime. I will forever cherish my time at MIT, and treasure the astounding memories and life experiences I had encountered these past two years.
In end, I must not forget to steer my utmost feelings of gratitude towards Diriyah. Those parched ruins, shells of the vibrant structures they once were, acted as a shimmering light amidst all the gloom and isolation caused by COVID-19. So far away from home, Diriyah kept persistently providing me with unceasing motivation. I found in exploring those prized ruins a comforting virtual sanctuary which made me feel significantly less-distant.
v Table of Contents:
• Page 3. Abstract
• Page 4. Acknowledgements • Page 6. Introduction
Chapter 1. Literature Review 1.1 Historical Textual Sources:
• Page 11. Local Historian Narratives • Page 12. Orientalist Travelers Accounts • Page 14. Poet Descriptions
• Page 15. Supplementary Indirect Sources 1.2 Architectural - Textual Sources:
• Page 16. On Diriyah’s Fortifications
• Page 17. On Diriyah’s Distinctive Structures • Page 18. On Diriyah’s Residential Styles
• Page 19. On Models & Prototypes of Settlements in Najd Chapter 2. (1446 - 1744):
• Page 21. (1446) The Return Back... Diriyah’s First Settlement • Page 25. (1446-1744) The Following Three Centuries
• Page 29. (1744) Arrival of Ibn Abdulwahhab & Declaring a Saudi State • Page 33. - Features of a Historic Pact Declaring a Saudi State • Page 35. - Qualities of a Unique Relationship
Chapter 3. (1765 - 1818):
• Page 39. (1765) Diriyah After Ibn Saud’s Passing
• Page 43. (1765-1818) Fate of a Unique Governing Relationship • Page 46. (1818) Downfall of Diriyah
• Page 51. - The Defensive Strategy • Page 53. - The Siege and the Battle
• Page 57. - Deserting Diriyah... or What is Left of It Chapter 4. Atturaif As Model:
• Page 60. Neighborhoods or Towns? Notions of Urban Autonomy and Independence • Page 67. Apparent and Symbolic Needs for Atturaif
• Page 73. Analyzing Atturaif’s Urban Fabric and Central Core • Page 79. A Matchless Structure to the Region Introduced in Atturaif • Page 86. Atturaif’s Architectural Decorating & Ornamenting • Page 91. Conclusion
• Page 96. Illustration Credits • Page 97. Bibliography
v Introduction:
“Superiority results from a group feeling (‘asabiyyah). Only by God’s help in establishing his religion do individuals desires come together in agreement … And hearts become united. … When hearts are turned towards the truth and reject the world and whatever is false, and advances toward God, they become one in their outlook. There are a few differences. As a result, the extent of the state widens, and the dynasty grows.” – Ibn Khaldun1
Present-day Saudi Arabia is the third version of a Saudi State since the mid 18th century. Prior to that period, the reins of power swiftly shifted among local tribes throughout Arabia, with no real tie to unify them all. The first ‘unifying-all’ Saudi state was founded in 1744, with the city of Diriyah serving as its capital. The state lasted until its downfall, by the mighty Ottoman forces, in 1818. The second Saudi state founded in 1824, and collapsed in 1891. While the third and current Saudi state was founded in 1932, after a long unification process which started in 1902, and thrives to this day. Spanning the time period of the first Saudi state (1744-1818), this thesis will explore and narrate the urban story of the city of Diriyah.
Diriyah was first settled in the mid-15th century by the great-grandfather of the Al-Saud family upon his return to his ancestral home in central Arabia from the Arabian Peninsula’s eastern region.2 After nearly three centuries of relative stability, Diriyah welcomed a highly
revered religious reformer, Muhammed Bin Abdulwahhab, who was forced off a neighboring settlement. His arrival resulted in a historical pact between this prominent religious cleric,
1 Ibn Khaldun (1332-1405), Muqaddimah Chapter 3 section 4. Translated by Franz Rosenthal 2 Ibn Khamis, Abdullah. (1982). Dir’iyyah the First Capital. Riyadh. First Edition. p.5
Sheikh Mohammed Ibn Abdulwahhab3, who sought to reform Islamic teachings from what was believed to be heretic practices, and Diriyah’s political ruler, Imam Mohammed Ibn Saud4, who had aimed to unify Arabia under his rule. That pact resulted in (Diriyah’s Charter)– which asserted the birth of the First Saudi State in 1744. Their agreement established a steadfast union between the political and religious powers, forming two presiding entities that profoundly relied upon one another to maintain their linked legitimacy in a codependent fashion. Diriyah was the seat of this emerging power, and that is partly what makes it a compelling case to investigate through its built environment: as the double pronged power manifested itself in the city layout by allotting different clusters to its different entities.
Diriyah emerged as the capital of an overly-ambitious state in 1744. Moving forwards, under the three rulers who succeeded Ibn Saud (Imam Abdulaziz Ibn Muhammed, Imam Saud
Ibn Abdulaziz, and Imam Abdullah Ibn Saud), the state boundaries stretched to include almost
the entirety of the Arabian Peninsula through varying phases of expansion and growth. Some were gradual and cautious, while others were intense and abrupt. Hence, not long after, its overreaching influence and steadfast acquisition of both supporters and lands, including the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, the region’s ostensible authority– the Ottoman Empire– became agitated and inclined to confront. The thesis will present a brief history of how the tension between the two sides developed, and what caused the Ottoman’s final viewpoint that an attack on Diriyah was a necessity.
In 1818, after drawn-out and destructive battles in lands under the control of the Saudis, Diriyah was destined to be the final stage of the struggle. Diriyah had to serve as a military
3 Except for specific placements, he will be referred to as (Ibn Abdulwahhab) throughout the thesis. 4 Except for specific placements, he will be referred to as (Ibn Saud) throughout the thesis.
bunker under a brutal 6-month siege and heavy bombardment from the robust Ottoman armies. Diriyah was not prepared for, nor anticipating, such a battle with a far grander adversary with superior artillery capabilities and equipment, despite its defensive towers, barrier-walls and other fortifications employed in its attempt to serve as a bunker. It could not withstand the relentless bombardment carried out by its attackers. The battle led to Diriyah’s utter destruction as a city in 1818, and the consequent relocation of the capital to Riyadh for the newly-emerging second Saudi state afterwards.
Although Diriyah has been heavily studied from multiple approaches and varied perspectives, as the forthcoming literature review will show, not many sources exist on the urban history of Diriyah. As a result, this thesis aims to answer the following key enquires: What made Diriyah physically different, in comparison to the neighboring settlements scattered around the central region of Arabia? How did the interdependent relationship between the two power entities, of political authority and religious influence, actually function in the layout of the city? And eventually, what effect did the pact between the two entities, which declared the new state, have on the built environment and urban fabric of Diriyah?
To properly answer those queries, this thesis developed a methodology that will help enhance studying the case of Diriyah, and hopefully similar cases of cities that either lost their archives, or never had them, yet still exists descriptions of them. Being that this thesis explores a version of the city of Diriyah that is lost in ruins, it struggled with sources in its attempt to reconstruct history. Hence, it adopted two analytical means of textual and visual investigations, which will hopefully complement one another and can be put together in the service of an interpretation.
First, this thesis has identified a crucial timeline of key dates and vital events which took place in Diriyah during, and before, the establishment of the state. This timeline will help situate the reader to better understand the final result of Diriyah’s downfall and destruction as an accumulative process. The historical chapters of this thesis will be approached in a chronological manner, through an infused historical and urban scope analysis. 1446-1744: from Diriyah’s first settlement until the establishment of a Saudi state, 1744: the arrival of Ibn Abdulwahhab to Diriyah and the consequential historic pact with Ibn Saud, 1765-1817: Diriyah after Ibn Saud’s passing until its final days, and 1818: the downfall of Diriyah. Each event will be examined by a merged narrative of a historical perspective, which attempt to answer the previously-introduced key enquiries, as well as provide a section-specific exploration through an urban lens. By examining each of the events individually, it is hoped that the reader will better comprehend the aforementioned first two enquiries, regarding what made Diriyah unique.
Ultimately, a cornerstone of this thesis is its urban related investigation. To tackle the final enquiry on what effects did the momentous pact had on Diriyah’s built environment, this thesis will examine one of Diriyah’s core urban foundations, the Atturaif historic district. Atturaif presents a stimulating model of an urban product which stemmed from the pact between political and religious powers. This thesis argues that Atturaif being formed as a new governmental-hub for the state’s rulers, circa 1766, should be regarded as the most crucial event of urbanization in Diriyah’s history during the timespan of the first Saudi State. For it gives a vivid and symbolic clue on the suggested uniqueness of Diriyah.
Hence, it is hoped that the reader of this thesis will be able to better fathom not only the urban history of the city of Diriyah and its urban development stages during the timeframe
(1744-1818), but specifically to better comprehend the historical events which induced the final urban outcome we seek to explore. Wittingly and unwittingly, Diriyah was forced to play multiple roles in its short lifespan. It went from being a humble, arid, and small-scaled Najdi settlement; to emerging as a capital of an overly-ambitious state that ruled Arabia from sea to sea; to eventually serving as a military bunker under a brutal siege with heavy bombardment. For those reasons, and many more illuminated within the folds of the forthcoming thesis, Diriyah presents a case of a city dictated by dual-pronged authority. The overlap between the co-dependent political and religious entities in urban layouts is what makes the case of Diriyah worthy of being examined, studied, and further reviewed.
v Chapter 1. Literature Review:
Diriyah, a parched town in the arid Najd5 region, was the governing force of Islam’s Two Holy Places as well as the decision-making center for almost all of Arabia in the mid 18th
century. That made it the subject of various studies, local and foreign, ranging from academia to popular history and well beyond. Thus, attempting to successfully tackle all available sources within the scope of this thesis, requires classifying them into two main sets. Historical
textual sources– indirect sources that do not necessarily touch upon Diriyah’s built
environment, but rather offer historical inputs and narratives that are of extreme value, either to properly introduce the hypothesis or to set its proper contextual framework, and
architectural textual sources– that are directly built-environment related.
• 1.1 Historical – Textual Sources:
1.1.1 – Local Historian Narratives:
This set consists of numerous accounts on the emergence of Diriyah as capital; the materialization of the first Saudi State; and the origins of what some refer to as the Wahhabi movement, or the Salafi call as it is labeled in local contexts.6 The first of these sources comprises of the extremely important, locally-celebrated narratives of those few historians who lived during that time and narrated their personal perspectives, such as Ibn Bishr (1780 - 1873)7
5 Najd is a commonly-used term in reference to the central region of Saudi Arabia.
6 “Wahhabi or Wahhabisim” are terms of which Saudis do not necessarily adhere to or agree with. As they
argue that Mohammed Ibn Abdulwahhab was merely a reformer and a person who renewed previously-established ideas and attempted to clarify Islamic thought from novelty and heresy, not a creator of new teachings. Other words such as “Salafi” are locally-used to refer to such movement.
7 Ibn Bishr, Uthman. (1982), ‘Unwan al-Majd fi Tarikh Najd. Riyadh: Darah - King Abdulaziz Foundation for Research and Archives
and Ibn Ghannam (birth unknown - 1811).8 They are considered the primary sources on that time period. Being among the few contemporary sources, their perspective is extremely valuable. Although they provide an overview of political contexts, and in covering historical events, these sources regrettably lack in providing significant details on how the city was formed and operated. Being memoire-like journals for their writers’ personal experiences, they are most notable for their descriptive scenes of everyday life in Diriyah during that time. Other more contemporary sources to our day, from select Diriyah natives, such as Ibn Khamis (1982)9, Al-Awwad (2019)10, and Al-Othaymeen (2013)11 also offer extreme valuable perspectives, being that they cover local opinions and native views. Al-Awwad is an emerging scholar with deep family roots in Diriyah. What particularizes his work is the distinctive number of oral sources stemming from the staggering number of interviews he conducted over the years with local experts and elderly Diryah natives, who passed down their stories from generation to another. Hence, although not exclusively reliable as sole sources, the significance of his work reside in his unmatched reach to verbal sources, which may verify or discourage certain claims and theories. While Ibn Khamis is a source that is considered Diriyah’s lead historian locally, being that he dedicated his life to narrating the story of Diriyah. Although his publication on Diriyah was published almost four decades ago, it is still the lead referenced source on Diryah, other than the aforementioned historical narratives of Ibn Bisher.
1.1.2 – Orientalist Travelers Accounts:
The travel logs of European (mostly French) travelers during the 18th and early 19th centuries
are an important source of information as well, as they were the first to report on the new
8
Ibn Ghannam, Husain. (1994), Ibn Ghannam’s History: Rawdat al-Afkar wal-Afham li-Murtad Hal al-Imam
wa-Ta’dad Ghazwat dhawi al-Islam. Amman: Dar Al-Shurooq 9
Ibn Khamis, Abdullah. (1982), Dir’iyyah the First Capital. Riyadh. First Edition
10 Al-Awwad, Abdulhakeem. (2019), Al-Dir’iyah Bain Bab Samhan wa Bab Salman. Beirut: Jadawel
11 Al-Othaymeen, Abdullah. (2013), Al-Diri’yah Nush’atan wa Tatawworan fi ‘Ahd al-Dawla al-Saudia al-Aula. Riyadh: Darah - King Abdulaziz Foundation for Research and Archives
emergence of a Saudi State based on the pact between Imam Muhammed Ibn Saud and Sheikh Muhammed Ibn Abdulwahhab. The French were believed to have been particularly interested given the influence, and reach, the enjoyed in Egypt during the timeframe when a Saudi state had emerged. Al-Boqaa’y12 conducted a study to trace the earliest references in French
historiography on the Saudis, Diriyah, Muhammed Ibn Saud, or Muhammed Ibn Abdulwahhab, pointing out that the Danish traveler Carsten Niebuhr, 1774, was the first Westerner to report on the Saudis. While Guillaume-Antoine Olivier (Voyage dans l’empire
Ottoman, 1800) was the first Frenchman to do so.13 He was later followed by other Frenchmen, such as Redmond 1806, Rousseau in 1818, and namely Corancez (Histoire des Wahabis, 1810).
One of the most notable accounts from French travelers reporting on Arabia, came from the Frenchman Felix Mengin years after the establishment of the Saudi State. With the exclusive influence he possessed– stemming from his close relationship with Muhammed Ali Pasha of Egypt, and the unique exposure he obtained– a result of his opportunity to interview Saudis in exile after Diriyah collapsed, Felix Mengin (Histoire de l'Égypte, 1823) produced one of the most important reports on the downfall of the Saudi state.14 It was translated into Arabic with appendices and introductions from the translator, Mohammed Al-Boqaa’y,15 and to this day is considered a cornerstone in understanding the narrative of the Egyptian Ottomans as well as the perspective of the Saudis from the assault of which they faced. Reasons for the significance of Mengin’s accounts is the close relationship he enjoyed with Egypt’s Wali Muhammed Ali Pasha, which provided him with a great level of exposure. Not only that, but
12 Al-Boqaa’y, Muhammed. (2004), Awa’il al-Kutob al-Faranseyya ‘an Da’wat al-Shaikh Muhammed Ibn Abdulwahhab al-‘Eslahiyya. Al-Darah Journal, 30(3), 9-34
13 Olivier, Guillaume Anotine. (1800), Voyage dans l'empire Othoman, l'Égypte et la Perse. Paris H. Agasse 14 Mengin, Felix. (1823), Histoire de l'Égypte sous le gouvernement de Mohammed-Aly, ou, Récit des
événemens politiques et militaires qui ont eu lieu depuis le départ des Français jusqu'en. Paris 15 Mengin, Felix & Al-Boqaa’y, Muhammed. (2003), Tareekh al-Dawla al-Saudia al-Aula wa Hamlat
Muhammed Ali ‘ala al-Jazirah al-Arabiya. Riyadh: Darah - King Abdulaziz Foundation for Research and Archives
Mengin was also able to interview some of the Saudis in exile, including the grandson of Muhammed Bin Abdulwahhab. Forster Sadlier is another provider of valuable insights (Diary
of a Journey Across Arabia, 1866)16, as the part of his journey when he passed by Diriyah was just after the its defeat and consequent destruction in 1819. Hence, he provided an insight to its fresh ruins. The French were not alone in showing interest in Arabia by covering Diriyah’s downfall. Sir Harford Jones-Brydges (1834)17 provided a British insight as part of his accounts covering the transactions of the King’s mission to the court of Persia in the years of 1807 to 1811. In it, Brydges appended a separate section introducing a brief history on what he referred to as the “Wahauby”, which was backed by further reports from different travelers and writers, such as Burckhardt, among others. His accounts are another essential source in understanding the rise and fall of the first Saudi State, hence they were correspondingly translated into Arabic, but at a much later stage by Al-Juhany (2005).18
1.1.3 – Poet Descriptions:
A crucial method of expressing oneself and asserting history in Arabia throughout history is through oral narrative and poetry. These orators and poets tended to focus upon critical events and periods of social and political change as they came and went, and Diriyah’s downfall was one of the most vital ones. Such a key event indeed spurred many poets to document their own experiences about what they had encountered. Foremost would indisputably be Muhammed Abu Nuhayya- who is also known as Diriyah’s poet. In 1818, Abu Nuhayya wrote a celebrated poem lamenting his beloved Diriyah after its destruction, in which he described scenes of once vibrant sites now becoming shells of what they were. That vital event not only inspired
16 Sadlier, Forster. (1866), Diary of a Journey Across Arabia. From El Khatif in the Persian Gulf, to Yambo in the Red Sea, During the Year 1819. Education Society’s Press, Byculla
17 Brydges, Sir Hardord Jones. (1834), An Account of the Transactions of His Majesty’s Mission to the Court of Persia in the Years 1807-11. London: J. Bohn
18 Al-Juhany, Uwaidah. (2005), Moojaz li Tareekh al-Wahhabi. Riyadh: Darah - King Abdulaziz Foundation for Research and Archives
Diriyah’s then-poets, but also numerous ones in successive eras. Fortunately, a large number of such poetry was traced and gathered in a singular publication (Ibn Khamis, 1982)19 which may be branded as a key reference. From this compilation, one can infer certain aspects of the built environment of Diriyah during the timeframe under review. As poetry is often exaggerated in its descriptions, it cannot be taken as a credible source if it offered exclusive intel. Nonetheless, it does provide an excellent source of local portrayal and depiction.
1.1.4 – Supplementary Indirect Sources:
Further literature themes were also published on the related topic, and local literature was not alone in such mission. A few Western scholars wrote on the rise of a Saudi state in Arabia and the emergence of the Wahhabi movement– namely David Commins (The Wahhabi Mission,
2006)20, whose study was translated into Arabic at a later stage.21 Interestingly, some rather inventive studies, namely Facey’s,22 attempted to reconstruct a visual impression of how life was lived in Diriyah 200 years ago. Similarly, Al-Mutawa23 attempted to examine both the
positions and roles of Diriyah’s community in events transpiring in the surrounding area during the timespan of the first Saudi State. Though scarce, some studies made attempts at examining the overall situation in Najdi settlements prior to 1744, as in, even prior to the thought of a state that unifies them all. Such aims are presented in Al-Juhany’s research.24 In those, the approach was to study the social, political, and religious conditions in Najd during the three centuries preceding the rise of the Saudi State.
19 Ibn Khamis, Abdullah. (1982), Dir’iyyah the First Capital. Riyadh. First Edition
20 Commins, David. (2006), The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia. New York: I.B. Tauris.
21 Al-Askar, Abdullah. (2012), Al-Dawa Al-Wahabeyya wal Mamlakah al-Arabeyya al-Saudia. Beirut: Jadawel
22 Facey, William. (2001), Dir'iyyah and the First Saudi State. London: Stacey International
23 Al-Mutawa, Abdullah. (2003), Mujtama' al-Diriyah fi 'Ahd al-Dawla al-Saudia al-Aula. Riyadh: Saudi Historical Society
24 Al-Juhany, Uwaidah. (2002),
Najd Before the Salafi Reform Movement; Social, Political, and Religious Conditions During the Three Centuries Preceding the Rise of the Saudi State. Reading: Ithaca Press
However, to properly do so, an important set of resources to tackle would be the Ottoman Archives. Given that not only were they the leading regional power during that timeframe, and held control over Najd’s neighbors on the east and west of the peninsula, but also given the fact that they were the power which eventually handed Diriyah its defeat and caused its downfall. Some studies, like those compiled by Zakaria Gurshon (2010),25 explored the rather untouched Ottoman archives, which regarding their encounters with the Saudis were relatively unexamined by Arabic scholars for unknown reasons. Although this specific study’s timeline (1745 – 1914) goes further than the scope of this thesis, it does however cover a reasonable extent of useful information transcribed from the Ottoman accounts of Diriyah and the rise of the Saudi State.
• 1.2 Architectural – Textual Sources:
1.2.1 – On Diriyah’s Fortifications:
Many studies have attempted to investigate Diriyah’s fortifications during the timespan of the first Saudi State. Some, like Al-Shehri (2018)26, focused on tracking their technical aspects by detailing the two main types of fortifications – defense towers and defensive walls/barriers – as well as their building material and structuring methods. This study, although providing an excellent survey of the fortification structures, does not answer enquiries as to why such measures took shape the way they did, nor does it deal with the importance of their location. For those objectives, other scholars such as Al-Qahtani (2010),27 analytically examined the
25 Gurshon, Zakariyya. (2010), Uthmaniyoon wa al-Saud fel ‘Ersheef al-Uthmani (1745-1914). Beirut, Al-Dar Al-Arabiyyah lel Mawsoo’at
26 Al-Shehri, Suleiman. (2018), Tahseenat al-Diri’yah al-Difa’eyyah Iban al-Dawlah al-Saudia al-Aula (1744-1818). Riyadh: Darah - King Abdulaziz Foundation for Research and Archives
27 Al-Qahtani, Fatima. (2010), Hamlat Ibrahim Pasha ‘ala al-Dir’iyyah wa Su’qotoha (1816-1818). Riyadh: DARAH - King Abdulaziz Foundation for Research and Archives.
opposite angle of military tactics, movements, and campaigns which led to Diriyah’s downfall. By tracing the stages of the campaign’s progress – from its first entry in the Arabian Peninsula until its arrival to Diriyah – and progressing through the successive battles along the way, this study attempted to present justifications for why such fortification measures were found the way they were, in the places where they were found. While admirable, these reports are still of minor impact to the analytical aim of this thesis study. Although some scholars28 had briefly touched upon how Diriyah’s fortifications were apparently aesthetically different from ones found elsewhere in Najd or in the larger region of Arabia, no studies managed to identify how Diriyah’s built fortifications functioned in comparison to other examples found in the region. Such a comparative reading is of an immense necessity to better answer enquiries of how was Diriyah different compared to its surrounding settlements. If it followed the functions of models found elsewhere, in Arabia or beyond, that could also give a perspective on who did Diriyah’s builders look to for inspiration. What other paradigms did they look at as a sample? Did they recognize that the Ottoman forces were the vital threat? If so, did they look at other successful attempts from the enemies of the Ottomans? Those are important analytical enquiries that this thesis will attempt to tackle.
1.2.2 – On Diriyah’s Distinctive Structures:
Diriyah was home to a variety of extraordinary structures which deservedly attracted the interest of historians, architects and archeologists, for their rich representations, exquisite building methods, and grandiose uniqueness. Studies were conducted to survey some of those key structures prior to any restoration and rehabilitation attempt. Besides the momentous Salwa
28 Awwad, Abdulhakeem. (2019), Dir’iyah Bain Bab Samhan wa Bab Salman. Beirut: Jadawel, and,
Al-Othaymeen, Abdullah. (2013), Al-Diri’yah Nush’atan wa Tatawworan fi ‘Ahd Dawla Saudia
Palace29 which was studied extensively30, other fundamental buildings were also on the receiving end of considerable scholarly focus. For the unique value it represented, being such a distinctive structure in its function for that region, one study31 examined Diriyah’s marvelous bath and annex structures. The palace of Fahd Ibn Saud– one of the last defenders of Diriyah–
is another example that was notably scrutinized by Jamal Olayan (Palace of Fahd Ibn Saud,
2019).32 This specific study’s importance lies in its endeavor to identify evidence of the lost architectural elements and structural components of this unique 18th century palace, prior to the multiple restoration and rehabilitation efforts, as well as to discern its original form and spatial composition at the time of its construction. From it, one can indirectly extract building methods of that time period.
1.2.3 – On Diriyah’s Residential Styles:
Furthermore, Diriyah’s residential styles and how they changed over the years were at heart of certain studies. In a fundamental study, Al-Fukair33 attempted to tackle a vital and persistent
enquiry of Diriyah’s built form in its current status: whether the present residential styles, which were developed in sequential stages, did in fact stem from local needs and fit its historical urban environment or not. Furthermore, for some, tracing Diriyah’s historical mosques was a scholarly goal in its own, Al-Jideed.34 This study examined the five different mosques found in Diriyah’s historical neighborhood of Atturaif, which will help lay the
29 The ruling palace.
30 Hashim, Syed Anis. (2005), The Salwa Palace and the Salwa Mosque. Cultural Program, Arriyadh Development Authority. Riyadh, KSA
31 Yassin, Zuhair. (1980), Al-Turaif Bath and its Annexes. Jeddah: KSA General Administration of Antiquities and Museums
32 Olayan, Jamal. (2019), Drafting the History of the Palace of Fahd Ibn Saud at al-Diriyyah and the Analysis of its Components Utilizing Architectural Evidence. Al-Darah, 11-56
33 Al-Fukair, B. (2005), Ta’gyeer al-Anmat al-Sakaniya fi Madinat al-Diri’yah. Riyadh: Darah - King Abdulaziz Foundation for Research and Archives
34 Al-Jideed, M. (2009), Al-Masajid al-Taqlediyya bi Hay al-Turaif fel Diri’yah. Riyadh: King Saud University, College of Architecture and Planning Research Center.
groundwork for this thesis, not only in its attempt to trace commonalities which may lie in different Diriyah mosques, but also in identifying the general theme and key design concepts of mosques in Diriyah, and how might they differ in comparison to other non-religious structures or mosques elsewhere.
1.2.4 – On Models & Prototypes of Settlements in Najd:
Many have struggled to visualize a model of a traditional Najdi settlement, and all have faced similar obstacles which made such ambitious attempts extremely challenging. “The Bulldozer is our (urban historians) worst enemy” is a statement which I repeatedly encountered while conducting interviews and gathering information. To account for the continuous growth and ever-expanding population, Saudi Arabia saw a major overhaul by development projects in recent years as a result of its wealth. Although that certainly improved the country’s different facilities, services and infrastructure, it also assigned the bulldozer its dubious status as one’s “worst enemy” by merely doing its job of demolishing, except that it was sometimes demolishing sites of vital historical significance.
Luckily, a few settlements/towns/sites/houses withstood that fanaticism of demolition and were preserved either by official orders, as in the case of Diriyah, or by their inhabitants preferring to withstand transformation attempts and preserving their towns, as in the case of Sados village. As a result, both Diriyah and Sados offered distinctive perspectives in comprehending how the built environment of an 18th century Najdi town appeared, represented and inhabited. The German Christoph Maria Hanke (2007)35 chose to present Sados as such a
35 Hanke, Christoph Maria. (2007), Qariat Sadus: Prinzipien der Planung und Gestaltung einer Ortschaft in Zentralarabien. P.h.D. Dessertation.
model for his Ph.D. research. Studying its physical building foundation, urban fabric and key architectural structures, Hanke advocated seeing Sados as a possible prototype for a traditional village in central Arabia during the 18th century. Similarly, Diriyah appeared to leap out as the choice for an analogous task. Admired and renowned architect Hassan Fathy was invited to Diriyah during the mid-1970s for an ambitious task. Under the sponsorship of the United Nations Rural Development Project, the iconic innovator was asked to extract an envisioned prototypical housing unit for Diriyah from the preserved ruins of the town, as during that time its rehabilitation/restoration tasks had not yet begun. Derived from what he had encountered, Fathy imagined what a traditional residential structure in Najd looked like, and what key design concepts and strategies they adapted for their built environment at that time.36 Both samples will be examined and analyzed in later stages of the thesis.
Evidently, there is a lack of studies that examine Diriyah’s urban form, ones that go well-beyond the mere task of documentation to offer an analysis on Diriyah’s urban form and the city’s layout in regards to its governing relationships. Although somewhat limited, using the material that is found, as well as what the indirect sources reticently offer, this thesis hopes to do just that. It aims to present an alternative perspective of operating the built environment as a tool of better understanding historical events which altered the shape of Arabia.
Going forward, a timelinecomprising of key dates and vital events which will constitute the historical analysis this of this thesis. Divided into two chapters, the first covers Diriyah’s timespan from its first settlement until the establishment of a Saudi State in 1744, while the second covers Diriyah from establishing the State until its downfall in 1818.
36 Steele, James. (1989), The Hassan Fathy Collection. A Catalogue of Visual Documents at the Aga Khan Award for Architecture. Bern: The Aga Khan Trust for Culture
v Chapter 2. (1446 – 1744)
Diriyah’s First Settlement; the Three Centuries that Followed; Ibn
Abdulwahhab’s Arrival; and the Consequent Declaring of a Saudi State:
This chapter taps into the early days of Diriyah. It will first introduce Diriyah’s first settlement and the story of those settlers’ voyage back to central Arabia from the peninsula’s Eastern parts. It will also explain certain theories behind Diriyah’s name and the importance of its vibrant location. Then, this chapter will outline the three centuries which followed Diriyah’s first settlement in 1446, including the rise of Ibn Saud as ruler shortly prior to 1744. Eventually, this chapter will cover the arrival of a religious Sheikh named Muhammed Ibn Abdulwahhab, leading to the consequent declaring of a Saudi state in 1744. On the one hand, the chapter explores reasons of his relocation and of choosing Diriyah as a final destination amid the other settlements scattered through Najd. On the other, it explores reasons why Ibn Saud welcomed Ibn Abdulwahhab. Moreover, it will introduce the alliance between political rule– presented by Ibn Saud, and religious influence– presented by Ibn Abdulwahhab. Which resulted in the pact declaring a Saudi State.
• 2.1 – (1446) The Return Back… Diriyah’s First Settlement:
At an unknown date, the ancestors of one of Saud’s earliest known grandfathers, Mani’ Al-Muraidy, had emigrated from Central Arabia towards its Eastern parts. There, near Al-Qatif and Buqaiq, they founded and inhabited a town for many years.37 That little town, found in the
Eastern part of Arabia, was named Diriyah.38 Alas, little is known on the details and duration of their stay in Eastern Arabia, in a small town near today’s Al-Ahsa, partially because they
37 Ibn Khamis, Abdullah. (1982), Diriyah the First Capital. p. 79
38 Not the Diriyah that this thesis will explore, which is in Central Arabia. The names and backstories will be
were not so welcomed by the rulers towards its end. Therefore, after facing a variety of troubles,39 Al-Muraidy desperately longed for a return to his ancestor’s domain of Arabia. As the leader of his clan, Al-Murairdy wrote beseechingly to a powerful relative in central Arabia, Ibn Dir‘, who was ruler of Hajr Al-Yamamah40 in Central Arabia.41 Ibn Dir‘ cordially
responded to Al-Muraidy’s plea and offered his returning relative two unoccupied sections of land in the region of central Arabia where he held certain influence.42
The reason for this is unknown in local history, perhaps Ibn Dir‘ wanted to surround himself with trusty family members to possibly strengthen his influence or better equip himself in case of battle. The two lands he bestowed upon his returning relative were strategical (Figure 1). One, a fertile area for cultivation, swarming with palm trees, called Mulaibeed. The other, not so far from the cultivation area, was meant for the returnees to reside and inhabit- called Ghasibah. Returning to their ancestral parts of Arabia and settling in the two bestowed pieces of land marked the first materialization of Diriyah in the mid 15th century. Thus, the return of
Al-Muraidy, along with his family, allies, and followers, declared the first “Emarah of Diriyah” in 1446 by Al-Saud’s great-grandfather, Mani‘ Al-Muraidy.43
39 The exact type of trouble they were facing are not asserted. Although many believe it was political pressures
from influential rulers of neighboring settlements, Ibn Khamis (1982, p. 45) asserts that the need for a return stemmed from constant sand storms attacking their small town located in the eastern region of Arabia.
40 In Arabic: ﺔﻣﺎﻤﯿﻟا ﺮﺠ ِﺣ. Hajr Al-Yamamah: An old settlement in the location of today’s Riyadh, KSA’s capital. 41 For a full analysis on probable reasons of why might Mani’ have contacted his cousin Ibn Dir’, refer to:
Al-Oraini, Abdulrahman. (1999), Al-Imam Muhammed Ibn Saud wa Juhooduh fe Ta'sees Dawla
al-Saudia al-Aula. Riyadh: Darah: King Abdulaziz Foundation for Research and Archives. p. 27 42 Ibn Khamis, Abdullah. (1982), Diriyah the First Capital. p.45
43 For more details on Al-Muraidy’s journey back from Arabia’s Eastern region to Diriyah in Central Arabia,
refer to: Al-Fakhiry, Muhammed, (1861), Al-Fakhiry History; &, Ibn Ghannam, Husain, (1994). Ibn
(Figure 1: A satellite image of Diriyah pinpointing the two lands which Al-Muraidy was bestowed upon his return. Ghasibah for inhabitation and Mulaibeed for cultivation. The
The small town which Al-Muraidy resided in Eastern Arabia is known to also have been called Diriyah. In a form of continuity, that name persisted and became the name for the new area in central Arabia which they came back to.44 Diriyah’s name however, and what engendered it, has long been a topic of endless debate.Through the many theories presented, it can be concluded that two main vectors of exploration were applied. The first batch of rationalizations attempting to understand Diriyah’s name were explanation of literality and etymology. In such, prior to the addition of (yah) to Diriyah for feminizing purposes,45 its origin word of Dir‘46 could be explained differently depending on the context of which it is found. To name a few, dir‘ can mean a shield a warrior wears during battle; dir‘ can also be used as a trait word which is given to sheep whom have black heads but full white bodies. Furthermore,
dir‘ can be used in describng nights where the moon correspondingly appears along the light
of day.47However, backed by a more compelling and resonating explanation, all the linguistic rationalizations have been dismissed by historians and researchers of the field.
Instead, it is believed that Diriyah is a name attributed to the clan of Al-Duru‘. To which not only Al-Muraidy and his embracing cousin traced back to, but is also a segment of the much larger tribe of Bani Hanifah48– an essential tribe with roots extending to clans scattered
around the region, from Jordan and Iraq in Arabia’s North; towards Yemen and Oman in the South; and found scattered over areas of Arabia along the way. The clan of Al-Duru‘
44 This is the Diriyah that went on to serve as capital of the Saudi state, the one which fostered the pact
between Ibn Saud and Ibn Abdulwahhab. The small town of Diriyah that is found in Eastern Arabia is not currently an inhabited town, rather it is a deserted space which consists of palm trees ruins and remains of vegetation. For more on the little town of Diriyah found in Eastern Arabia, refer to: Al-Dahiry, Abu Abdulrahman. (2003), 5. Al-Diriyah Bain Eshtiqaq Loghawi wal Efadah
al-Tareekheyyah al-Adabeyyah. Ad Diriyah, 21(6), 7 – 39). p. 31 45
Such method, of referring to their lands in female tense, is commonly used by Arabs.
46 In Arabic: عرد
47 For further etymological analysis on Diriyah’s name, refer to: Dahiry, Abu Abdulrahman. (2003), 5. Al-Diriyah Bain al-Eshtiqaq al-Loghawi wal Efadah al-Tareekheyyah al-Adabeyyah. Ad Al-Diriyah, 21(6), 7– 39)
historically occupied central regions of Arabia, particularly along the banks of Wadi Hanifa. Thus, when distant relative Mani‘ Al-Muraidy asked his cousin, ruler of large swaths of land in central Arabia, he was happily bestowed the previously introduced areas of Mulaibeed and Ghasibah, creating Diriyah as we know it. This explanation means that wherever these individuals traveled, regardless of location and geography, the land which they occupied would inevitably be named Diriyah. Hence, “Dir” is palpably derived from their clan of Al-Duru‘, and “Yah” is added to feminize the name.
The “new” Diriyah is located in the central region of the vibrant Wadi Hanifah, northwest of Riyadh, which became the subsequent capital after Diriyah’s downfall. The Wadi’s name is derived from the principal Arab tribe, Banu Hanifah, who historically occupied and governed the region of the Wadi and, as stated prior, Ibn Dir’ and Mani‘ Al-Muraidy trace their family origins back to that tribe. Wadi Hanifah is a valley which runs for a length of approximately 120 km (75 mi) from northwest to southeast of the center of the Arabian Peninsula. On its way, it cuts through numerous villages, towns, and settlements, among them Diriyah. Its importance principally lies in what it had to offer. Wadi Hanifah is one of the few spaces which managed to take full advantage of the infrequent rainfall in the region, keeping it channeled and constrained for use. It was normally an oasis, a fertile farmland in the middle of the arid Arabian deserts, naturally creating a logical pit stop for those crossing Arabia from the east towards Mecca and Medinah or the opposite side of the peninsula.
• 2.2 – (1446-1744) The Following Three Centuries:
The three centuries that followed Diriyah’s first settlement up until the rise of a Saudi State in 1744, are locally considered the era of rival emirates.49 Constant tribal battles over temporary
dominance was the main theme in the region. Of those powerful tribal clans, the most influential ones were the descendants of Mani‘ Al-Muraidy who ruled the emirate of Diriyah, Al-Mu’ammar clan who ruled the emirate of Al-‘Uyayna, the clan of Dahham Ibn Dawas who ruled the emirate of Riyadh, and the prominent emirate of Banu Khaled in Al-Ahsa. The next section will expand on the roles that the Al-Mu’ammar clan in Al-‘Uyayna (which was where
Ibn Abdulwahhab originated), and the emirate of Banu Khaled in Al-Ahsa played in pushing
Ibn Abdulwahhab into Diriyah.50
However, prior to the arrival of Ibn Abdulwahhab, the lands surrounding the ones which were bestowed to Al-Muraidy by his cousin Ibn Dir‘ were not inhabited. Yet, bordering them were lands which belonged to a clan, sharing a common origin to Banu Hanifah as well, called Al-Yazeed. The Al-Yazeed clan rulers did not mind Al-Muraidy’s arrival to lands neighboring theirs. However, soon after, Diriyah began to attract the spotlight from surroundings settlements, including Al-Yazeeds. Hence, Al-Yazeeds remained distanced with their influence gradually shrinking, until Mani‘ Al-Muraidy’s grandson, Musa Ibn Rabeeya Ibn Mani‘ Al-Muraidy (Figure 2), attacked Al-Yazeed over a dispute regarding one of the water sources of the Wadi. He raided their territory and killed many of their already weakened rulers. Thus, confiscating their lands as part of Diriyah.51 As Diriyah slowly expanded its base of inhabitants, it gradually increased its lands and expanding its tentative borders as town. It also gained legitimacy and validity from surrounding regional powers.
50 Al-Oraini, Abdulrahman. (1999), Al-Imam Muhammed Ibn Saud. p.19 51 Ibn Khamis, Abdullah. (1982), Diriyah the First Capital. pp. 86-87
Grandfather of Al-Saud Family First Ruler of Diriyah 1446 (850H)
Saud of whom Al-Sauds are named after
Bin Saud- Founder of the First Saudi State- One Side of the Pact Unifying Arabia Ruled Diriyah From 1727 – 1744 | Founded and Ruled the Saudi State 1744-1765 Ruler 1765-1803 Ruler 1803-1814 Final Ruler 1814-1818
(Figure 2: An illustrative map regarding the origins of Diriyah’s first settler in 1446. It traces the lineage of Al-Saud’s grandfather Mani’ Al-Muraidy until the last ruler of the First Saudi State in 1818, going through the founder of the state, Imam Muhammed Ibn Saud, and
The first documented mention52 of Diriyah from a non-native source is found in a correspondence sent from Sultan Selim I53 (1512-1520) of the Ottoman Empire, where he ordered a delegate in Al-Ahsa to continue rewarding rulers of Najdi towns who offered protection for the Hajj convoys passing through Najd on their way to Mecca from the peninsula’s eastern parts. In it, he mentions Diriyah’s ruler Ibrahim Ibn Musa, the fourth grandfather of Muhammed Ibn Saud– the founder of the first Saudi state.54
During the three centuries between 1446 and 1726, when Al-Muraidy’s seventh grandson Muhammed Ibn Saud assumed power of the Emirate of Diriyah, later establishing a Saudi State, Diriyah was said to have been governed by sixteen rulers (refer to figure 2). At the time, the title of Diriyah’s ruler was Emir, but that changed after establishing the state, as later chapters will entail. Except for a few exceptions55, all of the sixteen rulers were of Al-Muraidy’s descendants. Although, as one might expect for the lifestyle in that era, power transition was not always smooth and peaceful. Yet, although Diriyah witnessed a few struggles here and there among various branches of Al-Muraidy’s lineage over Diriyah’s rule,56 it is fair to say that Diriyah oversaw three centuries of overall stability prior to the declaration of a Saudi State in 1744. Such stability must make Diriyah’s inhabitants far from the long-standing tendency of labeling them as nomads, living a life in constant move. Indeed, although
52 For more on the first mentions of Diriyah found in Orientalist traveler’s maps, refer to the article:
Al-Boqaa’y, Muhammed. (2004), Awa’il al-Kutob al-Faranseyya. Al-Darah Journal, 30(3), 9-34
53 Also known as: Selim the Grim– or Selim the Resolute.
54 Al-Awwad, A. (2019), Al-Dir’iyah Bain Bab Samhan wa Bab Salman. p.14
55 As validated by Ibn Khamis, (1982, Diriyah the First Capital. p.84) those 300 years had a few periods with
an unverified governing history. There is also a period (1696-1709) where it is confirmed that Diriyah was governed by a ruler from a different clan, the only known period where a non-Mani’ Al-Muraidy... ...decedent had control over Diriyah. He was Sultan Ibn Hamad Al-Qabas, who Saint John Philby reported was from the Bani Khaled clan in Al-Ahsa. He was killed by the Diriyah natives. After his death, the power over Diriyah was transitioned to his brother Abdullah, who was also killed in his 2nd
year of assuming power by Diriyah’s inhabitants as well. After which the power returned to Al-Muraidy’s descendants.
56
The struggle between the two branches of Al-Muraidy’s descendants, Watban and Mogren, with rule eventually confined to Mogren’s offspring. For more information on this struggle, refer to: Ibn Khamis, Abdullah, (1982). Dir’iyyah the First Capital. pp. 84-94.
not exceptionally prosperous, it is imperative to emphasize that having the same group of individuals settled in an unchanged geographical region, governed by the descendants of a single founding figure, practicing the same system of rule for around three centuries, 298 years to be exact, contradicts the misconceived, wide-believed nomadic perception of Diriyah’s inhabitants– they had been, in fact, settled since the mid-15th century.
•
2.3 – (1744) Arrival of Ibn Abdulwahhab & Consequent Declaring of a Saudi State: A turbulent day in 1744 altered the course of Arabia and the region. When a religious Sheikh by the name of Muhammed Ibn Abdulwahhab– originating from the distinguished Arab clan of Banu Tamim– was pressured to leave his hometown of Al-‘Uyayna, thus resorting to Diriyah for safe harbor. Born in 1703, Ibn Abdulwahhab grew up in a family of jurists. Like many, he had memorized the Quran by heart before reaching the age of ten.57 Also like nearly all who grew up in the region of his birth, Ibn Abdulwahhab’s early education focused on the standard curriculum of orthodox jurisprudence according to the Hanbali School of Law. The Hanbali school derives its rules strictly from the Quran, the Hadith (the saying of Prophet Muhammed), and the views of the prophet’s companions. In lack thereof, the school teachings does not accept jurist discretion nor the customs of a community as basis of law. This strict traditionalist school of jurisprudence in Sunni Islam was spread across Arabia at the time.58Before describing how Ibn Abdulwahhab acquired his reputation as an acclaimed religious Sheikh, it is imperative to highlight key points explaining how his horizon and perspective took shape. Arguably, his religious perspectives were not solely a product of his
57 Ibn Bishr, Uthman. (1982), ‘Unwan al-Majd. p.33
58 For a more in-depth perspective on the status of Najd’s religious life, as well as an in-depth look on Najd’s
prominent religious figures prior to Ibn Abdulwahhab, refer to: Ibn Khamis, Abdullah. (1982), Dir’iyyah
local environment and homegrown teachings. As not only was he influenced by many non-native clerics, whom he studied their scholarly works, or ones he met in his trips to Al-Ahsa, or on his prior trips to Mecca and Medina for his two Hajj journeys, but he was also influenced by scholars beyond Arabia. Ibn Abdulwahhab had heard of a school in Damascus that taught Hanbali jurisprudence, one that relied upon the curriculum of Ibn Taymiyyah, and yearned to visit it. However, with no evident reasons as to why, his voyage was stopped at Al-Basrah.59
There, he met and studied under a number of cleric who peaked his interest, such as Shiekh Hayat al-Sindi and Sheikh Abdullah Bin Saif.60 Most observably, however, young Ibn
Abdulwahhab was extremely devoted to the writing of the renowned Ibn Taymiyah.61 After his travels and a span of staying at the neighboring settlement of Huraimla to be with his father who served as judge, Ibn Abdulwahhab returned back to Al-‘Uyayna. Equipped with further knowledge and different perspectives which made his reasoning and persuasion skills much stronger, Ibn Abdulwahhab slowly grew close to Al-‘Uyayna’s ruler, Uthman Ibn Mu’ammar. This resulted in Ibn Abdulwahhab marrying a relative of the ruler Ibn Mu’ammar, Al-Joharah bint Abdullah Ibn Mu’ammar. As Ibn Abdulwahhab gradually gained influence and the approval of Al-‘Uyayna’s ruler, he began carrying out his reforms practices. However, some of those practices, such as levelling the grave of Zayn Ibn Al-Khattab (a companion of prophet Muhammed) whose grave was revered by locals; cutting down locally-believed sacred trees; and ordering stoning of a woman who committed adultery62, did not sit well with a few powerful locals. They wrote to Sulaiman Ibn Ourayr, ruler of Bani Khaled tribe in Eastern Arabia, who held considerable influence in Najd, and namely in Al-‘Uyayna, asking for his
59 Ibn Bishr, Uthman. (1982), ‘Unwan al-Majd. pp.35-37 60 Ibid. p. 186
61
Ibn Khamis, Abdullah, (1982), Dir’iyyah the First Capital, p. 104 62 Ibn Bishr, Uthman. (1982), ‘Unwan al-Majd. p.39
interference.63 He agreed, and threatened ‘Uyayna’s ruler, Ibn Mu’ammar, to withhold Al-Ahsa’s annual financial aid to Al-‘Uyayna among further punitive actions, if Ibn Abdulwahhab was not killed or at least banished.64
Pressured to leave his hometown, Ibn Abdulwahhab saw in Diriyah a unique and perfect sanctuary (Figure 3). Several analytical reasons presumably made Diriyah unique, thus attracting Ibn Abdulwahhab. First, would be that Diriyah was relatively close in to Al-‘Uyayna, as roughly 30km separated the two. Also, unlike Al-‘Uyayna, Diriyah did not depend heavily on Al-Ahsa for its income, as they were not receiving any financial aids nor was Al-Ahsa their main trade market. Another reason is that Diriyah maintained friendly relationships with most of its neighbors, which would enable it to spread “the call” peacefully, thus gaining momentum and volume prior to the inevitable encounters with rivals. Diriyah also enjoyed relative political stability in comparison with neighboring settlements. However, the most important reason, in my opinion, is the religious link which connected Ibn Abdulwahhab with many of Diriyah’s inhabitants. Diriyah was home to several of Ibn Abdulwahhab’s students, ones who regularly attended his religious lessons. Key individuals among them were two of Muhammed Ibn Saud’s brothers, Mishari and Thunayyan, and his son Abdulaziz– who went on to serve as the second ruler of the Saudi State after his father. Abdulaziz even reportedly wrote to Ibn Abdulwahhab prior to the latter’s move to Diriyah asking for an explanation about a certain verse of Surat al-Fatiha.65Another important Diriyah native, who was a student of Ibn Abdulwahhab, was a man by the name of Ibn Swailem, whose significance resides in hosting the Sheikh seeking refuge in his Diriyah home.
63 For more on reasons why Ibn Abdulwahhab’s call was criticized in its early days, prior to his move to
Diriyah, refer to: Al-Bassam, Ahmed. (2001), Min Asbab Mo'aradah Mahaleyya li Da'wat
al-Shaikh Muhammed Ibn Abdulwahhab fi 'Ahd al-Dawla al-Saudia al-Aula. Ad Diriyah. 4(13). pp. 23-77 64
Ibn Khamis, Abdullah, (1982), Dir’iyyah the First Capital, p. 40 65 Al-Qahtani, F. (2010). Hamlat Ibrahim Pasha ‘ala al-Dir’iyyah. p. 43
(Figure 3: A map tracking the journey of Ibn Abdulwahhab from ‘Uyayna to Diriyah, with its stops. Measuring the distance from ’Uyayna to Diriyah and other neighboring settlements.)
Features of a Historical Pact Declaring the Saudi State:
Although he was not asked for his permission in advance, Ibn Saud was notified that Ibn Abdulwahhab had arrived to Diriyah to seek shelter in Ibn Swailim’s residence. Though he did not immediately welcome Ibn Abdulwahhab’s presence in Diriyah with open arms, many reasons contributed to Ibn Saud’s eventual decision to not only welcome him, but also to support the religious Sheikh’s mission of reform. The first is that not only was Diriyah non-dependent on Al-Ahsa and their ruling clan of Bani Khaled as mentioned earlier, they were in fact rivals, if not adversaries. Ibn Saud had even reportedly66 contemplated attacking Al-‘Uyayna after Diriyah was assaulted earlier67 by the forces of Bani Khaled. It is certainly a
possibility that part of the reason why Ibn Saud welcomed Ibn Abdulwahhab was to spite Ibn Ourayr, ruler of Bani Khaled, who pushed Ibn Abdulwahhab out of his hometown. Another reason is that Ibn Abdulwahhab had no clear political aims or intentions, he only cared about reforming Islamic practices from what he believed were heretic ones. Hence, like any other traveler who would come to your city, he did not represent any real political danger to Ibn Saud’s rule.
Additionally, sheltering the stranded was a key tenet of Arabia’s customs and traditions, especially from the rulers during that time. Thus, since Ibn Abdulwahhab was not seeking shelter as a criminal fugitive, but rather a religious preacher who was persecuted due to political reasons, Ibn Saud had the unwritten obligation of hosting him. Moreover, although not reformative, early sources confirm that even though Ibn Saud was a political figure, he had a devout conservative streak, having been brought up with a background of religious teachings.68
66 Ibn Khamis, Abdullah, (1982), Dir’iyyah the First Capital, p. 110
67 In 1727. A campaign led by Saadon Ibn Muhammed, from Bani Khaled clan, originating in Arabia’s eastern
regions. For more, refer to: Ibid. p.110
The last reason, and perhaps most vital, would be the persuasive attempts by Ibn Saud’s family members to host Ibn Abdulwahhab. Among them were his brothers Mishari and Thunayyan, mentioned earlier, and most notably, Ibn Saud’s wife– Moudhi Ibnt Abi Wahtan.
While at Ibn Swailem’s residence, Ibn Abdulwahhab received visits from his supporters and followers. Some of those reached out to Ibn Saud’s wife, pleading for her to persuade her ruler husband about what Ibn Abdulwahhab had to offer and what he represented– she did just that.69 Fundamentally contributing, by so, in the historic unification between Ibn Abdulwahhab and Ibn Saud, which established the first Saudi State in the 18th century.
The first meeting between the two took shape when Ibn Saud visited Ibn Abdulwahhab in his place of residence at Ibn Swailim’s home. There, the pair met for the first time, and engaged in an extensive conversation– where Ibn Abdulwahhab lengthily explained his religious perspectives as well as his aims and plans of carrying out his reforms. Unfortunately, the only source who reported that meeting is Ibn Bishr in his celebrated chronicles.70 Hence, there is a possibility we are dealing with a myth as reality in regards to the actual exchange that transpired between the two in that historic meeting. However, Ibn Bishr conveyed that in his reply, Ibn Saud assured the following: “I promise you a country better than yours, and I promise to
support and empower you.”71 Also in the meeting, Ibn Saud identified two main demands for
the agreement to proceed. First, that he wanted assurance that Ibn Abdulwahhab would commit that their paths will be intertwined. Meaning that, if they triumph they do so together, and if
69 Ibn Bishr (1982, ‘Unwan al-Majd, p.42) reported her saying: “This man was led to you by God, he is a treasure, so take advantage of what God has offered you.” In Arabic: ،ﺔﻤﯿﻨﻏ ﻮھو ﻚﯿﻟإ ﷲ ﮫﻗﺎﺳ ﻞﺟﺮﻟا اﺬھ نإ" "ﮫﺑ ﷲ ﻚﺼﺧﺎﻣ ﻢﻨﺘﻏﺎﻓ.
70 Ibn Bishr, Uthman. (1982), ‘Unwan al-Majd
they failed, or faced challenges, that Ibn Abdulwahhab would not depart to find another place to resume his call. 72
To that request, Ibn Abdulwahhab assured him that such thing would not happen and that their paths were indeed united.73 Second, Ibn Saud requested that the tariffs of which he collected from certain residents in harvest seasons would continue, and that Ibn Abdulwahhab would not object to it. To that, Ibn Abdulwahhab agreed and assured Ibn Saud that with the projected conquests and their prospected earnings, he would be gratified and local tariffs would not even need to be collected. To these, they agreed, shook hands, establishing the renowned Diriyah Charter (Figure 4).74
Qualities of A Unique Relationship:
From just that first meeting, much can be extracted to help identify the unique type of relationship between the ruling political authority and emerging religious influence. Arguably, it was a relationship based on faith, trust in one another, as well as self-confidence and conviction. First, one can notice that it was Ibn Saud who visited Ibn Abdulwahhab in the latter’s place of residence. Where being the ruler, he could have easily ordered Ibn Abdulwahhab be brought to him, not the other way around. That gives us a glimpse into the first impression which Ibn Saud wanted relayed on Ibn Abdulwahhab. Yet, Ibn Saud also wanted to establish dominance and set ground rules, thus stating his two main conditions prior to the agreement.
72 Ibn Bishr, Uthman. (1982), ‘Unwan al-Majd. p.42 73 Exact quote in Arabic: "مﺪﮭﻟﺎﺑ مﺪﮭﻟاو مﺪﻟﺎﺑ مﺪﻟا ،كﺪﯾ ﻂﺴﺑأ" 74
Ibn Bishr, Uthman (1982), ‘Unwan al-Majd. p. 42; and, Ibn Khamis, Abdullah, (1982), Dir’iyyah the First Capital. pp. 110-112
(Figure 4: An extract from the famous Najdi chronicles of then-contemporary Uthman Ibn Bishr, copied in 1853. The text herein describes the historic meeting between the Emir of Diriyah, Muhammed Ibn Saud, and the religious Sheikh Muhammed Ibn Abdulwahhab which occurred in 1744. Ibn Bishr’s chronicles is the sole resource depicting that historic meeting.)
Although Ibn Saud trusted Ibn Abdulwahhab’s religious perspectives prior to meeting him, he needed to verify both the reform plans he was proposing, as well as his alliance and commitment, before committing. Consequently, this allowed him to elucidate his reform plans, ideas and initiatives, that would not interfere with Ibn Saud’s rule, but may rather support his validity to expand the boundaries of his rule. Thus, it was Ibn Abdulwahhab that had to do the convincing, despite hosting the meeting, ensuring that Ibn Saud held the upper hand in the negotiations. One can also notice that an important shift had also occurred based on that meeting. Prior to that, rulers were to be referred to as “Emir”. However, after that meeting and the consequent declaration of a Saudi State, Ibn Saud noticeably changed his title from “Emir” to “Imam”, a name which was used in reference of religious figures not political ones. Ibn Bisher reports that Ibn Abdulwahhab, during his historical meeting with Ibn Saud, was the one who proposed the change. Emir is a title which stems from the Arabic word of “command.” Generally, it has no religious connotation, unless followed by “Al-Mo’mineen” which means Commander of the Faithful. Whereas the title of Imam is very important in Islamic History. Ibn Abdulwahhab suggested it in praying for Ibn Saud: “I hope you become an Imam that
Muslims agree-on, and your offspring after you.”75
It is often a topic of debate as to the extent in which Ibn Abdulwahhab actually intervened or played part in the political aspect of the newly-found state. One can extract that, although not as powerful as Ibn Saud who was the undisputed ruler of Diriyah, Ibn Abdulwahhab did play a vital role not only in the religious realm, but also was an important
75 Exact quote translated: “This is the calling of Tawheed (monotheism) that all prophets had called for. So whoever adheres, supports, and defends it will reign over the country and people. And as you can see that Najd (central region of Arabia) is seeing a spread of polytheism, ignorance, division, and fighting of one another.. so I hope you can become and Imam for Muslims to agree-on, and your offspring after you.” In Arabic: .دﺎﺒﻌﻟاو دﻼﺒﻟا ﺎﮭﺑ ﻚﻠﻣ ..ﺎھﺮﺼﻧو ﺎﮭﺑ ﻞﻤﻋو ﺎﮭﺑ ﻚﺴﻤﺗ ﻦﻤﻓ ،ﻢﮭﻠﻛ ﻞﺳﺮﻟا ﺎﮭﯿﻟإ ﺖﻋد ﻲﺘﻟا ﺪﯿﺣﻮﺘﻟا ﺔﻤﻠﻛ هﺬھو" ﮫﯿﻠﻋ ﻊﻤﺘﺠﯾ ًﺎﻣﺎﻣإ نﻮﻜﺗ نأ اﻮﺟرﺄﻓ ،ًﺎﻀﻌﺑ ﻢﮭﻀﻌﺑ لﺎﺘﻗو فﻼﺘﺧﻹاو ﺔﻗﺮﻔﻟاو ﻞﮭﺠﻟاو كﺮﺸﻟا ﻰﻠﻋ ﺖﻘﺒطأ ﺎھرﺎﻄﻗأو ﺎﮭﻠﻛ ﺪﺠﻧ ىﺮﺗ ﺖﻧأو