CIG 3082 : a decree of the ecumenical synod of artists around Dionysos

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CIG 3082: a decree of the ecumenical synod of artists around Dionysos*

Epigraphic restorations can lead a long life. In the second volume of the CIG (1842), A.

Boeckh published a text of a statue base from the theatre of Teos (CIG 3082). The stone itself is lost; Boeckh based himself on a low-quality facsimile by the eighteenth-century traveller and antiquarian R. Pococke and on the additions proposed by R. Chandler in 1774. Boeckh’s restorations were taken over by G. Lafaye in IGR IV 1568. Taking some minor corrections by L. Robert and P. Herrmann into consideration, the text would read as follows:

[οἱ περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνῖται]

[οἱ ἐπ’ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλησπόντου]

1 καὶ οἱ τούτων συναγων[ισταὶ]

ἐτείμησαν

Τιβέριον Κλαύδιον [Μνασιμάχου]

υἱὸν καὶ τοῦ δήμου, φύ[σει δὲ]

5 Ἑρμοθέστου, Κυρείνα Φ[ιλιστέα,]

ἀγωνοθέτην τὸ τρίτον τ[ῶν πεν]- ταετηρικῶν ἀγώνων Διον[υσήων]

Καισαρήων, μεγαλοφροσύνη[ς ἕνεκεν]

καὶ δαψιλείας, οὐ μόν[ον] ἐ[πεὶ πρὸς]

10 τοὺς πολείτας ἐνδέ[δ]ε[ικται αὐτὴν]

διὰ βίου διὰ τ[ῶν] ἀναλωμάτων [καὶ τῶν ἀνα]- θημάτων [τ]ῶν ἑκάστοτε περ[ὶ τὴν]

εὐσέβειαν τοῦ οἴκου τῶν Σε[βαστῶν, ἀλ]- λὰ ἐπεὶ καὶ πρὸς τὴν [ἱ]ερὰν [σ]ύ[νοδον ὁ]- 15 σίως καὶ μεγαλο[ψ]ύ[χ]ως προ[σενεχθεὶς]

ἐπη[ύ]ξη[σε] - - - - καθ’ ἑκάσ[την ἀγωνοθε]- σίαν τὴν τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἀ[ξ]ί[αν, καὶ πε]- ρι[ττ]ὰ θέματα ἐκ τῶν ἰ[δίων ἔθηκεν]

[τοῖς ἀ]γωνισταῖς· ἀναγ[γέλλειν? δὲ - -]

20 [καὶ στ]εφανοῦν τῷ [ἐκ τοῦ νόμου - - -]

[στεφ]άνῳ, ὡς [π]ά[τριόν ἐστιν, ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ]

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[τοῦ Διονύσ]ου? κα[ὶ] - - - - Apparatus criticus

[οἱ ἐπ’ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλησπόντου] Lafaye; [οἱ άπὸ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλησπόντου] Boeckh l. 3 [Μασιμάχου] Boeckh, Lafaye; [Μνασιμάχου] Herrmann

l. 7: Διον[υσήων] Robert; Διον[υσιακῶν] Chandler, Boeckh, Lafaye l. 15: προ[σενεχθὶς] Boeckh, Lafaye

Translation

[The artists gathered around Dionysus in Ionia and the Hellespont] and their synagon[istai] honoured Tiberius Claudius Ph[ilistes] son of [Mnasimachos] and of the People, natural son of Hermothestos, of the Quirina tribe, agonothete for the third time of [the pen]teteric Dion[ysia] Kaisareia, [because of] his magnanimity and generosity, not just because he has displayed [this] [towards] the citizens his whole life long with the expenses and dedications on each occasion with respect to the piety towards the house of the em[perors], but also because he piously and generously [dealt] with the sacred [s]y[nod] and increased (it) every time he held the worthy [agonothe]sia of the agon, and he [has paid] prodigious prizes [for the] competitors out of [his own pocket]… (the rest is too fragmentary to translate)

The text is an honorary decree for the local notable Ti. Claudius Philistes, who had been agonothete (festival organiser) of the penteteric Dionysia Kaisareia.¹ It dates from the second half of the first century AD, since he or his father was granted Roman citizenship by one of the Claudian emperors and since another honorary inscription for Philistes dates from the late Flavian period.² A number of other inscriptions related to this man, published by Herrmann in 2000, have yielded some more information about his family and career.³ They made clear, for instance, that the correct name of his adoptive father was Μνασίμαχος rather than

1* I would like to thank prof. Georg Petzl for his comments on the first version of this paper. Abbreviations are those used in the SEG and the Duke Checklist of Editions of Papyri.

For the reading Διον[υσήων] instead of Διον[υσιακῶν] see Robert 1937: 35.

2 Herrmann 2000: 89-90; for a stemma of the family, see Ibid.: 97.

3 Herrmann 2000 (see also SEG 51 1615-1619).

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Μασίμαχος. In this article I am not concerned with the honorand, however, but with the association that voted for the decree. Boeckh restored the first three lines, [οἱ περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνῖται οἱ άπὸ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλησπόντου] καὶ οἱ τούτων συναγων[ισταί], “the artists gathered around Dionysus of Ionia and the Hellespont and their synagonistai”, on the basis of an imperial-age inscription from Tralles erected by ἡ σύνοδος τῶν ἀπὸ Ἰωνίας κα[ὶ]

Ἑλλησπόντου.⁴ This association seems to be a late manifestation of the artists’ association of Ionia and the Hellespont, which was one of the four great artists’ associations of the Hellenistic period.⁵ It is mainly known from inscriptions from the second century BC, when the association had its seat in Teos – the same city where CIG 3082 was found.

Even if F. Poland and later A. Pickard-Cambridge already expressed doubts about Boeckh’s restoration,⁶ CIG 3082 has been used up to this day as evidence for the continued existence of the artists’ association of Ionia and the Hellespont in the imperial period.⁷ In Boeckh’s time, however, not much information was yet available about another association that may have filled the gap: the ecumenical artists’ association of the imperial period, also known as the thymelic synod.⁸ The thymelic synod came into being in the early first century AD and, as it seems, replaced the regional associations of the Hellenistic period. The first certain attestations of the thymelic synod are two letters of Claudius, in which the emperor addresses the synod as follows: τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκουμένης περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνείταις ἱερονείκαις στεφανίταις καὶ τοῖς τούτων συναγωνισταῖς, “to the artists of the whole world, gathered around Dionysos, who take part and win in sacred crown games and their synagonistai.”⁹ For the rest of its existence, the thymelic synod would keep this name, albeit conflated with extra

4 I.Tralleis 50, with Blümel 2019: 3. Boeckh used this inscription to restore οἱ άπὸ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλησπόντου, whereas Lafaye chose to restore οἱ ἐπ’ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλησπόντου, i.e. the wording used by the association in the Hellenistic sources: e.g. CIG 3067 (= Le Guen 2001, vol. 1: TE 45; see also Ibid.: 267).

5 For the artists’ associations of the Hellenistic period, see especially Le Guen 2001; Aneziri 2003. Also MacLellan 2016.

6 Poland 1895: 22, n. 138; Pickard-Cambridge, Gould and Lewis 1968: 298, n. 3.

7 E.g. Aneziri 2003: 330-331; 2009: 223; Le Guen 2010: 236, n. 90.

8 For a detailed study of the ecumenical synods, see my PhD thesis Fauconnier 2018, which I am currently revising for publication. See also Fauconnier 2016; 2017; van Nijf 2006; Petzl and Schwertheim 2006; Aneziri 2009; 2014; Le Guen 2010.

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honorific titles and imperial names. In an honorific decree from the reign of Hadrian, for instance, it calls itself τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκουμένης περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον καὶ Αὐτοκράτορα Τραιανὸν Ἁδριανὸν Σεβαστὸν Καίσαρα νέον Διόνυσον τεχνειτῶν ἱερο[νει]κῶν στεφανειτῶν καὶ τῶν τούτων συ[ν]αγωνιστῶν καὶ τῶν νεμόντων τὴν ἱερὰν θυμελικὴν σύνοδον, “(decree of) the artists, of the whole world, gathered around Dionysos and Imperator Traianus Hadrianus Augustus Caesar, the new Dionysos, who take part and win in sacred crown games, and their synagonistai, and those who are member of the holy thymelic synod.”¹⁰ It is important to note that the phrase καὶ οἱ τούτων συναγωνισταί invariably appears in the titles of the thymelic synod, from the reign of Claudius until the late third century AD.¹¹ Synagonistai are artists who played an essential role in performances but who could not gain a victory themselves, such as secondary actors, choir members and teachers.¹² Synagonistai did exist in the Hellenistic association of Ionia and the Hellespont – they even had their own subordinate association¹³ – but the phrase as such was not used at that time. Another argument against the reading [οἱ περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνῖται οἱ ἀπὸ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλησπόντου]

9 BGU 1074, ll. 1-3 (= Pap.Agon. 1); P.Oxy. 27 2476, ll. 1-4 (= Pap.Agon. 3). See also Milet I.3 156. I translated τεχνῖται ἱερονῖκαι στεφανῖται as “artists who take part and win in sacred crown games”, as Le Guen 2010: 228-229 has argued convincingly that the clause could refer to artists who were already hieronikai as well as to artists aspiring to become hieronikai: “Dans le même temps, ces mentions renvoyaient à la fois à une réalité avérée et à un idéal revendiqué. Une réalité avérée, puisque certains artistes avaient bel et bien triomphé dans des agônes qualifiés indifféremment de ‘sacrés’ ou de ‘sacrés’ et ‘stéphanites’. Un idéal revendiqué, étant donné que d'autres aspiraient à remporter la palme de la victoire en de pareilles circonstances, au sein d'une confrérie dont telles étaient et la vocation et la priorité.”

10 I.Ancyra 141, ll. 2-8. For the meaning of νέμειν as “being member of”, see the Egyptian membership certificates of the thymelic synod: P.Oxy. 79 5208, l. 6: [γινώσκετε] ν̣έ̣μουσ̣αν ἡμῶν τὴν ἱερ̣[ὰν μουσικὴν - - -], referring to a female member; BGU 4 1074, ll. 5-7 (= Pap.Agon. 1): τὴν ἱερὰ[ν] σύ[ν]οδ[ο]ν νέμοντας; also Frisch 1986: 31. The phrase was added to refer to the members of the thymelic synod who participated in the assembly that voted for the decree, but who were not artists. One could think of honorary members and administrative staff.

11 Cf. I.Gerasa 192; SEG 48 1844; IG XIV 2495 (= Caldelli 1997: N1); I.Aphr. 12.27; I.Ancyra 141-143; SEG 47 222; I.Ephesos 22; I.Laodikeia am Lykos 65A; P.Oxy.Hels. 25 (= Pap.Agon. 4); BGU 4 1074 (= Pap.Agon.

1); P.Oxy. 31 2610 (= Pap.Agon. 5); P.Oxy. 27 2476 (= Pap.Agon. 3); P.Oxy. 79 5208.

12 Cf. the thorough discussions of Aneziri 1997; 2003: 317–335, especially p. 321: “Es handelt sich um sekundäre Schauspieler, Musiker und Lehrer dramatischer Chöre, Chormitglieder, Requisiteure, ἱματιομίσθαι u.a.” See also Le Guen 2001: vol. 2, 31-32.

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comes from line 14, if the restoration τὴν [ἱ]ερὰν [σ]ύ[νοδον] is correct. The term ‘holy synod’ was often used as an abbreviated title for the thymelic synod or its athletic counterpart, the xystic synod; there are no indications that the association of Ionia and the Hellespont ever used it.¹⁴ We can safely conclude, therefore, that the decree for Philistes was drawn up by the thymelic synod and not by the association of Ionia and the Hellespont, as was already argued by Poland in 1895.¹⁵ As this inscription dates from the first century AD, it is one of the earliest attestations of the thymelic synod that have come down to us.¹⁶ On the basis of I.Ancyra 140, I propose the following reading:

[οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκουμένης περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον]

[τεχνεῖται ἱερονεῖκαι στεφανεῖται]

1 καὶ οἱ τούτων συναγων[ισταὶ]

ἐτείμησαν, etc., see above

[The artists of the whole world, gathered around Dionysus, who take part and win in sacred crown contests] and their synagon[istai] honoured …

The decree for Philistes was voted for by the members of the thymelic synod after they participated in the Dionysia Kaisareia of Teos and before they travelled on another city.¹⁷ The text bears a strong resemblance to other decrees drawn up by the thymelic synod for agonothetes, for instance those for Flavius Gerrenus of Gerasa and Ulpius Aelius Pompeianus

13 Le Guen 2001: vol. 2, 31-32; Aneziri 2003: 324-328.

14 E.g. P.Lond. 3 1178, l. 74 (= Pap.Agon. 6): ἀργυροταμία̣[ς] τῆς ἱερᾶς συνόδου (xystic synod); IG XIV 2498, l. 5: εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν σύνοδ[ον]; An.Ép. 2002 930, l. 6: ἐν Ῥώμῃ ἱερᾶς συν[όδου]; CIG 6829, l. 8: ἱερᾶς συνόδου;

BGU 4 1074, l. 5 (= Pap.Agon. 1): ὑμᾶς τοὺ[ς] τὴν ἱερὰ[ν] σύ[ν]οδ[ο]ν νέμοντας; l. 11: γραμματεὺς τῆς ἱερᾶς συνόδου; I.Louvre 73: ἀρχιερατεύσαντος ἱερᾶς συνόδου (xystic or thymelic synod). Cf. Poland 1934: col. 2483.

15 Poland 1895: 22, n. 138.

16 Apart from the letters of Claudius (see note 9), we have an inscription from Side from the reign of Claudius (I.Side 31): Τιβέριον Κλαύδιον | Καίσαρα Σεβαστὸν ἱερὰ | θυμελικὴ σύνοδος ἡ πε|ρὶ τὸ ἐν Σίδηι τέμενος. A recently published papyrus from Oxyrhynchus, containing the text of an honorary inscription for the poetic victor Apion from the reign of Caligula or Claudius, mentions οἱ̣ π̣ερὶ τ̣ὸ̣[ν] Διό̣νυσ[ον καὶ] τ̣οὺς ἄ̣λλους [θε]ο̣ὺς τεχνεῖτ̣[αι], but the identification of this association is anything but certain: P.Oxy. 79 5202, with Strasser 2016.

17 Second-century evidence reveals that the thymelic synod was active in nearby Erythrae (I.Erythrai 60) and Ephesos (I.Ephesos 22).

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of Ancyra.¹⁸ They show that agonothetes who put extra effort in providing for the visiting competitors could expect a strong appreciation from the thymelic synod. The decree from Gerasa, for instance, gives the following reason for honouring T. Flavius Gerrenus: πολλάκι μὲν τὴν σύνοδον κατὰ κοινὸν¹⁹ βασιλικαῖς ἑστιάσεσιν ὑπεδέξατο, διηνεκῶς δὲ τὸν καθ’ ἕνα τῶν τε ἡττηθέντων καὶ στεφθέντων οὐ διέλιπεν ἑστιῶν καὶ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ ἀγῶνος γυμνασιαρχῶν, “On the one hand, he often entertained the synod as a whole at royal banquets, and on the other hand he never ceased to continuously feast every single loser and victor, and to provide for their needs throughout the entire agon.”²⁰

Generosity in providing prize money was probably the most important criterium, as we read in our text (ll. 17-19): [καὶ πε]ρι[ττ]ὰ θέματα ἐκ τῶν ἰ[δίων ἔθηκεν τοῖς ἀ]γωνισταῖς.²¹ In the decree for Flavius Gerrenus of Gerasa we furthermore read that he had distributed the prizes

‘with chastity’ (μετὰ γὰρ τῆς ἐν τοῖς θέμασιν αὐτοῦ ἁγνείας) – in other words, he was not corrupt. Not all agonothetes were as trustworthy as Flavius Gerrenus: in the letters of Hadrian to the thymelic synod found in Alexandria Troas, we read that the thymelic synod had accused the agonothete Alexianos of Apamea of embezzling prize money; Hadrian ordered the governor of Syria to ensure that the prize money would be paid correctly.²²

18 I.Gerasa 192; I.Ancyra 140-141.

19 This probably means that Gerrenus invited not only the performing artists, but also the other synod members present on the spot: cf. above, τῶν νεμόντων τὴν ἱερὰν θυμελικὴν σύνοδον.

20 I.Gerasa 192, ll. 15-17. The word γυμνασιαρχῶν, meaning ‘providing oil’, should not be interpreted literally, as we are dealing with artists of the stage rather than with athletes. Rather, it was used figuratively and can be translated as ‘providing necessary things’, as also Lewis 1974: 88 did.

21 Cf. I.Aphr. 12.920, the decree of the xystic synod (the ecumenical athletes’ synod) for T. Aelius Aurelius Menandros, who as xystarch contributed to the organization of an agon in Antiochia in Pisidia: δα[π]ανήμασιν ἱκανοῖς καὶ κόπῳ πολλῷ περιεγένετο καὶ διεπράξατο ἀχθῆναι τὸν ἔναγχ̣ος ἀγῶνα παρὰ τοῖς Ἀντιοχεῦσιν ὡς νομίζειν ἡμᾶς οἴκοθεν παρ' αὐτοῦ ἀνῃρῆσθαι τὰ θέματα, “with sufficient expenditure and much effort he succeeded in arranging that the recent contest was conducted among the people of Antioch, so that we think that the prizes were obtained from his own resources.” (ll. 31-36, trans. Ch. Roueché).

22 The letters were first published by Petzl and Schwertheim 2006. See SEG 56 1359, ll. 43-45: ἔγραψα καὶ Ποπλίῳ Μαρκέλλῳ, τῷ κρατίστῳ φίλῳ μου καὶ τῆς Συρίας ἡγε|μόνι, προνοῆσαι τοῦ ἐν ’Απαμείᾳ ἀχθέντος ἀγῶνος τὰ θέματα ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς νενεικηκόσιν, ’Αλ̣εξιανὸν ἀγωνοθετοῦντα ἃ κατα|σχεῖν φατε.

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As such, the number of imperial-age inscriptions referring to the artists’ association of Ionia and the Hellespont is reduced to two: I. Tralleis 50, an honorary inscription erected by ἡ σύνοδος τῶν ἀπὸ Ἰωνίας κα[ὶ] Ἑλλησπόντου for the procurator C. Iulius Philippus, and I.Ephesos 1618, mentioning a brother and a sister who were high priests τῶν ἐπ’ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλησπόντου. It remains to be seen, however, whether there was a clear-cut continuity between the artists’ association of the Hellenistic period and the synod appearing in these two inscriptions. There is a gap of about 200 years between these texts and the last Hellenistic attestations of the association of Ionia and the Hellespont.²³ It is furthermore hard to understand how this association could have existed in parallel with the thymelic synod, which was very active in Asia at that time.²⁴ Interestingly, one of the members of the association in the Tralles inscription, Serapion of Magnesia ad Sipylum, was an artist who performed on the international festival network, competing not only in Asia but also in Athens and Rome.²⁵ As such, Serapion would have been a logical member of the thymelic synod, the only association with this broad scope. Could it be, then, that the association in the two inscriptions was founded by some Asian members of the thymelic synod, who reused the name of the association of Ionia and the Hellespont out of antiquarian interests?²⁶ After all, the Hellenistic inscriptions were still to be read in the theatres where the thymelic synod performed. More than 100 years ago, E. Ziebarth offered a similar interpretation when discussing the Tralles inscription: “so beweist er (the association) nur, dass auch in jener späten Zeit das Andenken an die glorreiche Vergangenheit des kleinasiatischen Künstlerlebens noch nicht verloren war.”²⁷

Bram Fauconnier Ghent University

23 The last inscriptions are Sherk 1966 (=Le Guen 2001: vol. 1, TE 56) and IG XII, 8 163 (= Le Guen 2001:

vol. 1, TE 57), dating from the first century BC. The association still existed in Strabo’s times: Str. 14.643.

24 This already puzzled the earliest scholars of the thymelic synod. See for instance Foucart 1873: 94, n. 1.

25 For instance, the herald Serapion from Magnesia ad Sipylum (I.Tralleis 50, ll. 13-15) won contests in Tralles, Smyrna, Pergamum, Athens and Rome (I.Tralleis 136).

26 This could also explain why the association called itself οἱ ἀπὸ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλησπόντου instead of the Hellenistic οἱ ἐπ’ Ἰωνίας καὶ Ἑλλησπόντου: it may have been a contamination from οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκουμένης. See also Aneziri 2009: 228.

27 Ziebarth 1896: 87-88.

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Sint-Pietersnieuwstraat 35, UFO 9000 Gent BELGIUM [email protected]

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