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vs livelihoods in Pondoland
Sylvain Guyot, Julien Dellier
To cite this version:
Sylvain Guyot, Julien Dellier. Rethinking the Wild Coast, South Africa. Eco-frontiers vs livelihoods in Pondoland. VDM VERLAG, pp.236, 2009. �hal-00420064�
Rethinking the Wild Coast, South Africa
Eco-frontiers vs livelihoods in Pondoland
Sylvain Guyot
Julien Dellier (Eds.)
ThisbookisdedicatedtoChloéandHéloïse
Contents
Contents ... 7
Foreword ... 11
Acknowledgements ... 15
Authors... 17
Chapter1:GeneralIntroduction ... 23
1.Backgroundtothebook... 23
2.AbooktoclarifycurrentterritorialdynamicsinPondoland... 27
3.Presentationofthedifferentchapters ... 29
Chapter2:TheWildCoast:theContestedTerritory ... 33
1.IntroductiontoEcofrontiersandspatialprocess... 33
2.IntroductiontotheWildCoastoftheEasternCape,SouthAfrica... 35
3.TRALSO’sinvolvementintheWildCoast ... 37
4.ThenatureofconflictsintheWildCoast:Whataretheissues? ... 39
5.ControlandManagementofResources ... 43
6.Conclusion... 53
References ... 56
Chapter3:TheFightforLandRightsVersusOutsider’s‘Appetites’:WildCoastEco FrontierDynamics... 59
1.Introduction ... 59
2.Nationalpoliciesoflandconflictsresolution ... 63
3.TheWildCoast,adynamicecofrontiermarkedbycompetitionandconflicts 65 4.Four“variations”onecofrontiersandlandconflicts ... 71
5.Perspectives ... 95
References ... 97
Chapter 4: Ambiguous Spaces: Natural Resource Management Buffer Zones and
RuralLivelihoodsinPondoland,SouthAfrica ... 101
1.Introduction ... 101
2.PondolandCase... 104
3.Conclusion... 113
References ... 114
Chapter 5: Subsistence Fishing among Indigenous People in the Eastern Cape’s ‘WildCoast’inSouthAfrica:TheCaseofScambeniandCagubaVillages ... 117
1.Introduction ... 117
2.StudyArea... 118
3.TheInternationalExperience ... 120
4.TheSouthAfricanExperience ... 121
5.SubsistenceinCagubaandScambeniVillages ... 122
6.Conclusion... 126
References ... 126
Chapter 6: Questioning Homogenous Degradation Narratives in Transkei: LivelihoodsandNaturalResourceUseintwoPondolandVillages ... 129
1.Introduction ... 129
2.TheAfricandegradationnarrative ... 131
3.ThedegradationnarrativeinTranskei ... 135
4.Studyarea:descriptionofthevillagesandlivelihoodactivities ... 138
5.Researchmethodology ... 140
6.Calculatingtherelativevalueoflivelihoods ... 141
7.CriticalViewsofTranskeianNarratives... 152
References ... 155
Chapter 7: Transhumance and Ticks in Pondoland: a Crisis in Livestock Managementonthe“WildCoast” ... 163
1.Introduction ... 163
2.BackgroundonMbotyi,researchandlivestockinthearea ... 166
3.Keepinganimalshealthytranshumanceandgrazing... 169
4.TicksandDipping ... 176
5.TheImpactofTicksandPerceptionsofTickborneDiseases... 183
6.Someconcludingcomments ... 187
References ... 188
Chapter 8: The Mismatch between Smallholder Realities and Agricultural Development Interventions: from ‘Betterment’ to the Massive Food Production Programme ... 191
1.Introduction ... 191
2.(Neo)colonialrepresentationsofAfricans,landanddevelopment ... 193
3.Previousagriculturaldevelopmentprogrammesintheformerhomelands... 195
4.TheMassiveFoodProductionProgramme,MFPP... 198
5.Locallivelihoodsandtheroleofagricultureintheformerhomelands ... 200
6.Descriptionofthestudyarea... 202
7.Datacollectionandanalysis... 203
8.LocallivelihoodsandagriculturalengagementinXopozo ... 205
9.Xopozo’sengagementintheMFPP ... 210
10.ViewsofsmallholderagricultureintheMFPP ... 214
11.Discussionandconclusions:Stereotypicalviewsofsmallholdersarestill shapingagriculturaldevelopment ... 217
Recordedinterviews ... 221
References ... 221
PlacesofReference... 229
ListofFigures ... 231
ListofTables ... 233
Foreword
Pondoland?WhatisPondolandallabout?WhatdoesitmeantostudyPondoland?
440000inhabitantsonly,lessthan1%ofthewholepopulationofSouthAfrica?In anemergingcountry,wellknownontheworldmapforitspoliticalachievement,for eradicating both the colonial and the apartheid regimes and for its peaceful settlement,isthereanypointtohaveacademicsbickeringaboutPondoland,which is,atfirstglance,a“culdesac”withinSouthAfrica?
Why are so many people interested in Pondoland issues? To get off the road? To carryoutfieldworkinarural,scenicandoftenpristineenvironment?Tobeintouch with rural people, with real people mind, heart and values? Pondoland is far from the mines, and urban life blessed with South Africa, cities are known and even praisedfor.Farfromanyurbancentreormetropolitanarea,Pondolandseemstobe the last outpost of the New South Africa, a so called ecofrontier where natural resourceshavetobeprotectedandwheremankindlivesinharmonywithnature,a kind of enactment of Eden. Too beautiful to be true ! So, are there any relevant issues that might be addressed about Pondoland ? It is the first question the ignorantbutcurioussocialscientistmightask.
In fact, Pondoland is more than a tiny and anonymous piece of rural land in South Africa. Pondoland made history. Proud Pondo people fought against their colonial masters,anepisodeknownasthePondorevolt.SoPondolandkeptastrongidentity overtheyears,evenwhenitwaspartoftheTranskeiBantustan.Itkeptittilltoday.
Inaway,thePondolandhistoryshowswhatresistanceandresilienceareallabout.
It is the reason why Pondoland is neither a marginal land nor an undocumented area.
Many of scholars carry out researches on Pondoland as a case study, being at the
crossroadsofseveralissues:colonisation,landrights,identityornaturalresources,
theyusedPondolandasaresearchlab.Thedifferentchaptersofthisbookshowan interestingdebatethatdeservestobedeveloped.
Firstofall,whatistheproportionofincomegainedfromlandbasedsources,eg.is it arable and livestock farming and the collection of a range of natural resources [3%,4%,8%onaverageinCutwini,20%percentonaverageforlivestockowners,a lot…]?Whateverthepercentageis,tryingtogetsuchabreakdownsoundsrelevant, butitdidnottellushowmanylonghourspeopleareworkingtomakelandbased resourcespartoftheirlivingandwhetherruralworkhoursareevenaccountedfor.
Ifthemarketvalueoftheruralworkhourisclosetonil,thequestionsareatmarket value: are there still any farmers left here for, and, if yes, engaging what type of agriculture (Jacobson in Chapter 8)? How many families remain engaged in rural activitiesonadailybasis?Whatdoesthismeanandhowdowethinkaboutit?
Insuchacase,howdowemeasurethemarketvalueoflandbasedresourcesandof rural work time? Who has the power to decide upon market value? Remembering that crude oil on the spot market cost 142 $ per barrel in July 2008 and 30 $ per barrel in December 2008 and knew erratic differences in less than 5 months in a very controlled market… To guess what is the market value of firewood, wild berries,rootsandfruits,maize,bananas,andevencattleandfish(Mniki,inChapter 5),etc.inaverylocalisedmarketistherealissue.
Notwithstandingthemarketvalueofnaturalsceneries,unspoiltwaterandfreshair available in Pondoland, nobody even thought to account for them. Nevertheless, many scholars acknowledge when access to natural ressources will be even more problematic,thatmarketvaluesofavailablenaturalexternalitieswillskyrocket.
Natural resources have no market value so far. But if local Pondo people behave
sometimes,assuggestedinachapter,likein"theTragedyoftheCommons"where
multiple individuals acting independently in their own selfinterest can ultimately
destroyasharedlimitedresource,withnomarketvalue...Evenwhenitisclearthat
itisnotinanyone'slongterminterestforthistohappen…Itlookslogical,andthere
is no point to kill Hardin’s theory. They might have partly destroyed their own
environment,whetherdegradationismoreanarrativethananestablishedfacthas
yet to be further researched for. Nevertheless some arguments whether
degradationismoreadiscoursethanascientificallyestablishedfactandfigurelook really convincing (Hadju in Chapter 6). This would show at least that people are working hard and are not lazy, as sometimes heard about, neither to plough their fields, and more often their gardens, nor to run their livestock. Any decline in cultivation is quite difficult to appraise especially in the context of high unemployment.
It is less a question of laziness than a question of acknowledgement that the majority of the Pondo people are (and mostly were over 60 year old) involved in labourmigration,arelocallyemployed,andmoreandmorearelivingonpensionor social grants that have increased spending power. Anyway, even if “agrarian economyremainsofsomesignificance”(BeinartinChapter7),Pondolandillustrates the idea, and sometimes the cliché about rural areas in South Africa (especially formerhomelands)thatshowsruralareasasjustthespatialextensionofminingand urbaneconomy.Whethertheclichéreflectsthetruthisanotherstory.Betheyrural areas or just extension of urban areas, the Pondoland is certainly not loosing population:figuresshowsthatpopulationofPondolandisgrowingrapidly.
Local people, farmers or not, are not the only stakeholders in Pondoland, a place that looks sometimes overcrowded with civil servants from various departments, project’smanagers,hardandhumansciencesscholars,biodiversityconservationists, wouldbe miners, NGO’s personnel, trekking tourists (only on coastal Pondoland renamed Wild Coast for marketing’s reasons) and all kind of “outsiders” (Dellier et GuyotinChapter3)atlarge.Whatareandwherearetheirinterests?Eachoutsider is having “big appetite” and his/her own agenda to follow as far as Pondoland is concerned. The papers collected by the editors for one the publication made from the Limoges conference held in May 2009, show a comprehensive list of stakeholder’sagendas.
Year after year, Pondoland becomes more important as a zone for environmental protection and tourism and its role as an ecofrontier becomes really at stake….
Amongsttheseveralstrategiesthathavebeenattemptedtoachievethenewstatus
ofanecofrontierhasbeenthecreationofbufferzones,“broadlydefinedasareasin
which activities are implemented with the aim of enhancing the positive and
reducingthenegativeimpactsofconservationonneighbouringcommunitiesandof neighbouring communities on conservation” (Kepe and Whande in Chapter 4). In conceiving environmental changes and conflicts on coastal Pondoland, we have to keep in mind colonial and apartheid era history, as well as public policies (if any) that were implemented after 1994, but also the permanently changing patterns of local life. We have to understand that the real stakeholders are the Pondo people andnobodyelse,probablynottheoutsiders.
Consequently, Pondo people might be getting a kind of disease named “planning fatigue” (Simukonda and Kraai in Chapter 2) out of the multiple and changing agendascarriedbyoutsiders.Letthelocalsdecideontheirownabouttheirfuture.
Theyareresponsiblegrownups.OtherwiseanotherPondorevoltmightbeontheir agenda.Asfierceasthefirstone!
DrBenoîtAntheaumeisdirectorofresearchatIRD.Hecarried out extensive researches, mainly about cocoa and coffee planters land rights, in rural areas of West Africa and Pacific Islands. He was the previous resident representative for IRD andresearchprojectmanagerinSouthAfrica(19952004)and workedasteammemberonterritorialinnovationsintheNew South Africa (follow this link for the online publication:
http://www.pacte.cnrs.fr/spip.php?rubrique173)
Acknowledgements
TheEditorswouldliketoexpresstheirappreciationandthankstoalltheauthors,to BenoîtAntheaumeandtothefollowinginstitutions:
UniversityofLimoges,France
CentreNationaldelaRechercheScientifique France
Geolab,UMR6042
RegionLimousin
Authors
Academics
WilliamBEINART
Professor of Race Relations at the University of Oxford. The post was established in the 1950s with a particular focus on southern African. He was an undergraduate in Cape Town, a postgraduate at the University of London (completed 1979) and worked at the University of Bristol (19831997). His research, teachingandsupervisionfocusesonthe historyand politicsofsouthernAfrica(especiallytheruralEasternCape)andonenvironmental history.RecentpublicationsincludeTheRiseofConservationinSouthAfrica(2003) andEnvironmentandEmpire,withLotteHughes(2007).Heiscurrentlycompleting abook,withLuvuyo Wotshela,onthe historyof prickly pear inSouthAfricaand is engaged in research, with Karen Brown, on veterinary history, from which this article is taken. At Oxford, he was founding Director of the African Studies Centre (20026)andchairoftheSchoolofInterdisciplinaryAreaStudies(partsof20068).
HeiscurrentlypresidentoftheAfricanStudiesAssociationoftheUK(200810).
JulienDELLIER
Geographer, postdoctoral research fellow attached to the SESD Research Team “Societies, environment and sustainable development”, part of the Research Unit UMR 6042 CNRS GEOLAB,UniversityofLimoges,France.AfteraPhD(University of Limoges, 2007) regarding territorial dynamics of periurban forestsineuropeancountries,hestartsanewresearchonland issuesinSouthAfricain2008.BesideshisinvolvmentinPondoland,hetakespartin a research program about south african vineyards and pursued his works on rural gentrificationinLimousin(France).
SylvainGUYOT
[PHD, University of Paris 10, 2003] Senior Lecturer at the Geography Department of the Human Sciences Faculty, UniversityofLimoges,France.Heisanactiveresearcherwithin the SESD Research Team “Societies, environment and sustainabledevelopment”partoftheResearchUnitUMR6042 CNRS GEOLAB. He is a specialist of South African political ecology. Last publication in english is Zulu Shores, South Africa : Green Disputes in BlackandWhite(2008).Nevertheless,hisworkfocusesaswellonfrontiers,borders, representations and territorial identities in Argentina and Chile. He is currently editingtwospecialissuesofinternationaljournalsonecofrontiers.
FloraHAJDU
Researcher at the Centre for Environment and Development Studies,UppsalaCentreforSustainableDevelopment,Sweden.
She has a background in human geography and anthropology and got her PhD from Linköping University in 2006. The PhD thesis is entitled Local Worlds: Rural Livelihood Strategies in Eastern Cape, South Africa. Flora had research position at Brunel University, London, in 200708 and did extensive fieldwork for a project conceringAIDSimpactsonruralyoungpeople'slivelihoodsinLesothoandMalawi.
In the beginning of 2009 she pursued her continued interest in rural livelihoods in Pondoland through a position as guest researcher at Centre for African Studies, Oxford University. Currently, she is involved in a research project entitled Global PatternsofProductionandConsumption:CurrentProblemsandFuturePossibilities, fundedbytheSwedishResearchCouncil.Inthisprojectaninterdisciplinarygroupof researchers work on case studies of production of genetically modified maize in South Africa, biofuel in Brazil, and marine resources in Chile and use theoretical approaches from systems ecology, ecological economics, and political ecology to analyze global patterns of production and consumption from a sustainability perspective.
KlaraJACOBSON
PhD student in Rural Development and Agroecology at the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences. While having a backgroundasabiologist,herPhDresearchisinterdisciplinary in character drawing on theoretical perspectives mainly from political ecology, systems ecology and rural development studies. In her PhD project, funded by the Swedish Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) Klara analyses the effects that recent agriculturaldevelopmentprogrammesandtheintroductionofgeneticallymodified maize have had on livelihoods and farming of smallholders in rural Eastern Cape, South Africa. Klara is also partaking in the research project 'Global Patterns of ProductionandConsumption:CurrentProblemsandFuturePossibilities',fundedby theSwedishResearchCouncil.
ThembelaKEPE
Assistant Professor in the Department of Geography and the Program in International Development Studies at the UniversityofToronto,Canada.Hepreviouslylectured,andwas the Deputy Director, at the Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies (PLAAS) University of the Western Cape, South Africa. He conducted his PhD research in rural Pondoland, where he still continues to research and write on land, environment, livelihoodandinstitutionaldynamics.
LizileMNIKI
Geographer, environmental consultant and researcher for
ENVIROLINK RESEARCH AND PLANNING COMPANY, has
lectured in Environmental Management and Economic
Geography at the University of Fort Hare. Studied for the
Master of Urban and Regional Planning degree at the
UniversityofCalifornia(LosAngeles)andMasterofPhilosophy
inPlanningandPolicyattheUniversityofCapeTown.CurrentlyworkingonDoctor
of Philosophy, researching subsistence fishing in the Wild Coast (Eastern Cape in
SouthAfrica).
WebsterWHANDE
Geographer currently based at the University of Cologne's Institute for Social Anthropology in Germany where he coordinates an Africa programme on Human Mobility, Livelihoods and Natural Resources Management. Webster is also a Research Associate for the RUZIVO Trust in Harare, Zimbabwe where he conducts research on transboundary naturalresourcesmanagementinsouthernAfrica.Hehaspreviouslyworkedforthe Institute for Poverty, Land and Agrarian Studies in Cape Town, South Africa where he coordinated a regional Southern Africa Communitybased Natural Resources ManagementProgramme.
ONGRepresentatives
McebisiKRAAI
TenureandLandReformOfficer,TRALSO
NavySIMUKONDA
ExecutiveDirector,TRALSO
TheTranskeiLandServiceOrganisation(TRALSO)wasformedin1990inresponseto the growing demand for the resolution of the land question that had by then reached crisis proportions. Its area of operation remains being the stretch of territoryfromtheKeiRiverintheSouthandtheUmzimkuluriverintheNorth,with a rather elastic inland border basking in the foot of the Drakensberg Mountain range. This area is called the Transkei. From the turn of the 19th century it symbolizedthelastfrontierofXhosaresistancetocolonialincursion.Inthe1950?sit was to be a testing ground for the infamous apartheid sponsored homeland system.Today,aftersixteenyearsofreincorporationintoSouthAfrica,itbearsthe scarsofdecadesofbotchedruralplanningschemes,utterneglectandanextremely decadentBantustanrulingelite.Theprincipallegacyofalltheseepisodesisongoing economic stagnation, acute landlessness and an unemployment rate that is exacerbatedbytheongoingretrenchmentsfromtheindustrialcentresandminesof SouthAfrica.TheTranskeiareaisregardedasthepoorestpartoftheEasternCape.
TRALSO works with rural communities and individuals seeking access to land. This
mandate extends to the support of efforts aimed at household food security and
sustainable livelihoods. TRALSO aligns itself with the government’s programme of
land reform as initiated in 1994. This support is critical in nature in that the
organisationreservestherighttoquestionpolicyorimplementationaspectsofthe
programmeandproposemoredemocraticalternatives.
1
GeneralIntroduction
JulienDellier,SylvainGuyot
Figure1.1:RuralHamletinXolobeni,CoastalPondoland,SouthAfrica(picture:J.
Dellier,2008)
Note: All the places mentioned in the different chapters are located on a general map,figureX,page229.
1.Backgroundtothebook
This book has been written by a team of researchers coming from different
geographicalandculturalbackgrounds.Thegroupofcontributorsiscomposedofsix
Europeans(threeFrench,twoSwedishs,oneBritish)andfourAfricans(threeSouth
Africans,onelivinginCanadaandoneZambian).Consequently,linksandexchanges
made between the authors are rich in terms of exposure to different scientific backgrounds,traditionsandideas.
Thisbookhasbecomearealityduetotwomaindynamics.
Thefirstdynamicistheintensiveworkdoneinthefield,inPondoland,byallofthe authorsofthisbook,sometimesmeetingtodosurveystogether(likeJulienDellier andSylvainGuyotwithLizile Mnikifor example).Consequentlyallthecontributors havesomethingincommon:theyknowverywellthefieldandtheirinhabitantsand stakeholders.
Theseconddynamicisthemeetingofalltheseauthorsformingathematicteamat an International Conference on Ecofrontiers (University of Limoges, France, 2730 May 2009
1). Then, we all agreed to write this book to have evidence of our lively discussions,ourrealpassionforPondoland(andtheWildCoast!)anditspeople.The editorsliketothankwarmlyallthecontributors.Indeed,theyhopethatthisbookis only a first step for future collective publications and meetings on this unique territory.
Thisbookiswidelyopentodiscussion.Readers,pleasesendusyourcomments!
1 We like to thank the University of Limoges and the “Région Limousin” (France) for funding the whole research project (C2R – Gestion Sociopolitique de l’environnement dans les pays du sud) and part of the InternationalConference.
Figure1.2:Ecofrontierlandscape,FirstBeach,PortStJohns,SouthAfrica(picture:J.
Dellier,2008)
Boxn°1.1:Whatareecofrontiers?(Guyot,2009)
An “Ecofrontier” is a tridimensional idea.
2Firstly, it is an (already) existing notion, normalized, used and instrumentalized by groups of stakeholders, like environmental NGOs producing multiscaled green geopolitics. Secondly, it is a psychomental, spatial and political representation, conveyed by a westernised imagery of nature. Finally, eco frontier is also a ‘spatial category’ overlying ‘territorial process’ that can be understood throughdifferentparametersproducingconflictingpoliticalappropriations.
Transversally, ecofrontiers are real or mental spaces marked by strong ecological and aesthetic values which are coveted by various stakeholders. Many types of ecological appropriations imply different conflicting categories of ecofrontiers. Ecofrontiers are transitory and temporary spaces characterised by specific geographical parameters: a pioneergatewayopenedtoaremoteandlowpopulationdensityarea,weaklybounded byunattainablelimits;anecologicalappropriationdonevirtuallyorphysicallybygroups of ecosettlers; and a group of local inhabitants offering mixed reactions. Ecofrontiers createverycomplexsituationsforstakeholdersdisputingdifferentlegitimaciesbasedon differentusesofecosystems,resources,orland.Winningecologicalappropriationstends to shape new territorial patterns: e.g., conservation enclave, urban sprawl related to tourismactivityorperiurbanisation.
Figure1.3:Modelofecofrontier(Guyot,2009)
2Sylvain Guyot, 2009, Fronts écologiques et écoconquérants: définitions et typologies, on press:
CYBERGEO.
Figure1.4:Roadtotheecofrontier,crossingruralities,Pondoland,SouthAfrica (Picture:J.Dellier,2008)
2.AbooktoclarifycurrentterritorialdynamicsinPondoland
Pondoland(partoftheformerBantustan‘Transkei’)remainsaruralAfricanterritory inSouthAfrica.Livelihoodshavealwaysbeencrucialtosustainthelocalpopulation.
During colonial times and Apartheid, outsider’s appropriations of Pondoland are geographicallyperiphericalbutquiteintrusiveintermsoflandandresourcecontrol.
Appropriations were done mainly through trading stations, few permanent white
settlements(coastaltourismresorts),andnaturalresourcesreservation(protection
offorest,coastalnaturereservesetc.).The“WildCoast”,usedtonametheTranskei
coast (including the section of the Pondoland coast), symbolises this European
aestheticalrepresentationofabeautifulareawithalowpopulationdensity.
Boxn°1.2:PondolandandtheWildCoast
ThePondolandislocatedinEasternCapeprovince(SouthAfrica).Itwaspartoftheformer Transkei.TheboundariesofthisregionaretheMtamvunaRiveratthenorth,whichisalso the limit between Eastern Cape province and KwazuluNatal province, and the Mthatha Riveratthesouth.TheMzimvubuRiverdividestheregionintoWestPondolandandEast Pondoland.ItwassettledbythePondoduringthe16thcentury.
The WildCoast is the coastal stretch between the Great Kei River and the Mtamvuna River. It is made up of seven local municipalities : Mbizana, Qaukeni, Port St Johns, Nyandeni, King Sabata Dalindyebo, Mbhashe and Mnquma. This name is officialy used essentialyfortourismpurpose.
Figure1.5:MapofPondolandandtheWildCoast
TheendofapartheidopensaneraofpotentialchangesforthePondolandterritory, starting with the lodging of land claims on former seized land. De facto, the links between Pondoland and the rest of South Africa and the world are possibly stronger. If Pondo people living and working elsewhere bring back a lot to the communities, if local practices through farming have to adapt to the global economy, new outsiders’ appropriations are, as well, a reality to consider. As an example, the “Wild Coast” is confirmed as the branding name for the coastal Pondoland to become a major ecotourist attraction. Tourism developers, environmentalNGO’sandlocalpoliticiansareworkingtowardsanindividualisation –evenpartition?ofthecoastfromitsruralhinterland.
Thisreadingmayberelevanttounderstandecofrontiersprocessesaffectingmostly the coastal part of Pondoland. Nevertheless, it has to be completed by other approaches highlighting farming dynamics and the use of alternative resources, happening in both coastal and hinterland areas. If the “Wild Coast” might be a symbol for ecofrontiers, the Pondoland territory as a whole is addressing, as well, othercontroversialruralities.Indeed,thecontrolofPondolandbyexternalforcesis a highly disputable paradigm. Therefore this book is totally dedicated to this discussion. Different contributions offer contrasted perspectives on Pondoland territorialissues.
Ratherthantryingtoreachanelusivecompromiseonsuchsensitiveissues,editors havechosentorespectthediversityandtherichnessofthedifferentpointsofviews expressed by the authors, who sometimes contradict or challenge each others:
“Thefloorisalwaysandstillopenfordebatesandquestions”!
3.Presentationofthedifferentchapters
This book
3is organised in eight chapters highlighting a large diversity of views and realitiesonPondoland.
3Allthesechaptershavebeendiscussed,commentedandcorrectedcollectivelyandindividuallybyallthe authors and peerreviewed by an international expert. Nevertheless, each author or group of authors is soleresponsiblefortheopinionsandviewsexpressedintheirownchapter.
The three first chapters, following the introduction, are dedicated to the eco frontierparadigmisits“landdispute”dimension.
Î Chapter two, written by Navy Simukonda and Mcebisi Kraai, present the different territorial conflicts in Pondoland from a “land rights” NGO perspective.
Î Chapter three, written by Drs Julien Dellier and Sylvain Guyot, uses the concept of ecofrontier to understand land issues on the “Wild Coast” or
“PondolandCoast”.
Î Chapterfour,writtenbyDrsThembelaKepeandWebsterWhande,showhow ecofrontiersprocessesthroughbiodiversityconservationhavecreatedmany overlapping layers of bufferzones near the villages, disturbing the access to naturalresourcesforlocalcommunities.
The four last chapters concentrate on controversial ruralities, showing the complexityofanalysinglocalpracticesandknowledges.
Î Chapter five, written by Lizile Mniki, studies the coastal Indian Ocean as a space of conflicts. He shows a reality of subsistence fishing along the Pondoland coast that contradicts the dominant narratives on the overuse of marineresources.
Î Chapter six, written by Dr. Flora Hajdu, is pulling apart dominant representations and narratives on land degradation. In fact, she shows evidenceofunderuseofnaturalresourcesbylocalcommunities.
Î Chapter seven, written by Prof. W. Beinart, uses tick issues and livestock diseases to challenge the efficiency of current local knowledge and practices in relation to the legacy of external management done during the apartheid era.
Î Chapter eight, written by Klara Jacobson, discusses the interest of the
“MassiveFoodProductionProgram”forsmallholders,introducingcommercial farmingmethodsatthisscale.
2
TheWildCoast:theContestedTerritory
NavySimukonda,McebisiKraai
OntheRoadtotheWildCoast,ruralpondoland(picture:J.Dellier,2009)