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(1)

m . .V

í ' » v

*

AFRICAN MINISTERIAL CONFERENCE

llllôt-HB

Abidjan,

2 May, 1973

_5 508£

1MARS 1973

ADB/COHFI UN/7 3/WP/ll/4

ENGLISH

Original: FRENCH

Distribution :

RESTRICTED

THE DEVELOPING COUNTRIES OF AFRICA AND THE REFORM OF THE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY SYSTEM

by

Professor A. V7ADE

Report presented to

the meeting of

the group of experts responsible for

the preparatory studies

Abidjan,

26

-

23 February 1973

THE AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT BANK IS NOT BOUND BY THE OPINIONS EXPRESSED

IN THE WORKING PAPERS

(2)

t

THE DEVELOPING COUNTRIES OF AFRICA AND THE REFORM OF THE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY SYSTEM

INTRODUCTION

The title of this paper is no accident» The international monetary system is and will be for many years based on a deferative

concept in which all countries are represented, federalism bein5

one of the best expressions of the objective community of interest

between national monetary systems.

Hence it is undesirable for each country or group of

countries to tackle reform from a rigid standpoint based on egois¬

tical interests alone. True, it is perfectly legitimate to use one's ov/n interests as a point of departure, but in this case

such

interests must coincide or at least be compatible with the general interest. The point of departure should in fact be the interest

of the v/orld economy, though on this subject there may be

differences between developing and developed countries. The latter

have a sad tendency to judge the interest of the world economy

on the basis of short-term quantitative criteria and to consider

that what is good for them must be good for the v/orld economy.

This unfortunate tendency explains why for nearly ten

years all changes in the operation of the international monetary

1/

system have originated with the Club of Ten—' which finally compelled the IMF to adopt them, in flagrant

violation of the

Fund's federative nature.

!_/

The ten most highly>developed countries:

Belgium, Canada,

Federal Republic of Germany, France,

Italy, Japan, Netherlands,

United Kingdom, United States and

Sweden

(

(3)

Today, although matters have not yet changed, change is

on the way. The principle of effective participation by the developing countries in the reform of the monetary system is now

accepted.^)

This paper, though concerned v/ith the idea the higher

interest of the world economy#is nevertheless intended to

i.

demonstrate the points on which the African countries, following

in the footsteps of Latin America, could contribute to the problem of reforming the international monetary system in solidarity with the other developing countries.

To help in examining the crucial points of the reform and to place them in the context of the development of the whole inter¬

national monetary system and its machinery, the paper is divided into three parts;

The need for reform of the international monetary system and the form African participation should takej

The question of what the African countries require

*

of an international monetary system;

The defence and protection of African interests while the transitional system is being improved.

il)

We may well have serious misgivings about the possibility

of true participation by the developing countries. Recent events such as the decline of the dollar and the flight of capital into the Federal Republic of Germany and Japan led

to three—cornered negotiations

(by

France, the United Kingdom and Germany) and a proposal to convene a world

monetary conference in spite of the fact that the Committee of 20 had already begun its meetings.

(4)

I

*

t

- 3

PART ONE

THE NEED FOR A REFORM OF THE MONETARY SYSTEM AND THE

FORM WHICH AFRICAN PARTICIPATION SHOULD TAKE

(5)

The laws of nature are not necessarily fair. A poor nan who gambles with a millionaire

is doomed to lose because what ought to be a lav;

of probability becomes a certainty for him. For the same reason, dealings between the richer

nations and. the poorer ones can only result in

the latter becoming poorer still, unless the human will intervene to stop the implacable interplay of the laws'of nature.

(6)

NEED FOR A REFORM OF THE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY SYGTEK

i. The international monetary system must be neither too restrictive nor too broad.

It cannot be reduced to IMF principles, methods, rules

and machinery which are designed to guarantee international payments and prevent deficits or surpluses from curbing the expansion of world trade. The reason is that international

liquidity is not in itself a currency necessarily any different

from national currencies. In fact, it consists essentially of

some of these currencies which are universally accepted as

instruments for international payments and are known as reserve

currencies. Hence the close relationship between national

liquidity and international

liquidity^ ^ ^

m This is why the crises

of the pound and the dollar both reserve currencies have

always led to crises in the international monetary system.

(l) cf, F, Machlup, Liquidité nationale et liquidité internationale,

(7)

But the rules for an international monetary system cannot

cover all the details of national systems, although they do cover all the international and national principles, methods,- controls,

and machinery of such systems that may have an overall non—neutral effect on the distribution or expansion of international liquidity.

The international monetary system therefore consists of all the international and national principles, methods, controls

and machinery that may have a net effect on the distribution or

increase of international liquidity.

This system obviously includes as part of its machinery

the IMF, which was, in fact, designed for that very purpose, but

it also includes agreements on credit and other payment facilities

between countries, domestic controls on the international flow of capital, and the international structure of interest and

exchange rates.

2. This paper will deal in the main with the concept of the international monetary system in the most limited sense of the term and with the international aspect of domestic systems, without going too far into national monetary policies.

3. Between the wars, when the under-developed countries played

satellite to the economies of the developed countries, liberal policies even combined with the institution of the gold

exchange standard - soon revealed weaknesses on the international scale as a consequence of independent national economic and

monetary policies designed to serve national

ends/^

/. After the war, the theorists believed that there were

serious risks of a 1929-type depression if the industrialized countries' national target of full employment/were not matched by a policy of harmonization and machinery for intervention on an

(l) This, I believe, was the origin of the break in the parallel evolution of national and international cycles.

(8)

- 8 -

international scale. This was the origin of the Bretton /foods system, whose main features were:

that the dollar was guaranteed at the rate of $35

per ounce of gold as the basis of the system;

that the various currencies were defined in relation to the dollar

(parities)

and hence indirectly to gold

(pars);

since the various currencies were linked by exchange rates, each country undertook to keep its exchange

rate ivithin the narrow margin of 1% above and below par;

since the price of gold remained officially fixed in relation to the dollar, par rates could be changed only

in uniform proportion (Article IV, Section

7)J

the general system was therefore rigid and the dollar

and the pound soon become the two reserve

currencies.^)

5. Despite what developed countries may say, the Bretton 7/oods system, although it did have positive effects on the world economy by ensuring continuous expansion of international trade, was more useful to the developed countries, because:

(i)

the share of the developing countries in the global volume decreased while that of the developed countries increased;

(ii) international trade between the developing countries decreased while trade between developed countries

increased;

(ï) The system's rigidity is due to the fact that gold production

is inelastic, and has therefore never been able to meet the needs of world trade payments, and because industry has

consumed a considerable part as v/ell. . Between the wars, this situation had already resulted in a shortage of gold.

(9)

(iii)

the average growth of the developing countries

declined by 5% in the 'fifties to t-S in the 'sixties.

The growth rate in Africa as a whole barely averaged 2%

(Tables

1 and 2),

6. The major result of the interplay of the first two factors

was the marginalization of the developing countries in world

trade and the gradual bipolarization of the world economy, which

was reduced to the developed countries alone with a single debtor

on one side and a number*of creditors on the other. Since

: I ; ;

bipolarization contains no endogenous elements for reversing trends, this situation led to the crisis of 15 November 1971»

7. The scarcity of international liquidity resulting from inadequate supply or poor distribution deeply affected the growth policy of the developed countries, on which the development of

the developing ones, because of their exports and imports of

essential capital, depends. The developed countries' balance-of- payments difficulties always lead them to introduce restrictions

on imports of products from the underdeveloped world,to exchange controls,and cuts in their volume of aid to the

developing

countries.(3)

The international climate favourable to

(1) For instance the 10$. import tax introduced by the United States, although the US very quickly took specific steps to limit its effects on the African countries' exports.

(2) The United Kingdom, France and the Federal Republic of Germany provide numerous examples in this respect.

Í3)

At the Illrd session of UNCTAD in Santiago, the developed countries, far from affirming their intention of attaining

the International Development Strategy target of.1% of

their GNP, said that they could not even undertake to reach 70$ of that target by 1975.

(10)

TABLE i

70RLB TBATE

1963-1C71

Import C A F

1963 1ÇÓ4 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970

1971 United States 23,387 26,650 27,530 30,430 31,622 34,6 36 38,006 43,224 44,137

United Kingdom 12,220 12,781 13,722 14,713 14,454 15,443 17,614 19,351 22,340

Industrial Europe 47,550 53,860 60,340

65,9

90 0•V *-0O 79,920 93,850 109,460 123,680

All industrial

countries 95,400 108,040 118,550 130,900 138,010 156,150 179,920 208,170 232,550

Latin America 9,040 9,650 10,110 10,720 10,670 11,230 12,340 13,800 14,700 Middle East

5/880

6,61c 7,150 7,770 8,510 9,300 10,100 11,130 13,500

Africa 5,710 6,720 7,030 7,620 7,790 9,170 10,650 11,870 12,550

7/orld total 135,800 152,<00

165,300

181,200 190,600 213,200 244,400 280,300 312,600

(11)

TABLE 2

PER. CAPITA GRONTH RATS OF SOME AFRICAN COUNTRIES

Source: OECB 1972 Examination, p. 296 ( ) estimated

COUNTRY 19ÓO-Í9Ó6 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971

North of the Sahara

4.7

Algeria

(5.4) (1.0) (-0.1)

Libya *

(8.0) (30.7)

9.0

Morocco -0.4 3.6 9.3 -2.2 2.6 1.9

Tunisia 1.9 1▼HOO 7.1 1.1 1.3 5.5

2.2 -3.2 3.1 5.6

South of the Sahara 1.2

Angola 1.4 7.1

Zaire

(-3.3) 5.8 4.4 5.8 0.6

Ethiopia 2.8 2.2

(1.4)

2.1 1.8 2.4

Ghana —0.1 -0.6 -1.5

(0.9)

(0.8)

Ivory Coast -1.7 14.7 3.4 3.9

Kenya 1.2 1.5 <• CO 2.6 3.4 1.3

Malawi 0.3 0.6 -^6.7 4.9 10 r- 6.0

Mozambique 3.3 7.3

Nigeria• 1.6 0.5

Rhodesia -0.1 1.0 6.2 6.2

Sierra Leone 1.9 11.0

Sudan 0.1 9.6

Tanzania 1.4 2.6 2.8 -0.4 3.0

(1.3)

Uganda 1.4 0.5 -0.2 6.8

(-1.3)

-1.8

Zambia 4.4

45.5) (-)

11.8 2.0 -1.0

(12)

clevelopind countries is one where there is accelerated demand by

the industrialized countries for their goods, thus enabling then

to expand production and sell their commodities at better prices, however, a close watch oust be kept on loan terns,

interest

rates

and other conditions, which the developed countries

tend

to

make

stiffer than necessary by stressing the essential part that

continued growth of their own economies plays in

development,

8, Apart from the above-mentioned "external"

condition

of development, the developing countries themselves experience

balance of payments

difficulties,

as

the following table,

illustrating the situation from 1ÇÓ6 to 1971> goes to show.

TABLE 3

BALANCE OF PAYMENTS OF THE AFRICAH DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

Source; IMF Annual Reports

Units: Thousand million SBRs YEARS 1Ç66

"1967

1968 1969 1970 1971

Current balance —0.8 -0.8 -0.5 - -0.1 10

Capital balance 0.8 0.7 0.8 0.8 1.0 1,6

SDR allocations

V

- 0.2 0.1

Ovex'all balance - -0.1 0.3 0.8 1.0 1.0

The difficulties, however, aire so peculiar to these

countries and their causes are so varied that the present inter¬

national monetary system has proved incapable of solving them;

moreover, although scarce international liquidity nay be bad, surpluses can, above certain limits, create further problems and

not promote development at

all,^ ^

(l)

For instance in Libya and other Middle Eastern countries

with large reserve surpluses from petrol exports.

(13)

- 13 -

Ç. It is clear from consideration of the two preceding

objectives that in the reform of the international monetary syten economic growth in the industrialized countries must be allied with development in the Third World: the developing countries must

have the requisite conditions for optimum dynamic equilibrium of

their balance of payments,

10, This equilibrium should be sought not statically but through

the dynamics of production and trade. But apart from growth it

should not create internal

structural^A)

or further sociological (2)

imbalances,v ' Development, not growth, should be the standard by which the optimum is assessed,

11, At the world level it seems that liquidity policy ought

to be based on the following considerations which demonstrate the complexity of the world economy and explain the difficulty of adopting the basic assumption that the same rules are acceptable

to all countries,

(i) Under the Bretton Woods system, the United States - the heart of the system has been under the almost permanent strain of a continual balance-of-payments

deficit (Tables 3 and

4)J

this was the only way to supply the rest of the system with international

liquidity since the dollar had a fixed relationship to gold. While the cumulative deficit remained within

(1)

In order to increase their exports, many African countries

have concentrated on single crops which makes them dependent

on external factors; this policy has had harmful effects on

their terms of trade,

(2) Income from exports based on mining or a monoculture often

creates privileges classes: either directly through ownership

or resources, or indirectly because the State apparatus is

in the hands of politicians.

4

I

(14)

certain limits the advantages of this practice largely compensated for its drawbacks. But when dollars were accumulated abroad - as was inevitably the case - to

such an extent that they acted as a brake on United

States production by restricting its exports and causing unemployment, despite that country's undertaking to

ensure the system's stability the strain became

unbearable because it was incompatible with national

responsibilities.^ ^

(ii) The major problem for the other developed countries

seem to be poor distribution rather than scarcity of liquidity. Therefore, there are generally no problems

while confidence exists between these countries,

(iii)

However, the major problem for the developing countries

is primarily the scarcity of international liquidity

and only secondarily poor global distribution. v/ith

their lack of gold and balance of payments deficits, scarcity is a permanent problem to them. Moreover,

countries with surpluses generally lack confidence in

the economies of the developing countries,

(iv)

Since international liquidity is mainly in reserve

currencies, the need for international liquidity

appears as the expression of a difference arising after

the balance of payments deficit has been attenuated fey

credit agreements and between countries by commercial

and banking arrangements. Since the volume of the balance of payments deficit is not necessarily

connecte- xvith the volume of imports or exports, it

seems useless to try to measure world international liquidity requirements and preferable to seek for indicators of national needs.

(l)

The events of the first half of February 1973 seem to confirm

this opinion.

(15)

It does not seen possible to set criteria for an optimum

world volume of international liquidity. But at the national level, several criteria or indicators, though of questionable value, have been put forward,

Since liquidities serve to settle "differences" in the balance of payments, a minimum available liquidity in relation

to imports must be maintained. This may be compared to the

ratio between cash and turnover in a business. The general rule

in Europe is for reserves to cover 3—6 months' imports. This is a bad-criterion because reserves are not used to pay for imports but

for an "external deficit", Moreover, a deficit may occur in many ways in a balance of payments, depending on the items affected and

the size of the impact. But the final result is not the same from the payment point of view

(urgency,

resources,

economic

and

financial effects). The retio of reserves to imports is none¬

theless still used today as the test for optimum volume of international

liquidity,^1)

Some economists have put forward the criterion of liquidity

cost including the cost of sterilizing part of the import capacity

and the neutralization of the influx of external liquidity to obviate price rises,

//hatever the criteria adopted, international liquidity

must grow fast enough to allow unhampered expansion of inter¬

national trade; but not so fast as to become a source of

inflation,)

(l) If the question of SDRs, which we shall examine later on, .

had been put in this way, it would have been obvious that

the essential limitations were inflation and the developing

countries' absorptive capacity. The volume would not then have been so arbitrarily chosen with the major emphasis on the operating needs of the centre of the system, namely the

United States,

See Part III below, creation of liquidity.

(16)

12. It was not the possibility that United States gold stocks

would become exhausted which was behind the American decision of IS August 197Í» In

ÍÇÓ7#

the United States had already drawn

heavily on those stocks to support the pound on the London market.

The strain on the United States become unbearable when if

was clear that the numerous measures designed to counter its

balance-of-payments deficit would be inoperative; these measures, which were strongly criticized abroad, included the interest rate

equalization tax introduced on 3 September

1ç6/,

the voluntary

limitation of foreign investments by American firms, the compulsory

restrictions on loans abroad and development aid. To avoid depreciation of the dollar, the United States had long tried to maintain its gold stocks in equilibrium at a level consonant with its dollar balance obligations to official foreign agencies,

koosa bonds were one application of this policy as was the system of technical drax;ing on the IMF. (Annex l).

13. As far as the developing countries are concerned, if we agree that the need for international liquidity reflects a

"difference" originating in various ways, an international liquidity policy must be linked with both national and inter¬

national policies on trade. National policies designed to

encourage selected imports - including imports of capital equipment - and to improve export earnings, and international

trade and economic policies designed to favour the developing

countries' terns of trade and to increase their experts would undoubtedly attenuate the latter's need for international payments inst rumenfs,

14. . The nature of their own economies and the structure of the world economy mean that the developing countries' needs are

permanent. For this reason, long-term measures to provide

resources for development are just as necessary as short—term

measures concerned with liquidity alone. Consequently, the

(17)

TABLE 3

- 17 -

DEVELOPMENT II! TUB WORLD ECONOMY

n1

* :

Balance of Payments Suanary 1ÇÓ9—71

Source: IMP

(in

billions of U.S.

dollars)

Balemce on

Services Capital Alloca¬ Ovproil

and Current Account tion of V vD A C1JL.JL Trade private Account Balance SDRs Balance

transfers

Industrial countries 196-9 7.0 1.1 8.1 - 7.6 0.5

1970 11.3 0.6 10.7 - 5.9 2.3 7.1

1971 12.3 1.3 13.7 -16.O 2.0 -0.3

Primary producing countries 1969 3.2 -5.1 - -8.3 ' 9.8 ' 1.5

1970 - 5.9, ■5;2 -ll.l 14.3 -4.1 4.3

1971 6.8 ■5.3 -12.2 19.4 1.0 8.2

! More developed area 1969 -3.9 1.8 -2.1 2.1

1 1970 -5.8 2.7 -3.1 . 4.1 0.3 1.3

1971 -6.5 , 4,0 r2.4 . 5.8 0.2 3.6

Less developed areas 1969 0.7 -6;8 -6.2 7.7 1.5

1970 -0.2 -7.9 -8.0 10.2 0.8 3.0

1971 -0./, -9.4 -9.7 13.6 0.7 4.6

In the Middle East 1969 0.8 -1.6 -0.8 0.4 -0.4

! 1970 Í.2 -2.1 -0.9 0.9 0.1 0.1

1971 3.5 -3.8 -0.3 2.5 0.1 2.3

In Africa 1969 2.ó -2.5 0.8 0.8

* 1970 2.3 -2.5 -0.1 1.0 0.2 1.0

1971 1.5 -2.2 -0.7 1.6 C.l 1.0

In Asia 1969 -3.4 0.3 -3.1 3.6 0.6

1970 -3.8 -0.1 -3.9 4.2 0.3 0.6

1971 -41 -0.3 -44 4.9 0.2 0.8

In the Western Hemisphere 1969 0.7 -3.0 -2.4 2.9 0.5

1970 0.1 -3.2 -3.1 4.0 0.3 1.2

3 1971 -1.2 -3.2 -4.1 4.6 0.3 0.5

(18)

- 17(b) -

TABLE 3 (Contd.) ... . ; . ...

DEVELOPMENT IH THE '/OHL D ECONOMY

Balance of Payments Summary 1969—71

Source: IIIF (in billions of U.S.. dollars)

1

Balance on -

I

I

Í I

Trade

Services and '

private

transfers

Current, Account

Capital

Account Balance

Alloca¬

tion of SDRs

Overall Balance

Total} all countries 1969 3.7 -3 .'9 -0.2 ' 2.2 1.9-

j

! L970 5.4 -5.8 «0.4 . 8.4 . 3.4. 11.4

1971 5.S -4.0 ! 1.5 3.5 .. 2.9 5 7.8,

t Memorandum:

All countries in less 1969 -3.9 -1 .'8 -5.8 7.0 M ' 1.2

developed areas excluding 1970 -5.6 -2.7 -8.3 9.8 0.7 2.2

oil exporters 1971 -3.S -2.8 -11.2 ' 11.7 ; C.6 1.1'

! -

'

(19)

TABLE 4

DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNATIONAL LIQUIDITY

U.3, Balance of Payments and its Financing, 1967-71

Source: IMF

(in billions of SDRs)

1967 1968 1969 1970

1971^

Balance on goods and services 3.9 1.3 0.7 2.2 -0.8

Transfers and long—term capital -7.1 -2.7

-3,.,6

-5.2 -8.5

Basic balance -3.2 -1.3 -2.9 -3.0 -9.3

Short-term capital

(including

banking

liabilities)^>

-0.2 3.0 5.6 7.6 -21.2

Official settlements balance -3.4 1.6 2.7 -10.7 -30.5 Financed by

Reserve liabilities

(decrease)

3.4 -0.8 -1.5 7.3 27.4

Reserve assets

(increase)

Gold 1.2 1.2 -1.0 0.8 0.9

SDRs - 0.5

IMF gold tranche -0.1 -0.9 -1.0 i 0 1.3

Foreign exchange 1tH 0 -1.2 0.8 2.2 0.4 Total reserve asset transactions 0.1 -0.9 -1.2 3.4 3.1 Memorandum item : SDR

allocation (—) -0.9 -0.7

Variation of reserves including

the allocation of SDRs

(increases)

0.1 -0.9 -1.2 2.5 2.3

Source: U.S. Department of Commerce, Survey of Current Business

(1)

The U.S. dollar value of these transactions over 1971 has been used as an approximation of their value in terms of SDRs.

(2) Official settlements balance less basic balance.

(20)

- 19 -

international monetary system must be such that these two

interconnected aspects of the sane problem can be dealt v/ith

simultaneously(^).

15» From the short-term point of view., if the international community wishes to set up a valid international monetary system,

this oust include all possible measures designed to ensure that

the developing countries' earnings from their activities'will

grow at least at a normal rate. The aim of the measures would be:

(i) to compensate for drops in production;

(ii)

to guarantee the stability of external prices and

to make up for losses when such prices vary since

stable sales prices are a prerequisite for- develop¬

ment planning;

(iii)

to stabilize external demand and, if possible,

increase it;

(iv) to exercise some form of control over world markets instead of leaving them to the mercy of monopolies

and international cartels.

l6. //ith a view to the more distant future, the developed

countries should and they are well able to do this avoid

producing goods that compete with those exported by the developing countries. If necessary, they should make the structural changes required for this purpose. This effort to remodel the structure

(l) The UHCTAD General Secretariat has managed to convince the

International Community of the close link between the

monetary problems of developing countries and their economic problems and of the dangers of over—specialization in inter¬

national organizations. Both IMF and GATT have indicated their willingness to widen the scope of their activities to

some degree by agreeing to deal with "related matters".

(21)

_ - 20 -

of the world economy should be combined with an allocation of resources for development financing; in the Third World

countries^ y.

17» The above considerations make- it clear that the developing

countries' international liquidity requirements are closely

connected with their own economic conditions and with the structure of the world economy,

18, Unfortunately, so far all the modifications or improvements

to the international monetary system have emanated from the Club of Ten (the ten most developed countries) which began as a

pressure group but, because of its joint meetings with the IMF Executive and the voting powers of its members, has in fact now

become a decision—making instrument. Some examples of IMF

measures taken after the relevant decisions had won the approval

of the Club of Ten are the institution and operation of the IMF

Special Account, the general realignment of currencies imposed

by the Smithsonian Agreement

^ ^,

the adoption of a central rate and the widening of the margins within which exchange rates can

fluctuate.

(1) cf: G, Corea, The International Monetary System and the Developing Countries,

- UNCTAD, International Monetary Issues and the Developing

Countries : Report of the Expert Group, U.N,, New York, 1965.

(2) The agreement that was signed on 18 December 1971 in

Washington, but at the Smithsonian Institute and not at the IMF Headquarters, by the developed countries in the presence of the IMF Executive, The fact that this meeting was held in

Washington and not elsewhere not in Ilex-/ York for example

nas created some confusion in that the term "the "Washington Agreement" might tend to suggest that the agreement x^as

signed"Smithsonianunder theAgreement"auspicesshouldof thenotIMF,be translated intoFor this reason, French as "Accords de ".Washington",

(22)

- 21 -

19. Although in principle these measurès are not necessarily detrimental to the interests of the developing countries, some of

them have had harmful effects on these countries' reserves by increasing their external debt. In any case, they were in no way designed to improve the position of the developing countries.

20. The effects of the general realignment of the main currencies

on the countries of African can be studied by analysing the effects

on:

- reserves

- export earnings

- the prices of imported goods

- tied and untied aid

- the achievement of development plan targets.

21. The Secretary-General of UHCTAD considers that the

developing countries' reserves, and their share of world reserves, have dropped substantially. A study of a sample of 55 developing

countries showed that while the price of gold rose by 8*57%s their purchasing power,fell by

2%f

i.e. by about $500 million.

22. One of the worst results of the general realignment of the major currencies and the fact that some of them were allowed to

i

float was the ensuing upheaval in the structure of exchange rates in Africa and the harm, done to flows of trade by the amplification

I

of this effect. Since the African countries have no simple machinery for re-establishing equilibrium, it is extremely

difficult to reverse any temporary imbalance in trade. Such imbalances tend to become permanent features and to result in a

blockage of intra—regional trade.

23. The effects on the exchange rate structure in Africa - effects which were accepted rather than deliberately chosen— can be illustrated by the fact that some African countries devalued their currencies by the sane percentage as the dollar

(Burundi,

(23)

- 22 -

il I

m

I

Egypt, Kenya,

Liberia, Sudan and Uganda), others revalued their

currencies (Equatorial Guinea,

Ethiopia, Guinea, Gambia, the

franc zone countries, Libya,

Malawi,

Morocco,

Nigeria, Rwanda,

Sierra Leone, Somalia,

Algeria and Tunisia), while still others

devalued even farther than the U.S. had done

(Ghana, Botswana,

Lesotho and Swaziland).

The following table shows the ways

in which the values of

the major currencies were

modified

as a

result of the Smithsonian

Agreement,

TABLE 5

EXCHANGE RATE RELATIONSHIPS

RESULTING"FROM

THE SMITHS QUIAIT AGREEMENT,

DECEMBER l8, 1971

Source: IMF

Member

Percentage change in

terms of Par Value

Percentage change in

terras of US Dollar

Exchang e Rate Action

Effective Date

Germany + 46i +

13.58^

central rate

21/12/71

Belgium

Canada

+ 2.76 + 11.57 central rate floating rate

continued

21/12/71

United States - 7.89 + 8.57 new par value

8/3/72

Franco par value

maintained Italy

Japan

Netherlands United Kingdom

- 1.00

+ 7.66

+ 2.76

+ 7.À8

+ ió.88

+

il.57vl>

+ 8.57

central rate central rate central rate par value maintained

20/12/7/.

20/12/74 21/12/74

Sweden 1 tH 0o + 7.49 - central rate

21/12/74

*

_.(l)

Based on par

value in effect prior to May 9, 1971.

(24)

- 23 -

2A. Since regional economic integration and the development of intra-regiohal trade require a certain amount of stability in the exchange rate structure of the countries concerned as the EEC countries have shown by restricting the degree to which their

currencies can vary in relation to each other all attempts to achieve monetary integration in Africa are at the mercy of

decisions taken unilaterally by the developed countries.

25. While the crisis of August 19713 which had been brewing

for years, made it clear that some change in the international monetary system v/ás necessary, subsequent events have merely confirmed the need for wholesale reform,and the fact that the developing countries must play an effective part in the decisions taken is no longer contested.

II. AFRICAN PARTICIPATION IN THE REFORM

26. In order to attempt to reduce the unilateral influence of

the Club of Ten, the Group of 77 in the Lima declaration of 7 November

1971^^

set up a sub-gròup of It. members which they felt

would be able to study international monetary problems rapidly and

intervene more flexibly, especially within the IMF where, at both

the executive level (the Board of Directors) and the legislative

level (the Board of Governors) the developed countries dominate because the voting powers are based on quotas.

27». Since the 20 seats on the Board of Directors are allocated

on the basis of a minimal quota, all the developed countries have

a seat each whereas the developing countries, apart from India,

have to join together in order to obtain a seat. The final result is -that certain African countries have been compelled to join groups represented by Directors from non—African or developed

countries, (

(l) The declaration and principles of the Action Programme of Lima.

» I

« * / ,

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