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The Short-a Nasal System: how does it get so tense?

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Short-a is (phonologically) a low front vowel but made with a pharyngeal constriction (Wood 1979). It undergoes positional “tensing” (decrease in F1 and increase in F2) in many dialects of English before +N(asal) consonant (Labov, Ash, & Boberg 2010).

Cross-linguistically, co-articulation between vowel and following nasal consonant can induce lowering of F1 due to increase in nasality (Krakow et al. 1988).

If short-a tensing is from nasal co-articulation, then:

1. nasality (A1-P0 (Chen 1997, Chen et al. 2007) higher in +N environment compared to elsewhere.

2. (a) Nasality and (b) concomitant effect on F1 intensify preceding the nasal consonant (Cohn 1993).

The Short-a Nasal System: how does it get so tense?

Paul De Decker, Memorial University

[email protected] @pmdedecker

Nasal vs. Elsewhere:(fig1)

● lower mean A1-P0 in nasal environment for all speakers.

● lower mean f1 and higher mean f2 in nasal environment for all speakers.

Nasalization could be behind tensing but...

no significant increase in nasality closer to nasal consonant (figs2-5)

significant backing (lower F2) over the duration of the vowel, closer to +N

significant lowering (higher F1) over the duration of the vowel

weak positive correlation between nasalization and F1 (r = 0.1509) (fig6)

Short-a in +N environment is more nasalized than elsewhere but co-articulatory nasalization examined here seems to apply categorically, not gradually (cf: Cohn 1993) as A1-P0, F1 and F2 do not pattern as expected closer to the +N consonant. Therefore, results not entirely consistent with tensing via co-articulatory nasalization.

So, how does short-a get so tense?

● not solely through nasalization

● different lingual articulations in /_+N (De Decker and Nycz 2012); preliminary analysis of ultrasound tongue imaging data is consistent with this. (fig7)

Background

Ariel Kathryn Clare Brittany

-5 0 5 10 15

Hand Had

% change (x10)

Speaker

A 1- P 0

Results

500 600 700 800 900 1000 1100 1200 -15

-10 -5 0 5 10 15 20

F1

A1-P0

pan

pad

Methodology

Findings

Speakers in early 20's, life-long residents of the province of Newfoundland.

Wordlist elicitation, included 5 tokens of hand and had.

Analysis of F1, F2 and harmonic spectrum (focussed on amplitude of F1 and H1) using Praat.

Two-tailed, paired t tests in R compared acoustic properties across two lexical conditions; significant results (p =/< .05) are reported here.

Conclusion

May 24–26, 2014 Brock University

20% 0 80%

5 10 15 20 25

Ariel (hand)

F1 F2 A1-P0

20% 80%

-5 0 5 10 15 20 25

Brittany (hand)

F1 F2 A1-P0

20% 80%

-5 0 5 10 15 20 25

Clare (hand)

F1 F2 A1-P0

20% 0 80%

5 10 15 20 25 30

Kathryn (hand)

F1

F2

A1-P0

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