Soviet spies and the fear of communism in America : reactions of Congress to the Alger Hiss Case, 1948-1960

(1)

Soviet Spies and the Fear of Communism in

America

Reactions of Congress to the Alger Hiss Case, 1948-1960

Mémoire

Brigitte Rainville

Maîtrise en histoire

Maître ès arts (M.A.)

Québec, Canada

(2)

(3)

Résumé

Le but de ce mémoire est de mettre en évidence la réaction des membres du Congrès des États-Unis dans le cadre de l'affaire Alger Hiss de 1948 à 1960. Selon notre source principale, le Congressional Record, nous avons pu faire ressortir les divergences d'opinions qui existaient entre les partisans des partis démocrate et républicain. En ce qui concerne les démocrates du Nord, nous avons établi leur tendance à nier le fait de l'infiltration soviétique dans le département d'État américain. De leur côté, les républicains ont profité du cas de Hiss pour démontrer l'incompétence du président Truman dans la gestion des affaires d'État. Il est intéressant de noter que, à la suite de l'avènement du républicain Dwight D. Eisenhower à la présidence en 1953, un changement marqué d'opinions quant à l'affaire Hiss s'opère ainsi que l'attitude des deux partis envers le communisme. Les démocrates, en fait, se mettent à accuser l'administration en place d'inaptitude dans l'éradication des espions et des communistes. En ayant recours à une stratégie similaire à celle utilisée par les républicains à l'époque Truman, ceux-ci n'entachent toutefois guère la réputation d'Eisenhower. Nous terminons en montrant que le nom d'Alger Hiss, vers la fin de la présidence Eisenhower, s'avère le symbole de la corruption soviétique et de l'espionnage durant cette période marquante de la Guerre Froide.

(4)

(5)

Abstract

This masters thesis examines the reactions of members of the House of Representatives and the Senate to the Alger Hiss case starting in 1948 until the end of 1960. Through analysis of the Congressional Record, a striking contrast in political opinions emerged. While Northern Democrats denied the possibility of Soviet infiltration during the HUAC hearings, Republican‟s used the Hiss scandal to demoralize the Truman administration. The election of Dwight D. Eisenhower to the presidency in 1952 changed the way both parties reacted to the communist issue and the repercussions of the Hiss case. Whereas Democrats had previously contradicted accusations of Soviet espionage in the State Department, they began criticizing the Republican administration of being soft on communism in an attempt to recreate the same atmosphere of distrust that had plagued Truman‟s time in office. By the end of Eisenhower‟s presidency in 1961, Alger Hiss‟ name came to represent Soviet espionage of the Cold War era.

(6)

(7)

Acknowledgments

First, I would like to thank my supervisor Bernard Lemelin for his invaluable insight, suggestions and encouragement throughout this process.

Thank you to my parents, Gilles and Colette and to my siblings, Amélie and Joey. Your support and long distance phone calls kept me connected to home from so far away.

Thank you to my best friends, Breigh and Karah. Though we may not see one another often, our enduring friendship means everything to me.

Finally, a big thank you to Louis, whose humor and boundless support these last few years made accomplishing this goal that much easier. This journey would not have been as enjoyable without you. Je t‟aime.

(12)

(13)

Introduction

Anti-communist sentiment ran rampant in the United States during the years of the Cold War. This „anti-red‟ hysteria was the product of both internal fears and external struggles such as the nuclear arms race with the Soviet Union, the Berlin blockade and the Cuban missile crisis. Nonetheless, the abhorrence of socialist principles in the U.S. can also be explained by the subversive activity of Communist party members. Several „red‟ spies succeeded in attaining prominent government positions for the sole purpose of stealing classified intelligence. Well-known agents include Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, who were executed for sending atomic secrets to the Soviet Union1, Elizabeth Bentley, who defected from the communist underground and supplied information to the American authorities2, as well as Judith Coplon, a Department of Justice employee suspected on several occasions of transferring restricted material to a Soviet contact.3

Similar to the notoriety of the Rosenberg case, the perjury trials of ex-State Department official and New Deal lawyer Alger Hiss forced Americans to rethink their preconceived notions of „red‟ spies. His extensive career was put into question after he was publicly accused in 1948 of subversive activity for the Communist party based in Washington. His accuser, Whittaker Chambers, had been a member of the same covert organization, conducting courier duties between sources and his superiors, only to leave in the late 1930‟s once he realized his principles no longer aligned with the party‟s objectives. Allen Weinstein and Alexander Vassiliev‟s The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in

America-The Stalin Era recounts that Chambers began collecting stolen documents from

his informants before his break in order to use as insurance to protect his life and his family in the event the Communist party leaders sought retribution for his betrayal. Consequently,

1_{Alan Brinkley, The Unfinished Nation: A Concise History of the American People, New York,}

McGraw-Hill, 2008, p. 776.

2_{John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr, Early Cold War Spies: The Espionage Trials that Shaped American}

Politics, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 60-66.

3_{The FBI placed wiretaps on Coplon‟s telephone and followed her on several occasions while she met with a}

Soviet delegate named Valentin Gubitchev. On one occasion, it seemed as though Coplon and Gubitchev were attempting to evade the FBI and even though there was no exchange of secret material, Coplon was arrested. She was found guilty during her first trial but then was awarded a new one when her appeal revealed that the FBI had used illegal wiretaps. She was convicted a second time. This verdict was also overturned because she had been arrested without a warrant and the FBI had ruined the wiretap evidence. The Supreme Court reviewed the case and ruled in her favor. William K. Klingaman, ed., Encyclopedia of the McCarthy

(14)

the stolen files became crucial as the case progressed. The classified evidence made their first appearance at the Baltimore libel suit4 and were known from then on as the „Baltimore Papers.‟ Hidden in a dumbwaiter shaft at Chambers‟ nephew‟s home, the cache was comprised of typewritten and handwritten notes of secret State Department files along with several rolls of undeveloped microfilm. While he turned over the typed and written notes, Chambers chose to keep the film in case the „Baltimore Documents‟ were not well received.5

The House Un-American Activities Committee‟s involvement6 combined with the incriminating „Baltimore Documents‟ and newly discovered „Pumpkin Papers‟, essentially led to Hiss‟ perjury trial which began in 1949. Opening statements in the first courtcase focused on two themes. The prosecution put emphasis on Chambers‟ story and the stolen papers while the defense used Hiss‟ career to demonstrate his credible reputation. In large part, specifics of the suit were overshadowed by the public uproar surrounding judge Samuel H. Kaufman‟s bias in favor of the Hiss defense. Details that did emerge probed the main points such as Chambers‟ reasons for keeping documents as a „life preserver‟ and the timing of his accusations coinciding with the 1948 presidential campaign. Through a careful analysis of the „Pumpkin Papers‟, experts were able to prove three things: all, except one, came from originals sent to the State Department, Francis B. Sayre‟s7 secretary disproved Hiss‟ explanation of the office‟s procedures for handling classified material and they had all been typed on the Hiss‟ Woodstock typewriter.8 The trial ended in an 8-4 deadlock for conviction.

4_{Hiss sued Chambers for defamation after he repeated his charges on the radio program Meet The Press on}

September 4th_{1948. Ibid., p. 62.} 5

Chambers had placed the rolls of film inside a hollowed out pumpkin at his Maryland farm for safe keeping. The House Un-American Activities Committee issued a subpoena for any other documents Chambers may have had in his possession; he was left with no other choice than to surrender the files to the committee. The story of the microfilm‟s location added intrigue to an already popular case. From that point on, the secret State Department documents would be known as the „Pumpkin Papers.‟ Ibid., p. 62.

6_{House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) –congressional committee created in 1938 to investigate}

subversive activity. Richard S. Kirkendall, ed., The Harry S. Truman Encyclopedia, Boston, G.K. Hall & Co., 1989, p. 162.

7

Francis B. Sayre was appointed to the position of Assistant Secretary of State by Roosevelt in 1933.

Biographical Encyclopedia of America, New York, The Colonial Press Inc., 1940, p. 830.

8

Experts were able to determine that the characteristics of the Hiss standards were identical to those of the stolen State Department documents. The Hiss standards were four documents given to the FBI by Alger and Priscilla Hiss for comparison. They included a letter written in 1931, a detailed personality description of

(15)

Contrary to the controversies of the first lawsuit, the second was much more subdued. This does not mean the public lost interest, only that the finer points of the proceedings were at the forefront of discussions instead of a scandal surrounding the propriety of a judge‟s rulings. Both the defense and the prosecution made reference to the credibility of Hiss‟ version of events and the importance of the documentary evidence in their opening statements.9 Judge Henry W. Goddard permitted both sides to include new testimony previously refused by Kaufman. Therefore, the purchase of Chambers‟ Westminster, MD farm10 was used to exhibit his friendship with Hiss. His reasons for hiding the microfilm in a hollowed out pumpkin were finally disclosed along with the details of the transaction of Hiss‟ Ford with a poor communist organizer.

Judge Goddard also allowed witnesses to testify who had previously been refused.11 While the prosecution questioned a maid employed by Chambers from 1935-1936, she divulged that her employers solely had two visitors. She pointed to Alger and Priscilla Hiss. This demonstrated once again that the friendship between Alger and Whittaker ran much deeper than a simple lease arrangement between strangers12. Unlike the disappointing end of the first trial, Hiss was convicted of perjury in 1950, sentenced to five years in Lewisburg Penitentiary in 195113 and was released in late 1954.

Although the Hiss case drew the attention of ordinary American citizens, journalists and scholars, it was viewed by members of the United States Congress as an important topic of discussion as well. In relation to the Hiss/Chambers affair, representatives

Priscilla‟s son Timothy for admittance to the Landon School situated in Maryland and typed in September of 1936, Priscilla‟s president‟s report of 1936-1937 as well as her 1937 application for admission to the University of Maryland, Baltimore. Allen Weinstein, Perjury: The Hiss-Chambers Case, Toronto, Random House of Canada Limited, 1997 (1978), p. 262 and 390.

9

Defense attorney Claude B. Cross concluded his opening statement by claiming that Chambers had stolen the Woodstock typewriter and then typed the documents himself between April 1938 and November 1948.

Ibid., p. 422.

10

Unbeknownst to the first jury, Chambers saw the farm for the first time with Hiss in 1935 who wished to purchase it for his wife Priscilla. When Hiss changed his mind, Chambers decided to buy it in 1937. The prosecution used the Westminster farm as a way to demonstrate the closeness between the two men (who would bring a stranger to view a property one was thinking of buying?). Ibid., p. 422-423.

11

Hede Massing corroborated Chambers‟ story that Hiss was part of the communist underground. Julian Wadleigh testified that Chambers‟ appearance had not changed significantly since the day he first met him 13 years prior; thus making Hiss‟ inability to recognize Chambers at the HUAC hearings an obvious stalling tactic. Ibid., p. 174.

12

The Hiss‟ had sublet their apartment to the Chambers‟ after moving to a new house. Ibid., p. 27-28.

13

(16)

demonstrated an avid interest in all aspects of the case while senators considered the details of the ordeal to measure its national and international impact. Party opinions were similar in both legislative houses. Whereas Democrats continued to doubt the severity of communist infiltration, Republicans used the case to their advantage to damage Truman‟s credibility, to gain seats in Congress and to win the next presidential elections.

HISTORIOGRAPHY

The study of American political history has evolved since the nineteenth century. According to Michael Kammen14, historians began to realize that the study of America‟s past was much more complex than was previously believed.15 It evolved in the 1970‟s and a new younger group began to scrutinize the intricacies of the subject. This new class replaced the older more distinguished scholars who had been preeminent until the 1960‟s. By the 1970‟s, academics were more analytical and descriptive and began to study sub-disciplines such as social and political history in addition to foreign relations.16 A „re-examination‟ of the field was done in the 60‟s and 70‟s. Whereas past studies focused on the wealthy, the newly invigorated method consisted of gaining a deeper understanding of the working class and their impact on significant events.17 Kammen‟s The Past Before Us includes a collection of essays by various historians who impart their own views on the field‟s recent changes. Allan Bogue‟s18 contribution entitled „The New Political History in the 1970‟s‟ is of particular interest to students of the U.S. political system. Structured as a historiographical account of American political history and its evolution in the 1900‟s, Bogue introduces the growing methodological trends of the 60‟s and 70‟s and the key areas of study of those adhering to the „new political history.‟19

For their part, Jean Heffer and François Weil explain that this „New History‟ sought to incorporate other disciplines; social history borrowed theories from sociologists and

14_{Michael Kammen, The Past Before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States, London,}

Cornell University Press, 1980, 524 p. Michael Kammen is Professor Emeritus of American History and Culture at Cornell University p. 508.

15_{Ibid., p. 20.}

16_{Ibid., p. 22, p. 30, p. 206 and p. 355.}

17_{Ibid., p. 24-25. By examining the working class in conjunction with the elite, historians were able to}

determine their influence on class systems and the human interaction between both groups.

18

Allan Bogue is Professor Emeritus of American History at the University of Wisconsin. Ibid., p. 505.

19

(17)

anthropologists, political history drew inspiration from political science, etc.20 Heffer and Weil‟s 1994 book Chantiers d’histoire américaine, gives the reader a French perspective of America‟s past. Like Kammen‟s collection of essays, Heffer and Weil have incorporated dissertations by different French authors in order to deliver what they believe is an unbiased rendition of the historical progression in the U.S.21 In particular, the chapter on the country‟s politics written by Jacques Portes and Catherine Pouzoulet reviews the various topics of interest emerging after the Second World War. These include debates regarding the Constitution between the “historiens progressistes […] [et les] historiens consensuels,”22 as well as the study of parties and the electorate.23

Steven M. Gillon‟s “The Future of Political History” published in 1997 in the

Journal of Policy History presents a similar opinion to that expressed by Heffer and Weil‟s

study. He admits that the field declined in popularity starting in the 1960‟s due to a generation dissatisfied with their political leaders and the way they chose to handle international conflicts such as the war in Vietnam.24 Nonetheless, Gillon points out that the last decade has seen a rise in the study of political history as scholars began to adapt ideas and methodologies according to those used by colleagues of other subdisciplines.25

Meg Jacobs‟ 2003 book entitled The Democratic Experiment: New Directions in

American Political History is one of the latest studies to examine the development of

America‟s political past. Expanding on what is expressed in Gillon‟s article, Jacobs‟ own contribution to the multi-authored volume describes a “revitalization of American political history”26 in which scholars of diverse specialties have come together to conceive two new methodological approaches: new institutionalism27 and sociocultural political history.28 In

20_{Jean Heffer et François Weil. Chantiers d’histoire américaine, Paris, Belin, 1994, p. 18-19.}

21_{Ibid., p. 15-16.}

22_{Jacques Portes et Catherine Pouzoulet, “Déclin et renouveau de l‟histoire politique,” dans Chantiers}

d’histoire américaine par Jean Heffer et François Weil, Paris, Belin, 1994, p. 93-94.

23_{Ibid., p. 97.}

24_{Steven M. Gillon, “The Future of Political History,” Journal of Policy History 9, 2 (1997), p. 241.} 25

Ibid., p. 249.

26

Meg Jacobs et al., The Democratic Experiment: New Directions in American Political History, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2003, p. 2.

27

New institutionalism examines the impact of institutions on events or certain situations. Like „old‟ institutionalism, the „new‟ method studies the effect of an institution on political matters. The evolution of political institutions as well as the belief that the state is an “autonomous actor” is also an integral part of this

(18)

comparison to the 1994 and 1997 works of Heffer, Weil and Gillon, Jacobs‟ The

Democratic Experiment contradicts previous fears of the subject‟s “intellectual death”29 and instead demonstrates that it was simply forced to evolve and work alongside other areas of study (social history, sociology and political science) in order to thrive.30

Since the 1980‟s several books and articles were published focusing their studies on the functions and dynamics of U.S. political parties and the structure of the executive, legislative and judicial branches (Mark D. Brewer, Jeffrey M. Stonecash, etc.).31 Thus, the importance of the United States Congress in our masters thesis has made the study of its historiography a necessity. Political scientists and historians alike have demonstrated a keen interest in the examination of America‟s bicameral chamber. Historians such as Roland Young32 and Ellen Greenberg33, scholars like Claire-Emmanuelle Longuet34 and political scientists like Edmond Orban35 have released helpful studies to introduce students to this crucial aspect of American government. Significant subjects in these books include the requirements for running a successful legislature, the selection of its members, the difference between House and Senate procedures and the evolution Congress has undergone since its creation by the founding fathers.

Since 2000, however, scholars have chosen to concentrate on more specific facets of the bicameral body. In “Five Factions, Two Parties: Caucus Membership in the House of Representatives, 1994-2002”, DeWayne Lucas and Ellen Dutchman take a closer look at the various factions within the House of Representatives and the way in which these

new methodological approach. David Brian Robertson, “The Return to History and the New Institutionalism in American Political Science,” Social Science History 17, 1 (1993), p. 2-3, 19-21.

28_{Ibid., p. 3.} 29

Ibid., p. 3.

30_{Ibid., p. 1-3.}

31_{For more information on American political history, see Mark D. Brewer and Jeffrey M. Stonecash‟s}

Dynamics of American Political Parties, New York, Cambridge University Press, 2009, 242p.; Stephen J.

Farnsworth‟s “Patterns of Political Support: Examining Congress and the Presidency” in Congress & the

Presidency 28, no. 1 (2001)

32_{Roland Young, The American Congress, New York, Harper & Row, Publishers, 1958, 333p.}

33_{Ellen Greenberg, The House and Senate Explained: The People’s Guide to Congress, New York, W. W.}

Norton & Company, 1996, 173p.

34_{Claire-Emmanuelle Longuet, Le Congrès des États-Unis, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1989,}

127p.

35_{Edmond Orban, Le système politique des États-Unis, Montréal, Presses de l‟Université de Montréal, 1987,}

(19)

divisions affect voting and disagreements within parties. Others have concentrated on the relations between the presidency and the legislature and the effect of public opinion regarding foreign policy in Congress.

Robert David Johnson‟s 2006 study entitled Congress and the Cold War is reminiscent of our own research topic. Starting in the mid-1940‟s, Johnson considers the way in which both the House and Senate responded to international and domestic issues during the Cold War period until its end with the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989. The power exerted by Congress in the post World War II years is presented as an anomaly but that the special circumstances of the Cold War forced politicians to take an active stand. Johnson‟s source material consists of the journals and archived papers of congressmen during the post War years.

American anti-communism has seen several trends since the early 1950‟s. Like the study of the Cold War, the traditionalist movement was prominent from the 1950‟s to the mid-1960‟s. Historian Marc J. Selverstone36 affirms that this first wave of anti-communist scholars treated the American Communist party as an ally of the Soviet Union and that their research rejected the legitimacy of the group because they [Communists] planned to corrupt the integrity of the very American organizations that supported their existence.37 Furthermore, revisionist scholars of the late 1960‟s to the mid-1970‟s focused their analysis on those who staunchly opposed communists. Members of this school of thought were firm believers that the „witch hunt‟ led by McCarthy38 was uncalled for in relation to the Communist party‟s role and impact on American society.39 There was also a third and

36_{Marc J. Selverstone, “A Literature so Immense: The Historiography of Anticommunism,” OAH Magazine}

of History (October 2010), p. 7-11.

37_{Ibid,. p. 7.}

38_{Senator Joseph R. McCarthy (Wisconsin) grew in prominence in 1950 with his crusade against}

communism. His famous speech to the Republican Women‟s Club in Wheeling, West Virginia on February 9th_{, 1950 during the Lincoln Day celebrations was the start of his dedication to the removal of „reds‟ in the}

United States. He claimed to have a list of 205 State Department employees working on foreign policy and known for being members of the Communist party. The number of communists on his list changed drastically as he travelled through the country delivering his impassioned speech. While effective in creating widespread hysteria, Klingaman explains that McCarthy‟s speech was simply a plagiarized version of one given by Nixon combined with testimony from the Senate Judiciary Committee and newspaper articles. He was eventually censured after repeated conflicts not only with members of the opposition, but his own party and the administration. The term „McCarthyism,‟ influenced by McCarthy‟s actions in the early 1950‟s, came to signify the communist witch hunt of the early cold war era. Klingaman ed., op. cit., p. 253-260.

(20)

fourth wave in anti-„red‟ historiography. The third generation, as characterized by Selverstone, began in the late 1970‟s and attained its peak by the end of the Cold War in the early 1990‟s. While this phase is said to have included „traditionalist‟ and „revisionist‟ aspects, most were severe in their analysis of anti-communism and its connection to U.S. political life and foreign policy.40 The fourth and final stage is said to be inspired by the end of the Cold War conflict. Archives previously closed to the public (European and Asian) were released, making a powerful impact on post World War II literature.41

Noteworthy historians include Athan Theoharis42, David Caute43, André Kaenel44 and Ellen Schrecker45. Athan Theoharis‟ Seeds of Repression takes an in-depth look at anti-communism and McCarthy‟s rise to prominence during Truman‟s administration. Using a vast amount of primary source material such as presidential papers, congressional committee files, debates presented in the Congressional Record along with articles from ten different newspapers, Theoharis begins by depicting the outbreak of the first Red Scare after World War I and thoroughly inspects the progression of the fear of communism until McCarthy‟s fall from grace during Eisenhower‟s presidency. While Truman‟s ascension is portrayed as a catalyst for the power McCarthy was able to wield, Eisenhower is represented as the antithesis; he is the reason for the Senator‟s downfall.46

David Caute‟s book The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge Under Truman

and Eisenhower portrays anti-communist sentiment in America during the early years of the

Cold War. Caute includes a vast array of sources such as interviews, newspapers, legal documents and court cases, biographies about spies like Elizabeth Bentley, Whittaker

40_{Ibid., p. 8.}

41_{Ibid., p. 8.}

42_{Athan Theoharis, Seeds of Repression: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of McCarthyism, Chicago,}

Quadrangle Books, 1971, 238p. and The Yalta Myths, Columbia, University of Missouri Press, 1970, 263p.

43_{David Caute, The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge under Truman and Eisenhower, New York,}

Simon and Schuster, 1978, 697 p.

44_{André Kaenel, Anti-Communism and McCarthyism in the United States (1946-1954): essays on the politics}

and culture of the Cold War, Paris, Éditions Messene, 1995, 189 p.

45_{Ellen Schrecker, “History in Red-and White and Blue,” Radical History Review 93, (2005), p. 159-169.}

Other articles and books by Ellen Schrecker include: “McCarthyism: Political Repression and the Fear of Communism,” Social Research 71, 4 (2004), p. 1041-1086. ; “Archival Sources for the Study of

McCarthyism,” The Journal of American History, (1988), p. 197-208. ; Cold War Triumphalism: The Misuse

of History After the Fall of Communism, New York, The New Press, 2004, 359 p. ; and with Maurice

Isserman, “The Rights‟ Cold War Revision,” The Nation, (2000), p. 22-24.

46

(21)

Chambers and Alger Hiss, congressional publications and movies to demonstrate the phenomenon that was the „Great Fear‟ in America.47

André Kaenel‟s Anti-Communism and McCarthyism in the United States

(1946-1954) is a collaborative study and includes historians such as Ellen Schrecker, Hartmut

Keil, Jean-Marie Bonnet and John G. Blair. The book follows a chronological structure with each scholar presenting key facts of the McCarthy period.48 Published in 1995, Kaenel states that McCarthyism remains a relevant and sensitive topic and evokes many to question historical interpretation and their national identities.49

Schrecker‟s expertise is demonstrated in her string of articles on anti-communism and McCarthyism, the majority of which have been published in the past decade. Her focus has been on representing the movement, its structure and the types of individuals that emerged during Senator McCarthy‟s popularity. She also exposes the intense apprehension of American citizens towards socialist ideals. They were under the impression that a Communist party member‟s dedication to the Kremlin inevitably meant espionage and betrayal.50

Other authors who have dedicated their time to the study of the effects of Soviet doctrine in the United States include Albert Fried whose 1997 book focused on the American government‟s actions during the red scare of the 1950‟s. Harvey Klehr and John Earl Haynes have contributed to the historiography with their interesting article on revisionist theories regarding the socialist ideological surge during the post War period. Still, Jennifer Delton‟s51 2010 article gives a different perspective then most on the battle against „red‟ infiltration. Her work, unlike Schrecker, has focused on anti-communist measures undertaken by liberals such as Truman‟s administration before the advent of conservatives like McCarthy and his radical methods of rooting out Soviet spies. Rather,

47_{Caute, op. cit.,}

48_{Ibid., p. 9-17.} 49

Ibid., p. 12.

50_Schrecker,_{loc. cit.,p.}_1051.

51_{Jennifer Delton, “Rethinking Post-World War II Anticommunism,” Journal of the Historical Society X, no.}

(22)

she concludes that historians should study the efforts of liberals during the red scare instead of always relegating these initiatives to the same category as McCarthyism.52

Scholars have been fascinated with subversive activity in the U.S. during the Cold War. The last decade has produced a large amount of books and articles by authors like John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr53, whose primary field of research include the American spy cases, the Venona cables54 and the rise of communist subversion in the United States. James M. Boughton‟s55 work focuses on another supposed Soviet spy named Harry Dexter White who was linked to Alger Hiss, Whittaker Chambers and Elizabeth Bentley. Kristie Macrakis,56 on the other hand, analyses the various styles of espionage in her 2010 article, demonstrating the simplicity of Soviet integration into the United States (since the U.S. was perceived by Soviet officials as an easily penetrable, open society).

Finally, historians have been captivated by the Hiss case since Whittaker Chambers uttered his first accusations in 1948. John Chabot Smith‟s57 book (published in 1976) on the debate presents a „pro-Hiss‟ attitude as he attempts to put forward the possibility of forgery by typewriter, one of the main tactics used by Alger‟s defense team. Contrary to Smith, Allen Weinstein‟s58 1997 Perjury:The Hiss-Chambers Case is seen by scholars as the most authoritative and accurate rendition of the scandal. While he does not broach congressional opinions on the proceedings, Weinstein‟s purpose is to expose the details of

52_{Ibid., p. 41.}

53_{Books and articles by these authors include: “Alexander Vassiliev‟s Notebooks and the Documentation of}

Soviet Intelligence Activities in the United States during the Stalin Era,” Journal of Cold War Studies 11, 3 (2009), p. 6-25.; Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America, New Haven, Yale University Press, 2009, 650 p.; Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1999, 487 p.;

Early Cold War Spies: The Espionage Trials That Shaped American Politics, New York, Cambridge

University Press, 2006, 251 p.

54_{The Venona cables are Soviet messages decrypted by the American government; they are said to reveal the}

culpability of many American spies, their code names and positions in government. See John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr, Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1999, 487 p.

55_{James M. Boughton, “The Case Against Harry Dexter White: Still Not Proven, History of Political}

Economy 33, 2 (2001), p. 219-239.

56_{Kristie Macrakis, “Technophilic Hubris and Espionage Styles during the Cold War,” Isis 101, 2 (2010), p.}

378-385.

57_{John Chabot Smith, Alger Hiss: The True Story, New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1976, 485 p.} 58_{Allen Weinstein became the 9}th_{Archivist of the United States in 2005 and leads the National Archives and}

Records Administration (NARA). See Perjury: The Hiss-Chambers Case, Toronto, Random House of

(23)

the controversy and trials to enable the reader to make their own assessment of Hiss‟ reliability. Interestingly, he explains the evolution of his own thoughts on the case while collecting data for Perjury. On one of his last meetings with Hiss, Weinstein recounts how he was compelled to admit that the emerging evidence had swayed his previous beliefs regarding Alger‟s innocence. According to Weinstein, the controversy still emits heated debates between both camps five decades after the fact. To Perjury‟s author, a positive or negative review of a book on the trials will never resolve the ongoing battle for the truth between Hiss‟ defenders and anti-communists.

Both Smith and Weinstein used credible sources in order to convey an authentic depiction of the ordeal. They were composed of interviews, case files, newspapers, transcripts of congressional committees and FBI files. Others, such as James Barros59 sought to draw connections between Hiss and other notable spies like Harry Dexter White and Canadian spy Igor Gouzenko. Although the evidence submitted during Hiss‟ trial has more than proven his guilt, there are still those who believe he was wrongfully convicted such as Kai Bird and Svetlana Chervonnaya‟s60 2007 article entitled “The Mystery of Ales: The Argument that Alger Hiss was a WWII-era Soviet Asset is Flawed: New Evidence Points to Someone Else.”

It is important to acknowledge Patrice Tremblay‟s61 2002 masters thesis entitled “La faillite du libéralisme et le consensus anticommuniste : l‟opposition au McCarthysme à la Chambre des représentants, 1950-1954.” The focus of his thesis is to demonstrate the House of Representatives‟ opposition to McCarthy and his anti-„red‟ crusade. Tremblay‟s use of the Congressional Record as one of his primary sources corroborates the significance of the congressional minutes in the examination of the opinions of representatives and senators. While he does include a section on the Hiss case in his first chapter, Tremblay‟s purpose is to use the incident as an example for the growing contempt for communism, the failure of liberalism and the eventual progression towards McCarthyism. In comparison, our subject studies the development of opinions in Congress in relation to the Hiss case, the

59_{James Barros, “Alger Hiss and Harry Dexter White: The Canadian Connection,” Orbis, (1977), p. 593-605.} 60_{Kai Bird and Svetlana Chervonnaya, “The Mystery of Ales: The Argument that Alger Hiss was a WWII-era}

Soviet Asset is Flawed. New Evidence Points to Someone Else,” American Scholar 76, 3 (2007), p. 20-35.

61_{Patrice Tremblay,}_{“La faillite du libéralisme et le consensus anticommuniste : l‟opposition au}

(24)

differences in party attitudes and the overall representation of Alger Hiss a decade after his conviction.

PROBLEM AND HYPOTHESIS

Our masters thesis will examine the United States Congress‟ opinions and attitude regarding Hiss‟ betrayal and subsequent perjury trials. We will also place further emphasis on the way Republicans used the scandal to dominate discussions in both legislative houses for the purpose of demoralizing and discrediting their opposition. Democrats, on the other hand, articulated two separate opinions based on their geographic locations. While those from the South62 expressed beliefs reminiscent of their Republican colleagues, Northern Democrats either ignored the issue completely or denied there was a problem. In addition, assessing congressional discussions from 1948-196063 will permit us to establish the evolution of the meaning of the Hiss case. The purpose of our time frame is twofold. First, we are not only able to analyze congressional reactions from the start of the HUAC hearings of 1948 to Hiss‟ eventual conviction in 1950 but the transformation and symbolism of the case in the decade following the guilty verdict as well. And second, Eisenhower‟s departure from the presidency coincides with the end of our time period. This allows us to analyze the change of opinions in Congress as the 20 year reign of two Democratic administrations comes to an end. We are able to observe the widespread change of party reactions during Eisenhower‟s administration from 1953 to 1961.

Therefore, our time period permits us to study the effects of two very different administrations. Both had individual impacts on the Cold War and influenced the sway of opinions in Congress. This being said, our hypothesis examines the shift of these opinions

starting in 1948 during the Truman presidency until the end of Eisenhower’s time in office.

62_{When referring to the South, we include the 11 states of the Confederacy: the seven lower states (Texas,}

Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia and South Carolina) and the states in the upper south (Arkansas, Tennessee, North Carolina and Virginia). Michael Perman‟s study explains that these 11 are generally accepted by all scholars as „Southern‟ states. Nonetheless, border states are often included to the original 11. For our purpose, we will take into account the influence of the Southern states on the opinions expressed by politicians of the border states (Missouri, Kentucky, West Virginia, Maryland and Delaware). See Michael Perman, Pursuit of Unity: A Political History of the American South, Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina Press, 2009, p. 1-3.

63_{It is important to note that though Eisenhower leaves the Presidency in January of 1961, we have only}

included debates in the Congressional Record until the end of the year 1960. While we have consulted January of 1961 for any mention of Hiss (there was none), we felt that ending our study at the end of 1960 with the impending end of President Eisenhower‟s time in office appropriate.

(25)

The beginning of the controversy is viewed as a betrayal of the highest order as well as a black mark on the Democratic party for their failure to remove the threat when Chambers came forward with his story in 1938. With the Hiss conviction and the progression of years, however, we see a gradual change in the way he is portrayed. While still personified as the ultimate American traitor, we will attempt to demonstrate that his deception and case has come to represent Soviet espionage during the Cold War period.

SOURCES

The primary source used for this thesis is the Congressional Record which is situated at the library of l‟Assemblée Nationale du Québec. The library has the

Congressional Record on microfilm beginning in 1933-1985 and 1989. The U.S.

Government Printing Office64 website has published the Congressional Record online from 1994 to present. As demonstrated by Richard J. McKinney in his article “An Overview of the Congressional Record and Predecessor Publications,” the Record is printed on a daily basis by the Government Printing Office (GPO).65 McKinney characterizes the Record as containing congressional floor proceedings. This includes debates, discussions, bills, committee reports and any other inclusions deemed important by members of the House and Senate.66 Any conversations, remarks or introduction of legislation is recorded and reproduced in book form. The Congressional Record is a crucial source to study as we are able to see exactly how and why the American government reacted to certain issues. Moreover, it permits historians to gain an inside perspective of the different measures taken by the American government to deal with key political concerns.

The following congressional sessions will be consulted for this masters thesis: the 80th (1947-1948), 81st (1949-1950), 82nd (1951-1952), 83rd (1953-1954), 84th (1955-1956), 85th (1957-1958) and the 86th (1959-1960). The 80th session will only be consulted starting in 1948-the year Alger Hiss is accused of subversive activity by Whittaker Chambers. Using the Congressional Record as our sole primary source is what brings originality to this thesis. Although many aspects of the Hiss case have been studied, authors such as Allen

64_{U.S. Government Printing Office. Congressional Record. http://www.gpoaccess.gov/crecord/index.html.} 65_{Richard J. McKinney, “An Overview of the Congressional Record and Predecessor Publications,” Law}

Library Lights, (winter 2002), p. 17.

(26)

Weinstein and John Chabot Smith have not used this fundamental source in their studies; choosing instead to base most of their research on the Hiss case files and FBI documents. Thus, by using the Record, this study will put emphasis on the reactions of the U.S. Government‟s legislative branch.

McKinney‟s “An Overview of the Congressional Record” illustrates the Record‟s growth over the years; that by 1970, 40 000 pages per session was a normal occurrence.67 These thousands of pages make manually searching through the Record illogical and extremely time consuming; thus, an index is provided for each year which permits a more efficient perusal. Keywords, names, places, events and bills are accompanied by page numbers for discussions and debates in the Congressional Record. Although the House of Representatives and Senate‟s speeches are published in separate sections, the index is not divided in this way. As a result, some topics or themes may have been discussed in greater detail in the Senate for example, but it is impossible to be positive until the pages specified are consulted.

Unfortunately, there is still a slight limitation to this primary source. As stated by Howard Mantel, the contents of the Record are not meant to be exact duplications of the speeches presented by congressmen68 even though it is reliable in depicting what happened in the House and Senate.69 The root of this disadvantage is described in Donald A. Ritchie‟s article “Beyond the Congressional Record: Congress and Oral History.” The problem is that senators and representatives are given the opportunity to review their dialogue after they have been delivered to their colleagues to make changes to them prior to publication in the Record.70 This editing most often takes place when a congressman wishes to censor a section that is damaging to his character or to change a passage that was stated poorly in the heat of debate on the House or Senate floors. Moreover, any comments made in conjunction with those of an associate cannot be altered to ensure the meaning of

67_{Ibid., p. 17.}

68_{Howard N. Mantel, “The Congressional Record: Fact or Fiction of the Legislative Process,” Western}

Political Quarterly 12, no. 4 (1959), p. 982.

69_{Ibid., p. 987.}

70_{Donald A. Ritchie, “Beyond the Congressional Record: Congress and Oral History,” Maryland Historian}

(27)

the conversation is not lost.71 This demonstrates that the discussions included in the Record are not always exact transcriptions of what was said. Be that as it may, these „corrected‟ debates and speeches still reflect the main ideas and opinions of the representatives and senators since they are the ones editing their own words. Consequently, it is a relatively accurate rendition of Congress‟ attitude towards the issues being considered. Finally, Tremblay72 and Belhumeur‟s73 use of the Congressional Record in their masters thesis has established the appropriateness of this source when studying congressional standpoints.

METHODOLOGY

The purpose of this study is to determine the responses of the U.S. Congress towards the Hiss case with an emphasis on Republican perspectives. We will explore the reactions of the members of the House and Senate, to see why various congressmen were more outraged than others and take note of the decisions that were made in conjunction with the Hiss accusations, trial and conviction. In order to efficiently appraise the congressional mindset, a qualitative method of research will be employed followed by content analysis. As defined in Alex Mucchielli‟s Dictionnaire des méthodes qualitatives en sciences

humaines et sociales, using a qualitative method of research during data retrieval allows us

to scrutinize and explain historic events.74 Thus, the main points of a text (debate or discussion in the case of the Congressional Record) must be taken into account before any in-depth inspection is performed.

Prior to our research in the Congressional Record, various themes based on our topic needed to be selected to facilitate a more efficient classification. Also, each phase of the Hiss ordeal was assigned to corresponding congressional sessions and in turn delineated the contents of our chapters. The 80th Congress covers the HUAC hearings (Chapter 1), the 81st Congress considers the period of both perjury trials and the conviction of January 1950 (Chapter 2), and the second half of the 81st Congress starting in February 1951 until the 86th Congress studies the aftermath and evolution of the case (Chapter 3). These categories

71_{Ibid., p. 7.}

72_{Tremblay, loc. cit.,} 73

Andréa Belhumeur, “Le débat au Sénat Américain entourant l‟adhésion des États-Unis à la cour permanente de justice internationale de janvier 1935,” mémoire de maitrise, Université Laval, 2007.

74_{Ibid,. p. 11 and Alex Mucchielli, Dictionnaire des méthodes qualitatives en sciences humaines et sociales,}

(28)

were used to ensure only relevant information was chosen from the Record. The key words consulted in the index to attain the appropriate debates and discussions included: Alger Hiss, Whittaker Chambers, communism, communists, subversion and House Un-American Activities Committee.

Using Microsoft Office OneNote, an extensive analytical journal was produced. A separate section was created for the House of Representatives and Senate by year for our time period (ex: 1948-House, 1948-Senate, 1949-House, 1949-Senate, etc.). A third section was included for the speeches in the Record‟s Appendix75 for each congressional period. Each section is also subdivided into various pages (by date of discussions). Each page (date) contains an analytical table into which key points of the relevant debates of the

Congressional Record are inserted. The fields of each column include the page numbers of

the discussion, the date, the speaker and state, their political affiliation, the subject and opinion expressed within their speech. There is a final column to insert any additional notes or impressions while reading the discussion. Although it may seem a lengthy process, a proper dissection of these debates is necessary in order to properly review the material. Once all data was inserted in the tables, the compilation of information was analyzed and used to establish our hypothesis.

It is very important to note the obvious difference in the amount of Democratic and Republican speeches throughout this masters thesis. The decline is most noticeable in Chapter 2 (the period of both perjury trials). Northern Democrats are relatively silent with the majority of speeches given by members of the Southern faction of their party. In comparison, Republicans dominate discussions in all three chapters. This lack of information in the Congressional Record is not an error in our research method but the Democratic party‟s reaction to the incriminating evidence revealed in both trials. Their silence seems to be an acknowledgement of the damage done to their party‟s reputation. As expounded in George A. Dondero‟s (Michigan) July 13th_{, 1949 speech, a Hiss guilty verdict}

75

The Congressional Record‟s Appendix is comprised of the inclusions (newspaper articles, legislation details, etc.) that could not be incorporated in the speeches of senators and representatives due to the time constraints during debates in the House and Senate.

(29)

is essentially a guilty verdict for the Democratic party, for the New Deal and for the Roosevelt and Truman administrations. 76

PLAN

As mentioned, our masters thesis is comprised of three chapters, focusing on the important phases of the Hiss case in chronological order. This distribution assists in demonstrating the evolution of party opinions and attitudes regarding the case in a concise and organized manner. Each chapter contains sub-sections starting with an examination of the reactions expressed in the House of Representatives followed by those within the Senate. The House appears first since it is more invested in discussing the case in large part because of its committee on Un-American Activities. Its members expose details of their hearings to put emphasis on the importance of their work; that without them, Hiss would not have been apprehended. While members of the Senate still debate the Hiss/Chambers scandal, they are less committed in light of their responsibilities in national affairs. An influx in senatorial discussions does occur in later years as members of the Un-American Activities Committee are elected to the upper house (most notable is Karl E. Mundt of South Dakota). Each party is studied individually in the House and Senate subsections. As a result of their minimal participation in the Congressional Record, the Democrats are viewed first. Those who do contribute are mostly from the South and emit Republican-like reactions to Hiss‟ betrayal. Their Northern brethren are either completely silent or in favor of Truman‟s „red herring‟ statement; that the fear of communist infiltration sweeping the nation is implausible. The Republican party is studied last in light of the overwhelming amount of speeches retrieved from the Record as well as to emphasize their dedication to the eradication of communism during our time period.

In Chapter 1: A Traitor in their Midst: Hiss, Chambers and the Conspiracy Revealed

to the House Un-American Activities Committee, 1948, we look at the initial attitude in

Congress as the details of Hiss‟ betrayal begin to unfold. While Northern Democratic disbelief is at an all time high, the HUAC hearings and subsequent libel suit validate Republican claims of Soviet infiltration. Chapter 2: Seeing Red: Congressional Reactions

to the Infamous Hiss Perjury Trials, May 1949-January 1950 studies the way in which

76

(30)

Republicans and Democrats responded to the emerging details of the case. Judge Samuel H. Kaufman‟s obvious favoritism for Hiss is of utmost importance in Congress in the first half of the chapter; it is used by the Republican opposition as further evidence of the executive‟s leniency towards communist ideology. In the second half, congressmen dedicate their time to the denunciation of Supreme Court Justice‟s as character witnesses and the injudicious remarks of Secretary of State Dean Acheson after the pronouncement of the guilty verdict in January 1950. Chapter 3: Alger Hiss, the New Benedict Arnold: His

Evolution from State Department Red Spy to Symbol of Cold War Treachery, 1950-1960

considers the aftermath of his conviction and the way in which opinions in Congress experience a gradual transformation over the following decade. The case is viewed less as an immediate threat to national security and is instead seen as a part of Cold War history; a lesson for future generations learning about the post War period. Finally, the conclusion will revisit the main points of this masters thesis in order to demonstrate the way in which the Alger Hiss case helped shape the Cold War period.

(31)

CHAPTER 1-A Traitor in their Midst: Hiss, Chambers

and the Conspiracy Revealed to the House Un-American

Activities Committee, 1948

Evidence of Soviet espionage initially gripped North America‟s attention with the emergence of the Gouzenko affair in Canada in 19451. Further proof of subversive activity surfaced after documents provided by Igor Gouzenko‟s defection leaked the identities of several strategically placed intelligence agents in the United States and Great Britain. The files alluded to a spy in a key role of the American government; assistant to the assistant Secretary of State. Furthermore, the information gathered claimed that the man had accompanied President Roosevelt to Yalta2. Although the material did not divulge any names, the detailed description of the position occupied by the Soviet agent seemed to point to a man named Alger Hiss.3 Canadian authorities notified the U.S. government regarding the suspected State Department employee however; nothing was done to apprehend the alleged traitor.

Thus, this chapter will focus primarily on the opinions of Democrats and Republicans in the House of Representatives and the Senate regarding the interrogations of Whittaker Chambers and Alger Hiss by the House Un-American Activities Committee. We will study their confrontation before the Committee and the libel suit that inevitably lead to

1

Though the Gouzenko scandal originated in Canada in 1945, it was only made public in the United States in 1946. Haynes and Klehr, op. cit., p. 48-57.

2_{The Yalta Conference was a February 1945 meeting between U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt,}

British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin for the purpose of discussing the future of Europe and Asia in the aftermath of the War. The Yalta Charter was an agreement between the three Great Powers in which they promised to help countries formerly under Nazi rule. The Charter specifically stated that all political and economic matters be solved in a democratic way and demanded that the citizens of the former occupied countries have the right to choose their form of government. Unfortunately, the Soviet Union did not take the Charter seriously and to conservative politicians, the Yalta Conference became synonymous with the loss of freedom of the Eastern European countries within the Soviet sphere. Klingaman ed., op. cit., “Yalta Conference,” p. 404.

3

Republican Senator William E. Jenner (Indiana) was a strong advocate of educating the American citizens regarding the dangers of adhering to communism which would inevitably lead to the loss of basic American civil rights. Regarding the Hiss-Chambers case, Jenner demonstrates the way in which Hiss has become a symbol of Soviet espionage in America when he states: “When we Americans think of the Red underground, we think of that news photograph we have all seen: Alger Hiss whispering to the dying Franklin Roosevelt at Yalta.” Congressional Record, May 14th_{, 1958: p. 8691.}

(32)

the divulgence that Hiss was not simply a strategically placed communist sympathizer in a high ranking government position, but a „red‟ spy.

By 1948, the growing hysteria of a Soviet takeover was consuming the United States.4 Though initial probes during the Second World War focused on fascist organizations, the Cold War and the fear of widespread communism gave the House Un-American Activities Committee a new target to chase. William O‟Neill refers to HUAC‟s members as a group of random politicians struggling for popularity and power.5 More often than not, their investigative methods were portrayed as lacking moral standards and their incessant search for „reds‟ in government often led to innocent people being wrongfully accused. The panel of representatives included Chairman J. Parnell Thomas (New Jersey), who would eventually be convicted for salary fraud, John E. Rankin (Mississippi), whose comments in the House were often infested with racism and bigotry6 and Karl E. Mundt, who demonstrated an extreme dedication to the capture of subversives. The newest member, Richard M. Nixon (California), used the Alger Hiss accusations by Whittaker Chambers in August 1948 as a way to reinstate the Committee‟s reputation and to propel himself into the political limelight.

Although HUAC was actively trying to find and convict Soviet agents, Representatives Mundt and Nixon were simultaneously trying to pass a law in the House that would impair underground communist activity. This new legislation, entitled the

4

A Soviet invasion was perceived as a real possibility by 1948 after the „coup de Prague‟ in February followed by the Berlin Blockade in June. To many U.S. government officials, their inability to prevent the „coup de Prague‟ was considered a serious failure. Igor Lukes‟ “The 1948 Coup d’État in Prague Through the Eyes of the American Embassy” gives a detailed rendition of the months leading up to the communist coup in Prague. While British and French ambassador‟s in Czechoslovakia were well aware of the rising tensions between democrats and communists, American ambassador Laurence A. Steinhardt was absent for most of his time in office. His reports to the State Department were devoid of any mention of political crisis.

Unfortunately, he was misinformed by his Chargé d’Affaires, John H. Bruins (in Czechoslovakia at the time) who was unaware of any upheaval and instead reassured the ambassador that the democrats would win the upcoming elections (any issues that arose were brushed aside and thought to be rumours). By February 20th_,

democrats were resigning from their posts in government claiming that their opponents “were preparing a dictatorship.” Two days later, armed soldiers patrolled the streets of Prague, citizens were banned from traveling and communist committees had taken over aspects of everyday life in the city (enterprises, media, etc.). The „coup de Prague‟ and the Berlin blockade legitimized the fear of a communist takeover in the United States. Igor Lukes, “The 1948 Coup d’État in Prague Through the Eyes of the American Embassy,”

Diplomacy & Statecraft 22, 2011, p. 431-442.

5

Kirkendall ed. op. cit., p. 162.

6

(33)

Subversive Activities Control Bill, or H.R. 58527, is outlined by Klingaman as prohibiting a foreign power from taking any kind of political control in the U.S.8 The bill would force the Communist party to register its members with the Department of Justice9 as well as ensure that all propaganda be labeled to notify readers of its controversial contents. Consequently, fear of communism was a part of Cold War culture in 1948 and was widely discussed by civilians and politicians alike. Although many would profess that there was no imminent danger to the American way of life, it is this tense atmosphere that would make the Hiss/Chambers controversy one of the biggest spy scandals in United States history.

The path towards communism: Alger Hiss and Whittaker Chambers

Alger Hiss was born on November 11th, 1904 in Baltimore. Allen Weinstein‟s

Perjury: The Hiss-Chambers Case informs us that his father, Charles Alger Hiss, had been

unemployed and charged with supporting not only his own family, but his deceased brother‟s six children as well.10 In his desperation, he committed suicide in 1907 and left his wife, Mary, with the responsibilities he was unable to fulfill.11 Though widowed, she was determined to give her children the kind of upbringing they deserved. John Chabot Smith‟s Alger Hiss: The True Story illustrates her intense devotion to Alger and his siblings by depicting her daily activities and long hours of work managing her household; she spent many evenings making her own clothes and ensuring her children‟s wardrobes were well mended and pressed.12 She volunteered in their community, started a „Mother‟s Club‟ and took part in other groups which essentially taught her family the importance of aiding local charities and organizations.13

7

H.R. 5852 is also referred to as the Mundt-Nixon Bill; named for its two authors. Congressional Record, June 19th_{, 1948: p. A4403.}

8_{Klingaman ed., op. cit., p. 270.} 9

All official political parties must register their members with the Justice Department. Therefore, having the Communist party register its members would not only give the government access to the names of

communists in the United States, but also force the Communist party to behave like a real political party of the United States; ensuring that no foreign power has control over the American Communist party‟s political decisions. Congressional Record, May 14th_{, 1948: p. 5849.}

10

Weinstein, op. cit., p. 64.

11_{Ibid., p. 64.} 12

Smith, op. cit., p. 35.

13

(34)

Fortunately, the loss of his father did not prevent Alger from growing into a successful young man. After high school, he enrolled at Johns Hopkins and participated in several extracurricular activities (editor of the school newspaper, president of various clubs and was part of numerous sports teams). Following the completion of his B.A. in political science (1926),14 he was accepted into Harvard Law School and thrived under the tutelage of Felix Frankfurter15. Regrettably, Alger‟s early adult life was marked by more tragedy with the death of his older brother Bosley in 1926 from Bright‟s disease16 and the suicide of his sister Mary Ann in 192917. Soon after graduating from Harvard Law School, he began a one year internship as clerk to Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. and married Priscilla Fansler Hobson shortly after assuming his new post18.

His career began to flourish after he was married. In 1930, he took a job with a Boston law firm, Choate, Hall and Stewart. The Hiss‟ moved to New York in 1932 and Alger commenced work for Cotton and Franklin19. It is during this crucial period of the Depression that the young couple began to explore socialism. Weinstein depicts Alger‟s introduction to the writings of Karl Marx and his newfound preoccupation for labor law while Priscilla became dedicated to humanitarian work linked to Socialist organizations20 and her eventual membership in the Socialist Party in 1930. She volunteered periodically and often brought her husband to several meetings. By 1934, they relocated to Washington for Alger‟s new job in the Agricultural Adjustment Administration; part of Roosevelt‟s New Deal initiative. His work in the AAA was followed by four months as part of the Nye Committee.21 At the end of his contract, he found a job with the Justice Department which

14_{Klingaman ed., op. cit., p. 173.}

15_{Felix Frankfurter was appointed to the Supreme Court by president Roosevelt in early January of 1939, was}

unanimously accepted on the 16th_{and took his oath of office on January 30}th_{. Liva Baker, Felix Frankfurter,}

New York, Coward-McCann, Inc., 1969, p. 206-211.

16_{Bright‟s disease is described in Weinstein‟s Perjury as “a degenerative kidney ailment, […] malignant and}

crippling.” Weinstein, op. cit., p. 67.

17 Ibid., p. 68. 18 Ibid., p. 69. 19_{Ibid., p. 84-85.} 20 Ibid., p. 85. 21

The Nye Committee was a senatorial committee chaired by Republican Senator Gerald Nye (North Dakota). This Committee was charged with investigating the impact of munitions manufacturers in the U.S. and abroad on American policy during and after the First World War. Alger Hiss accepted a position as part of the legal staff for the Nye Committee in 1934. See Allen Weinstein and Alexander Vassiliev, The Haunted Wood:

(35)

kept him in frequent contact with the Assistant Secretary of State, Francis B. Sayre (who had also been Hiss‟ professor at Harvard Law School). Although earning a handsome wage, Alger became interested in a job opening as Sayre‟s assistant in the State Department.

Whereas Hiss‟ upbringing was filled with family outings and religious activities to supplement the void of his father‟s passing, Whittaker Chambers‟ childhood was drab, with no theological beliefs and a distant father who chose to forgo his parental duties. Jay Vivian Chambers, later known as Whittaker Chambers22, was born on April 1st, 1901 to Jay Chambers and Laha Whittaker Chambers. Unfortunately, his parent‟s relationship was nowhere near perfect, creating a constant atmosphere of fear and discontent during Whittaker‟s early years. The eventual separation of his parents, though welcome for the absence of fighting, is depicted by Weinstein as an apprehensive period of time for Whittaker and his younger brother Richard.

Smith‟s The True Story demonstrates Laha‟s unwavering strength in spite of the fact that she was left with the care of two young children after the departure of her husband. Jay‟s refusal to contribute financially forced her to use creative means to provide for her family; she baked goods, grew vegetables in her garden and raised chickens to sell for profit.23 Though Jay eventually returned, he isolated himself in a separate bedroom and was unsuccessful in reaching out to his two sons who, out of loyalty to their wronged mother, were compelled to dislike him.

Even though the early years of Whittaker‟s childhood were wrought with distress emanating from his parents‟ failed marriage, he grew up in a household dedicated to the arts. When referring to Laha and Jay, Whittaker exclaimed that they were “the intellectuals of that period.”24 Religion held no place in their home and instead focused on languages, literature and fine art. Weinstein makes reference to Whittaker Chambers‟ book Witness in which he depicts the fact that Les Miserables by Victor Hugo taught him about Christianity and political upheaval. To Chambers, revolution was a logical reaction for those in despair

22_{While Chambers‟ real name is Jay Vivian, we will always refer to him as either Whittaker or Chambers}

since it is how he was known during our time period.

23

Smith, op. cit., p. 312-313.

24

Soviet spies and the fear of communism in America : reactions of Congress to the Alger Hiss Case, 1948-1960