JEFAD/ERDEA/1990/17
UNTEED NATIONS
ECQHQMIC COMMISSION
FOlfAFRICA
FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION OF THE UNITED NATIONS
EVALUATION OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCES IN AFRICA
THE CASE OF SIERRA LEONE By
B.P.JOSIAH
un: _,
630(684.1)
063
Workshop on Planning and Implementation Techniques for Participatory Rural Development in Africa
November 19 24. 1990 EGA
i^ A
ECA/FAO - ERDEA : SIERRA LEONE STUDY
RURAL DEVELOPMENT EXPERIENCES IN SIERRA LEONE1
1. BACKGROUND
Sierra Leone has an area of about 71,740 km2 and a population of 3.2 million growing at 2.7 per cent per
annum. Agriculture contributed 30 per cent to Gross Domestic Product (GDP), but was the principal source of livelihood for about 70 per cent of the population. The main food crops were rice, cassava, yam and other root crops while coffee, cocoa and palm kernels were the most important agricultural exports. The country imported 15 to 20 percent of its rice requirements, supplemented by food aid. Minerals, particularly diamonds, were the most important exports with manufactured goods, food and fuel making the bulk of the imports.
There was a very iow level of social development with high rates of illiteracy (80 to 85 per cent), infant mortality between 160 and 200 per thousand lives births and life expectancy about 42 years. Average per capita income was about US$320 in 1981. This was unevenly distributed. It was estimated that 63 per cent of the ruia!
population existed below the absolute poverty line of US$75.
1.1. Economic Trends
Although there were deficiencies in available data since 1981, the broad trends of declining GDP, increasing imbalances in payments and accelerating inflation were clear from both official data and estimates made by the World Bank. The resulting shortage in foreign exchange led to increasing scarcity of and rapidly rising prices for consumer goods and a progressive fr.ll in value added in manufacturing and other non agricultural sectors.
GDP and investment, Although GDP appeared to rise at 20 per cent per annum, at constant 1972/73 prices with population increasing at over two per cent per annum, real GDP per capita declined. Gross investment in both public and private sectors also fell during the 1980s.
External trade and balance of payments. Between 1979/80 and 1983/84, both exports and imports were on a rapid downward trend which was due to the fall in value of both mineral and agricultural exports. In 1983/84, there was a further reduction in imports due to the restrictive fiscal policies adopted by the government as part of the economic stabilization programme which accompanied a World Bank loan. Both trade and balance of payments showed large deficits during this period.
Income and cons 'rnption Between 1978 and 1985 there was a more than eight fold increase in
prices in Freetown. Salar.es and wages had not kept pace with these increases. The purchasing power of salaries of the lowest paid government employees in 1985 was 52 per cent of that in 1978; the corresponding figure for tio highest paid was only ?5 per cent. Disparities in incomes were very hign, particularly in urban areas. As a re; uit of the World Bank recor, struction programme, prices of essential commodities soared. The consumer had to carry
1. Summary taken from: Evaluation of Rural Development Experiences in Sierra Leone: A Consultancy Report submitted to FAO UN/ECA,
by Dr. Braima P. Josiah, Research Consultant, Njala University College, July, 1990.
the burden of the increased exchange rate, while his buying power, and hence economic and social well-being declined sharply. Poverty and hardship had increased in both urban and rural areas. People had been forced to change their eating habits, depriving themselves of basic protein, and even one meal a day was becoming a luxury for many people.
Causes of the adverse economic trend. Overall production in both mining and agriculture declined sharply between 1979/80 and 1983/84. Fiscal policies prevented the payment of prices high enough to provide incentives for increasing production. The scarcity of foreign exchange also limited the import of fertilizers and other essential inputs for agriculture and other sectors. Much machinery and transport equipment was idle for lack of spare parts.
The adverse effects of an over valued exchange rate on development had been considerable. It had depressed official agricultural exports and encouraged the development of parallel market operations for agricultural products and minerals. The parallel market undermined any efforts made by the government to increase agricultural production despite large inputs of finance and trained manpower.
1.2. Environment
Deforestation and land use. The once abundant forests of Sierra Leone were estimated to cover only 4 per cent of the total land area.There were few stands of commercially exploitable timber left. Soil erosion had affected large areas. It was also increasingly difficult to meet the needs for fuel wood for the towns.
Traditional agriculture followed a bush-fallow cycle which was often shortened from 10 to 7 or even 5 years.
Farmers were being encouraged to move from upland rice to improved methods of swamp rice cultivation to release pressure on the bush-fallow and reduce soil degradation. Alley farming was also being investigated as another means of meeting the needs of the people for both food and forest products. Other projects for increasing the availability of forest products included:
Consolidating existing plantations;
Reviving the original target of planting 1,000 acres (? hectares) a year; and, Establishing firewood plantations near urban centres and woodlots near villages.
There was also a move to formulate (and implement) an integrated and systematic approach to land evaluation in the country. This would need support through the formulation of a national environmental policy and appropriate legislation for its effective implementation.
Land resources. About 75 per cent of the country was considered cultivatable but only about 10 per cent was put into crops each year.
Land holding rights seemed to have originated with first cultivation and the area controlled by a family was commensurate with the area of virgin forest cleared by the family's ancestors.
Male members of an extended family had inalienable rights to family 'and which could never be revoked. A female member lost her rights when she married as her direct access to land for farming was through her husband.
However she coufd 'beg' land from her own family. Generally preference fcr land was given to men as they had to provide for their households. The head of Jne extended family - usually the eldest male member - protected and allocated land to members for farming. Norrially, the intent to cultivate a piece of land was made known to the family head who then judged its suitability and, if the fallow was mature enough and there were no other claims, the right to cultivate was usually granted. .
There was a view that customary lar.d tenure was one of the main constraints to agricultural development.
During the 1980s, individual ownership was becoming a common feature in rural areas with outright sale or transfer
of land for farming after bargaining with land owners and the chiefs. It will have to be seen whether or not this leads to absentee landlordism and all its attendant ills.
1.3. Education
The UNESCO Conference of African Ministers of Education in 1961 agreed that: i) the target date for achievement of six years of compulsory primary education should be 1981; and ii) the secondary school intake should represent at least 30 per cent of those completing primary school. The government's efforts leave much to be desired.
Only about 25 per cent of the population was literate. The adult literacy rate reached 38 and 21 per cent for males and females, respectively, in 1985. The government itself had no primary schools. Enrolment reached 40 per cent by 1978 and was skewed in favour of males. By 1982, primary enrolment was 40 per cent in contrast to 57.7 per cent for other low income countries and 61.7 per cent for middle income countries south of the Sahara.
Enrolment in secondary and higher education was comparatively better, but growth in teacher, technical and vocational education was slower than anticipated. From the 1970s the quality of education fall rapidly due to under- funding, under-staffing and grossly inadequate supplies and facilities.
1.4. Employment/Unemployment
By 1985, the economically active population reached almost 1.4 million, having grown by 2.1 per cent per annum since 1980. Employment figures for establishments with six or more workers for the same year were 69.4 thousand. The general picture was that employment figures had stagnated since 1980 and actually fell below 60 thousand in 1987.
There were no comprehensive statistics for unemployment. The number of job seekers rose dramatically in 1986 when the structural adjustment programme caused excessive numbers of daily wage workers to be laid off. Unemployment in urban areas varied between 9 and 16 per cent while that for rural areas was less than 1 per cen\ Very few people in rural areas were completely without work and the unemployed tenced to migrate to urban areas in the hope that the job situation would be better there. In practice, they just added to the ranks of the urban unemployed. Many of the migrants were educated males 15 to 34 years old, 75 per cent of whom joined the labour force. Of female migrants, only 25 per cent were able to join the labour force. Remittances of urban incomes to rural areas could sometimes be significant.
1.5. Health
Health services were mainly the responsibility of the government. Distribution was skewed in favour of the western province where the capital, Freetown, was located. The hospital bed to population ratio was 1:349 in the western area rising to 1:1431 in the Eastern province. Similar skewing existed for doctors, dentists and other health personnel. Proper use of the existing staff was severely impeded by the lack of adequate basic facilities and essential equipment, as well as poor salaries which were often delayed in payment. The poor state of the health services was reflected in the basic statistics on the health status of the population given in the introduction to this background.
In 1983, UNICEF estimated that 22 per cen of the population, mostly in towns, had access to safe water.
Only 2 per cent of the rural population was serve'1- by safe water supply systems. However many urban centres also contained slums and shanty towns without ar-y facilities for sewage, lighting and piped water.
Rural areas were receiving assistance from various sources to improve their water supplies. Experience indicated, however, that sustained improvement of the rural water supply situation could only be attained and sustained if the local people were involved at all stages of the project.
1.6. Agricultural development support services
Food production. After 1970, growth in food production fell behind population growth. Deterioration was mo-e rapid after 1980 declining 3.7 percent per year between 1979/80 and 1981/82. During the same period rice production fell 15 per cent and purchases of coffee and cocoa by the government declined by about 40 and 4 percent, respectively.
Despite the bad situation at the end of the 1980s, there was considerable agricultural potential in the country.
Swamp rice production with improved technology had good potential on coastal and riverine fiats, and even in inland valley swamps. Less than 10 per cent of the one million hectares of swamp land suitable for agricultural use had been developed. About 50 per cent of the tree crop potential remained untouched giving about 0.1 million hectares suitable for further tree crop development. Potential also existed in other sub-sectors - livestock, fishing and forestry. The recovery of the country depended on the agricultural sector.
Machinery services and mechanization. Labour, not land, was the main constraint on agricultural production in Sierra Leone. However, efforts to introduce different levels of mechanization had had little success.
The Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries had introduced a tractor fleet but its operation had been impeded by numerous problems - not least the lack of fuel and spare parts. By the end of the 1980s this service had been privatized.
Use of animal traction was hindered by the prevalence of tsetse fly over much of the country. Research into use of the indigenous N'clama cattle showed that, with specifically designed equipment, these cattle could be used for tillage and transportation. This programme was being expanded.
Trials had shown that small scale power tillers could be used for cultivating swamp rice. Consideration was being given to channelling agricultural credit through dealers for purchase of these tillers by rice farmers.
Inputs. Inputs for small holders were handled by the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, International Agricultural DevelopmentProgrammes and private companies. However, since 1984, the shortage of foreign exchange had drastically limited imports. Data on current use of fertilizer were not available. Improved seed and other planting stock were produced by a number of institutions as well as farmers selected through projects and/or for their recognized level of expertise.
Credit. At the time of writing, the main sources of agricultural credit were the International Agricultural Development Projects, private money lenders and the banks. Credit was also available through commercial services which gave the credit as inputs (fertilizer, insecticide, tools) and cash for hired labour. Interest rates were currently 20 per cent per annum for season loans and 15 per cent for development loans to both individuals and groups Loan recovery under this system had not been satisfactory.
A workshop in 1978 proposed the development of a rural banking network. The rural banks would be local institutions receiving deposits and making loans within a limited geographical area. By 1990, four such banks had been established but data on their operations were not made available to the national consultant.
No comprehensive data on agricultural credit after 1970/71 was wailable when this report was prepared It is suggested that this data cannot represent the current situation bece'jse of the greatly depressed condition of the economy at the end of the 1980s compared to 1970/71.
1.7. Rural organizations and participation
Cooperative societies. These societies were started in 1948 under the colonial regime. Initially they were produce-marketing societies which proliferated to such an extent that a marketing federation was formed in 1959.
Thrift and Credit societies were set up in the early 1960s. They were mostly concerned with marketing farmers' produce, and providing inputs and credit to members. By 1971, there were 916 registered cooperative societies with a total membership of 34,811 persons (33,609 men and 1,202 women). Each society centred on aspecific product or trade.
Cooperatives started to decline after the mid 1960s. This was due to many problems, the main ones being administrative, political interference, non-payment of loans, and financial malpractices by the staff, tn the early 1980s agricultural issues were discussed at a number of meetings, such as those of the Agricultural Society of Sierra Leone. Thus, in 1984/85, a National Farmers' Association was formed in order to vent farmers' grievances and seek better policies to improve their conditions. As a result of meetings of this association, spontaneous farmer self-help organizations were formed aimed at cutting out middle men in marketing and getting the best price for their goods for the farmers. This gave a new lease of life to the idea of cooperatives.
Self-help organizations. The groups were formed following a presidential call for all Sierra Leoneans to engage in nation-building through self-help and self-reliance. The members of the groups took part in community development projects such as building feeder roads and bridges, community markets and health centres. Some of these groups dissolved as soon as a certain task was completed while others took on a more permanent character. The impact of these groups on rural development in general has yet to be seen. However.one such group is the subject of the first case study reported here.
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2. CASE STUDY 1 - THE MARAMPA DEVELOPMENT MOVEMENT (MDM)
General. The Marampa Development Movement started in 1976 as the Marampa/Masimera Development Union. Its formation had been attributed to Hon. Alhaji Musa Kabia, presently Minister of Rural Development.Social Services and Youth. The Movement covered the whole of Port Loko East constituency of about 50,000 inhabitants living in 141 villages and the town of Lunsar with a population of 16,000. The town used to be an iron ore mining centre. Anyone could join the Movement as long as they were interested in the development of the area. The main aim was to achieve improved living standards for the people through income generating activities. The revenue of the Movement came from a variety of sources including membership dues, annual subscriptions, grants, gifts, and fund raising activities.
Organizational structure and participation. The Movement had a three-tiered structure * village/town, section and chiefdom levels. At the grassroots, every village had a committee of 5 men and 2 women. Two of these (1 man and 1 woman) represented the community on the section committee. In turn, each section sent a representative to the committee at the chiefdom level. This organizational system was also used for political activities-
Village and section committees met each week and the executive once every two months. All matters were intensively discussed before decisions were made. However, full participation in the Movement was hampered by its political base. The Movement was backed by the present member of parliament who had ousted the previous incumbent. This had alienated the supporters of the previous MP.
Activities of the Movement. The Manager and Assistant Manager were responsible for alt projects of the Movement. The male and female officials organized their respective sexes for developmentwork.
Agriculture. The main aim was to make the area self sufficient in food, particularly rice. Except around the town, there was generally enough land to cultivate. Tests were carried out by the Ministry to determine soil fertility and suitability for the various crops. Farmers had been made aware of good soil conservation practices. Most turned to using compost, manure and ashes of burnt rice husks rather than fertilizer on their garden plots. The rice crop was followed by legumes, maize or vegetables before another rice crop was sown. Both sexes cultivated rice, cassava, groundnut and sweet potato while okra, hot peppers, eggplant and other vegetables were purely women's crops. The income from these crops belonged to the women farmers and they had full control over its use.
To improve rice cultivation, the Movement established a communal farm to serve as a centre for multiplication of seed and seedlings as weli as demonstrate improved practices. Three tractors owned by the Movement were hired out to farmers at reasonable fees which covered all operations - ploughing, harrowing and seed sowing. The Movement also obtained and distributed inputs to the farmer groups.
There was an acute shortage of labour after the mining operations closed and many of the labourers migrated cr turned to farming. Work groups sponsored by the Movement hired out their labour at minimal cost.
Women farmers were assisted by the Movement hiring older womento look after their children while they were at work in their fields.
In 1986, the Movement built a rural bank to provide credit facilities in the area. After the bank was commissioned, large and small scale businesses, farmers and petty traders were encouraged to become share holders. To get a loan, the applicant must have done business with the bank for five or six months and be involved in some k!nd of income generating activity. The genuiness of the application was also vetted before the loan was granted. Agricultural loans carried an interest of 26 percent and those for commercial activities '^ to over 35 per cent. About 3.5 million Leone was disbursed in 1989 and there was a hundred per cent recovery rate. In 1990, it was expected that as much as eight million Leone would be disbursed.
Marketing was facilitated by the Movement constructing feeder roads and bridges, storage facilities in each section and markets in some of the bigger villages and towns. Each village had a representative responsible for collecting and selling farm products. However, part of the produce was stored to be sold in the rainy season when food normally became short and prices rose, and to be used to get seed rice. Most of the produce was sold to petty traders so the problem of middle-men exploiting the farmers was not eliminated.
Education. By 1990, the Movement had built eight primary schools and offered 22 scholarships to primary and secondary pupils. Members of the Movement were given literacy classes and also received training in basic health and income generating activities. This had been done in liaison with the various extension services.
Health. Health services were concentrated in the chiefdoms' headquarters town. The Movement built three additional health centres and also extended the Lunsar Health Centre. Toilet and wells were also constructed. These services were also available to neighbouring chiefdoms. The Vice Chairman of the Movement was in charge of the health component of the organization. Under him proper sanitation rules and regulations were issued and applied.
As a result, there was mugjv#B»rovement to general sanitation and health.
Social and cultural activities. The Movement helped financially and morally in the building and refurbishment
of both mosques and churphgs. All iestivals, whether Islamic or Christian, were well patronized. Traditional crafts and arts were supported as vyere sports activities for the youth.
Mini projects and social services Each mini project undertaken had a women's cornponent. The women
were taught skills and the wcorries generated from these activities were pooled and given out on a need basis to
be repaid with some interest. These projects had helped women increase their participation in the Movement and
also play more active roles in the society.
Providing social services had become the responsibility of the Movement. Periodic meetings were held to monitor and assess problems, identify services or needs and translate government policies to the people. One aim was to reduce out-migration of young able-bodied men. A model village with all the basic services found in urban centres was established. It was yet to be seen if this approach would reduce the migration of young men to urban
areas.
Assessment of the impact of the Movement. Although not given by the national consultant, the report can be used to assess the effect of such a self-help organization on rural development.
Growth. Overall, the impression given was one of positive growth in the area covered by the Movement. Both income and standard of Irving improved for the majority of the inhabitants of the area.
Equity. Because the Movement had a strong political base, it coutd not involve anyone who Crime from another political persuasion. This excluded rather a large number of the inhabitants from enjoying the benefits of the Movement. However, within those who could accept the political outlook of the Movement's founder, there was no discrimination by either sex
Institutional effectiveness. The Movement established a structure which involved all levels of community found in the area- village/town, aewtion, chiefdom. Repiesentation was carried through from village committees to the central committee of the Movement. Senior officials of the Movement also played active roles in seeing that various programT.es were effectively carried out.
Sustainability. The strong rjoHticarbase of the Movement was its weakest feature. The Movement would only be sustained if the founder maintained his political position. In the past, when his rival had been in power, the Movement had had to be dissolved.
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3. CASE STUDY 2 - PEOPLE'S PARTICIPATORY PROJECT IN PUJEHUN DISTRICT 3.1. Background
The People's Participatory Project (PPP) in Pujehun district was started in August 1982 with technical support from FAO and financial support from the government of the Netherlands. Its target was the rural poor. These were defined as:
"... below average small farmers, fishermen and agricultural labourers who for some reasons do not take advantage of or benefit from existing government programmes for agricultural and rural development, i.e. those who have no effective access to production inputs and services such as credit, extension, marketing, farm inputs, land, etc."
The project area was in southern Sierra Leone with a population of 107,750 spread over 12 chiefdoms. The people were mainly occupied in upland rice cultivation and/or fishing. The area was chosen for its generally low level of development compared to its resources. The project started in 40 villages but was continued in 36 from 6 different chiefdoms.
The main aims of the project were to:
a) Improve the Irving situation of poor male and female farmers through the promotion of self help organizations;
b) Promote a spirit of cooperation and group self-reliance arrong the rural people instead of individual action; and
c) Focus on helping the rural poor gain access to the supplies, inputs and services of existing programmes, whether government, NGOs or private.
These aims were spelt out in a series objectives.
Structure and approach. The project was run by a Project Coordinator and his secretariat. It was managed through local and national implementation committees with the Project Coordinator as the link.
Participation. The project saw participation in terms of previously excluded groups making contact with, and ultimately having some influence on existing delivery services. The first stage would be the build up the economic base of the rural poor for a more positive involvement in the development process. This had three components:
a) The formation of homogenous groups to be the recipients of inputs and to undertake group income generating activities;
b) The training of group promoters to give basic training and advice to the groups; and c) The provision of inputs to support the income generating activities.
The group promoters were local people .,i,o were trained and prepared to live for two to three years at village level. Each group promoter was in charge of a cluster of three to six villages. Their#contact within each village was the village facilitator.
The group promoters helped identified disadvantaged families to form groups. Each group was responsible for electing its officials and decio'ng on its income generating activity. By 1983, 94 groups had been formed. This had dropped to 80 by 1984 anc' 69 by 1986, but then rose to 76 of which 21 were made up of women only and 55 were mixed. The number in a group varied between 10 and 80 with a quite rapid change of membership (in some groups). Despite the large size and changes in membership, group cohesion and interaction within and
between groups was maintained. The groups from a cluster of five villages had formed an association to obtain more support for its members.
Many groups were involved in food crop production. Vegetable gardening was the prerogative of women's groups while other crops were produced by mixed groups. The crops included upland and swamp rice, cassava, groundnut and potato. Where the necessary inputs, including improved seed, were made available marked improvements in yields were reported. The groups owned the farms and the entire harvest was at their disposal.
Soap making was the prerogative of women's groups. In spite of a high price for oil, all groups involved in soap making showed improvements during the time of the project.
Group fishing was a failure with all groups formed around fishing disintegrating within fifteen months. The main problems were administrative and logistic support. At the time of reporting, an attempt was being made to restart group activities based on fishing but this time to emphasize fish processing.
Some groups undertook community development activities. A store, bridge, school and health centre were built in six villages. Six groups also bought a gari grater to improve the processing of cassava.
Project support for the groups. The project assisted the groups in four ways:
a) Group promoters helped groups hold meetings, organize their work, plan activities, solve problems, plan community development and keep records.
b) Technical assistance to improve production was given by specialized technicians as well as the group promoters. Project staff also organized special training workshops and demonstrations.
Marketing/credit supervisors gave information about inputs and sales of produce.
c) Initial inputs to get group activities started were supplied at cheap rates by the project. Repayment was timed for after harvest with food crops or after three months of production with soap making. Interest was 25 per cent in kind or 12 per cent in cash. All repayments went into the Projects Revolving Fund at Barclays Bank and this fund was used to supply further loans.
d) Literacy classes were held in seven villages. The classes were mostly attended by men. Although several members were taught to read and write, improvement in literacy was not considered a success. The long hours needed for farming (6 a.m. to 7 p.m.) made it difficult for members to attend literacy classes regularly.
Constraints. The main problems were:
a) Inputs being unavailable or not coming on time - some groups coufd not carry out their activities for lack of inputs.
b) Lack of adequate marketing and transport facilities to cope with the increased production of the groups;
c) Lack of credit - It was dificult to get credit giving institutions involved with the project.
d) Difficulty in implement.ig continuing self evaluation, (as planned in the project). Group members did not have the analysis skills r'eaded. However, some attempts at evaluation were made through group discussions about planning anc implementing activities, and in workshops.
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Achievements. Improvements were made in many aspects of the life of the participants. However, the main achievements were seen as follows:
a) Overall 481 men and 653 women were involved in the groups;
b) The groups from a cluster of (4 or 5) villages formed an association to provide better assistance to the individual groups;
c) Most of the groups had their own farms ranging from 1.5 to 8 acres; six women's groups had their own groundnut farms and one group had its own vegetable garden;
d) Soap making, which was a women's group activity, was seen to be a quick means of generating an income;
c) Group members were made aware that they could tackle their own problems, define objectives, and plan and initiate action to improve their conditions.
d) With government support, some groups also undertook community development activities.
Assessment of the Project. The official project terminated in 1986. From the report given by the national consultant, the following assessment can be made:
Growth. Where inputs were made available, all groups seemed to have increased production In 1983, 30
groups in 10 villages harvested 1,134 50kg bags of husk rice. For groundnuts, 52 groups from 13 villages harvested 108 50kg bags. Harvests of cassava, potato and vegetables were not measured but it was claimed that there were significant increases in yield.Equity. Considerable turn-over in membership was reported. The high number of women in tie groups (653 as compared to 481 men) would indicate that the project was successful in improving the condition of the poorer members of the communities. As regards occupation, farmers were better served by the project than fishermen.
In fact.the efforts in assisting fishermen were a failure.
Institutional effectiveness. The advantages of group activity in promoting and supporting activities of the
rural poor were well recognised in some areas. Even after the project terminated, the number of groups rose from
69 to 76. The groups from a cluster of villages even formed an association after the official termination of the project. However, support from external institutions, particularly those responsible for granting credit, were not effective.Sustainability. The fact that groups had been maintained and even increased after the official close of the
project has shown that this approach can be effective in both stimulating and sustaining the rural poor to help themselves. However, the critical role of group promoters in getting inputs for the groups to start their activities has to be appreciated.11
4. CASE STUDY 3 - THE NATIONAL EXTENSION SERVICE
The agricultural extension service was the responsibility of the Ministry of Agriculture, Natural Resources and Forestry. It started near the beginning of the twentieth century. Its overall aim was to increase the production of crops for both domestic consumption and export and this was reflected in Its objectives.
The structure and administration of the extension service was inherited from the colonial era with administrative and technical division heads based in the capital, Freetown. Between these and the junior technical staff based in the villages, were a series of administrative and technical posts at different levels. This made the service highly bureaucratic with centralized decision making and a top-down approach to its activities. Thus the field agents, who related to the farmers on a day-to-day basis and had a first hand knowledge of the their socio political and economic conditions, were effectively isolated from the decision making process at higher levels. It is hardly surprising that extension programmes were not compatible with the needs of the farmers. This situation was also reflected in the policies formulated to run the extension service.
The link between research institutes, which should generate results for the extension service to pass on to the farmers, and the extension service had been weak. Even the results that reached the extension service were usually so technical and complex that they had to be broken in comprehensible parts before they could be passed on by the extension workers to the farmer. Generally field extension agents depended on their immediate colleagues and supervisors for farm information.
The number of farmers supposed to be covered by one extension worker was too large, 1400:1. Tney also were without any ttansport facilities to help them reach the farmers. The field staff had only from six months to two years training and there was no system for them to upgrade their technical knowledge. Their salaries were below subsistence level and were often paid irregularly. Thus some extension workers were forced to engage in alternative economic activities to the detriment of their extension duties. Others could be bribed by rich farmers to channel input packages to them. Thus, the resource poor farmers, who were in the majority, were further alienated from the benefits of the extension service.
The impact of the national extension service had been minimal. Yield increases had been below expectation and new production techniques, such as swamp farming, had not been well integrated with traditional farming systems. Farmers' incomes had not increased and their standard of living had not improved.
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5. CASE STUDY 4 - BO-PUJEHUN RURAL DEVELOPMENT PROJECT (BPRDP) 5.1. Introduction
The Bo-Pujehun Rural Development Project was one of the International Agricultural Development Programmes (IADP) set up to increase and focus resources at the field level, and to create a unified source of extension, credit and input supply services. It covered the Bo and Pujehun districts in southern Sierra Leone with
an area of 9,300 km2 and total population of 385,000 in 1985. The 40,000 farm families lived in 2200 villages
distributed between 27 chiefdoms. Upland rice was the predominant crop in the two districts.
5.2. The Structure of the Project
Identification and design. The project was developed under a bilateral agreement between the governments of Sierra Leone and (West) Germany. It had a pre-investment phase to be followed by the pilot and main investment phases. The strategy used to design the project differed from conventional lADPs in some major respects:
a) Rural poverty was understood as a complex phenomenon requiring a multi-sectoral, functionally integrated approach aimed at production (agriculture and fisheries) and social components (health, nutrition, etc.).
b) The target groups in the rural population were to participate as much as possible in the planning and development process of the different phases of the project.
c) Technical innovations were to be kept to a level where they could be adopted by the majority of
the population.d) Planning was to follow the sequential, iterative approach to give the opportunity for continuous plan
adjustment.e) Existing national institutions already operating at the provincial level were to be supported and not
duplicated in a new parallel organization. Sectoral components of the project were to be administered by
their respective ministry officials in charge at the provincial level. The Ministry for Economic Development and Planning was to be responsible for coordination. The project coordinating office, financed by the German government, was responsible for overall planning and coordination of the sectoral programmes.Establishment and organizational structure. The project started in November 1980 with the arrival of the project coordinator. By 1985, the project had involved five ministries with eight sectoral and sub-sectoral programmes. The involvement in the project and degree of coordination between the sectors differed from one ministry to the next.
«- Aims and objectives. The overaUg§ea! was-to contribute to a sustainable improvefhent in the standard of living of the rural population in Bo and Pufahun districts. This was to be realised through targets set for The main crops of the area and some infrastructural features.
Investment phases. The pre-investment phase (January 1981 to June 1982; involved:
Studying and elaborating the proposate^or investments in agriculture, isheries, health, education, rural roads and rural water supply; **«—- -
Creating the institutional infrastructure to carry subsequent phases; and
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Testing implementation techniques by carrying out trials and pilot measures in the agricultural
programme.
Other major activities were staff training and the start of base line surveys by the monitoring and evaluation section.
Major problems at this phase were: frequent changes in ministry staff, major price increases for materials;
and delays in procuring essential equipment from abroad.
The pilot investment phase (July 1982 to June 1984) saw alt sector programmes started except those for rural roads and water supply. These had to be postponed to the main investment phase.
During the main investment phase (July 1984 to initially June 1987, then extended to 1991) the activities of the project were to be integrated into the sector ministries. External financing would also be phased out and, by 1996, the Sierra Leone executing agency would meet the recurrent costs.
At the time of reporting, the total cost of the project had amounted to about DM34 million of which 84 per cent was covered by the German government, 12 per cent by the executing sponsor and 6 per cent by the target groups themselves.
5.3. Project achievements 5.3.1. Agriculture
Improved planting materials of tree crops were introduced through village nurseries following the advice of the extension officers assisted by village extension workers but under the control of groups of local farmers. In 1981, 12 village nurseries were established. This rose to 69 showing that peasant producers could reduce their technical dependence on outside expertise. There was evidence that there was considerable potential for inter household exchange of agricultural materials.
Rice. For upland rice the area under improved seed rose from 250acres (? hectares) in 1981 to 3,800 acres in 1984. Swamp rice was not accepted hy the farmers, either working in groups or individually. Rice yields did not rise significantly as fertilizer was not supplied and the farmers used their traditional farming techniques.
Cowpea cultivation by women on inland valley swamps was only identified as an activity to promote in 1985/86. The overall reaction of the fanners was encouraging but the programme had not been continued long enough to assess its long term effects.
Groundnut cultivation also started in 1985/86 as a women related package. The main problem was to find a source of good seed locally.
Oil palm was given a high priority in the project. Pre-germinated seed of oil palm was imported from the Ivory Coast and raised in village nurseries. Analysis of data from 1987/88 showed a 60 per cent survival rate in village nurseries and 80 per cent of the planting material was distributed from these nurseries.
Cocoa. Until recently, cocoa seedlings had been given to farmers without checking if they had suitable planting sites. The Tree Crop Farm Survey in 1987 found that only 60 per cent of distributed cocoa seedlings survived beyond one season. As a result, seedlings were only given to farmers who could demonstrate they had suitable sites for cocoa cultivation. Survival of seedlings in village nurseries was above average at 75 per cent.
Coffee. For the project, coffee was the next most important tree crop after oil pa^n. Seed survival was less than 50 per cent which was disappointing. It was thought that the seeds imported from the Ivory Coast were too dry. Seedlings were not developing enough vigour for safe transplanting after one season in the nursery. Efforts
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to introduce pruning as a method to rehabilitate coffee were not successful. The apparent lack of interest could have been due to the high labour requirement for pruning without any immediate return.
5.3.2. Fisheries
This part of the project became fully operational in September 1984. The target population was 2,000 fishing families (about 5 percent of the population). The other was to introduce fishponds to inland farmers.
Capture fishing. By 1986,19 fishermen's associations with a total membership of 685 had been formed. The project sold improved tackle at below market prices only to registered members of these associations. This was the major incentive for fishermen to join an association.
Improved smoking kilns which used less wood than traditional methods were successfully introduced to a few villages. Many fish processors in the Bengani area built improved kilns at their own initiative showing the success of this innovation. Unfortunately, the programme on fish processing had to be discontinued after the expatriate volunteer went home and was not replaced.
The fisheries capture programme had many problems which caste doubt on its possibility of being sustainable. These included:
a) the motive for fishermen to join associations. Once low cost tackle ceased to be available it was felt that most fishermen would leave their association;
b) The lack of extension work to support the fishermen. Lack of personnel was given as the main
reason;
c) The low price of the tackle was negated by the cost of transportation from remote places to the purchasing centre;
d) The sales policy needed to be made more flexible to meet the conditions of the fishermen who all- too-often lost their nets to poaching trawlers;
e) The activities of the section were constrained by inadequate provision of material, personnel and
funds.Fishponds. The project trained six technicians to supervise farmers in pond construction, maintenance and
management. Adoption of fishponds was slow, but it was a new technology for the farmers - 20 per cent of the ponds constructed were subsequently abandoned. The technicians supervised 54 productive ponds. However, once
extension efforts became effective and the farmers saw that fishponds could be profitable, the technique gained in popularity. Farmers from different areas of the project either established fishponds by themselves or applied for
assistance to establish such ponds.The main problems in this programme were:
a) Under utilization of the trained manpower due to the slow introduction and uptake of fishponds;
b) Abandonment or mismanagement of ponds due to a large number of problens;
c) Overdependence of pond owners on inputs from the project making it doubtfi>; if this aspect of the
fisheries programme could be sustainable.15 5.3.3.Health and nutrition
The emphasis was on primary health care through both building new and strengthening existing Peripheral Health Units. The target groups were children under five (under-fives) and women of child-bearing age. Nine diseases and malnutrition or under nutrition were identified as priorities for action. The programme was headed by the programme manager and the principal Medical Officer for the Province, who was her counterpart. Overall, 29 functioning Peripheral Health Units were established.
Drugs supply system. A number of essential drugs for peripheral units were generally available, but others were in short supply. An effective drugs monitoring system was established so that orders for replacement could be made in time for these to arrive.
Facilities and equipment. The project provided essential equipment to the units, but stiii some items were missing. Quite a number of units had non functioning equipment, particularly cooking stoves intended for sterilization and refrigerators intended for storing vaccines, etc. Some buildings were renovated by the project, but this still left some in need of renovation. Water delivery systems were absent from most units, as were kitchens and latrines.
Personnel. The units were staffed by a dispenser or endemic control unit staff in charge of the unit, a maternal and child health aid, one or two porters and one or two watchmen. Twelve units also had public health inspectors. The programme had yet to incorporate trained non-professionals, such as herbalists, into the health care system. The operation of the units was hampered by personnel problems such as late or non payment of monthly stipends, housing problems, transportation problems, etc.
Supervision. The programme developed a supervisory framework with District Health Supervisory Teams visiting each health unit once every two months. The team would check on the supplies, equipment and activities.
The staff at the health units had a positive attitude to these visits and saw them as a means to improve their technical skills, develop self-confidence and solve problems. The teams also found the views of the communities towards the health units.
Training. A series of training exercises had been organized cavering diarrhoea, immunization and tetanus of the new born, and nutrition of under fives, pregnant and lactating mothers. At the time of reporting, the Medical Health Aides needed further training so that they could train the technicians who would pass on the knowledge to the target popufation.
Immunization programme. The programmes started in Bo district in 1978 and Pujehun in 1983. Data were limited to children born in 1985 and extrapolated from under-five clinic cards. This showed that 25 per cent of villages within Bo and 29 per cent in Pujehun district had been completely immunized against tuberculosis.
Coverage for other diseases was very low - measles 3 per cent, polio 4 per cent, DTP 2.5 per cent. Tetanus toxoid coverage for pregnant women was 43 per cent of expected antenatal cases in Bo district and 25 per cent in Pujehun.
Clinic attendance. Antenatal attendance was the programme's greatest achievement. The figures showed that all the Health Units were being used by al! expected antenatal mothers and in some cases the total number exceeded the expected. The only unit which recorded a lower than expected figure was in an area where there was also a hospital. Based on an ovpectation of 3 antenatal attendances during pregnancy, actual attendances averaged 2.8 with a maximum of 3.7 z.nd a low of 2.2. Attendance rates for under-fives were disappointing and were closely
linked to the availability of food supplements. Other clinic attendance rates were also low with averages of 1 out
of 8 for Bo and 1 out of 11 'or Pujehun districts. Factors which had discouraged use of the health units were:Poor promotion;
A perception that service fees were high;
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The influence of drug peddlers who often visited the villages; and Cultural beliefs which promoted the use of native herbs.
5.3.4. Community development
The Project established a Community Action Fund (CAF) so it could respond to expressed desires of local communities which fell outside the main sector programmes. Requests which received favourable recommendations from the field supervisor or community development officer were presented to a review board for confirmation. This board was chaired by the Provincial Secretary and included the Provincial Development Planning Officer and the Senior Rural Development Officer. Approved requests were given with the following conditions of agreement:
The community had to contribute between 15 and 20 per cent of the cost of the materials provided;
The materials provided could only be used for the designated project;
Periodic and final reports had to be submitted to the office of the Community Development Officer.
The field supervisor and/or the Community Development Officer made periodic visits to inspect the work, lend assistance, answer questions and ensure that the materials were being properly used.
This programme used the skills and experience of the staff of the Ministry of Rural Development, Social Services and Youths but relied on the communities themselves to identify and plan their own projects. The emphasis of the programme was the provision of feeder roads. The communities saw accessibility as a precondition for promoting other development activities.
Women's programme. A special women's programme was starttsd in 1983 which would eventually be integrated into the Ministry of Rural Development, Social Services and Youths. The main objectives of the programme were to improve women's ability to manage problems, their access to relevant institutions, and their productivity. These objectives were to be met through a number of strategies including the full participation of women in identifying, planning, implementing and evaluating their projects at village level.
The programme organized women's groups which could be supported with material inputs from the Community Action Fund and advise from female field workers. The programme was strongly linked with that of agriculture for vegetable, cowpea and groundnut production, and with fisheries for fish processing and marketing.
Rural roads. It was agreed that 322 kilometres of priority roads should be constructed or improved. These roads were mostly situated in the highly productive areas in the north and south of the project area which had difficult terrain. Financing came from the German Government while the work was supervised by the Ministry of Works in cooperation with the Project Management Office.
Rural water supply. At a standard of 150 person to a well, 1,986 wells would have had to constructed to supply the population in 1981 of about 298,000. The long term objective of the project was to construct 625 wells which would supply about 31 per cent of the rural population with potable water.
Primary school education. The Community Action Fund had assisted a number of communities to improve their primary schools by providing buildings, gardens and toilets. More schools were being approved for assistance at the time of reporting.
5.4. '3PRDP and the Clientele Participation Approach 5.4.1. Background
In 1983, the first operation planning exercise identified and stressed the lack of clientele perspective in project design. A study of this issue came to the following conclusions:
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Participation was not a new concept to rural communities. Over time, rural communities had developed an intricate web of supportive and reciprocating activities which promoted the participation of community members. Within the traditions of the Mende society, indigenous participation was achieved through the process of "hanging heads" among established decision-makers. The rather unquestioned respect for legitimate authority among the Mende rendered this process easily workable.
The local "hanging head" procedure shou'd be the entry point for outside interventions, especially at village level. The chances of success and susta inability would be substantially increased if carefully mediated through existing recognised leadership. The guiding principle should be to improve the traditional organizational set up and decision making process in ways that would encourage greater consultation among all relevant parties and interested groups. The creation of new structures and decision making bodies at village level may actively promote conflict by causing a new elite group to emerge.
The rural people had considerable capacity to identify their own problems and mobilize resources for action. To achieve communal or group objectives they had established various types of self help organizations generally referred to as ngoyila hugbate. Groups had evolved around the notion of self help which was characterized by a dynamic involving meetings and discussions.
The success of self-help was dependent on the type and role played by the leadership within the community or group. Leadership was found to be exercised at different levels within communities. For successful self-help organization, a leader served as both a resource person and a guide.
The experiences gained from the study were gradually integrated into the different sector programme activities The results were also applied to training and general consciousness-raising campaigns for target groups and institutions.
5.4.2. Participation and self-help initiatives at community level in the BPRDP
The Community Action Fund (CAF). The activities supported by this fund have already .been summarized.
Following is an analysis of how participation and self-help were promoted through this fund.
a) The initiative for CAF to be involved had to come from the village people themselves. CAF took precautions to ensure that the support it provided enabled the community to break dependency relations.
Tne objectives of the proposal were developed through group discussions in public meeting places. The villagers observed that the importance of CAF's partnership lay in the advice they received and the discussion and exchange of ideas they engaged in as members of a community or group.
b) CAF assistance was directed at groups and supported interventions (such as small bridges, culvert, multi-purpose centres, schools, community stores) where both the poor and more affluent members of the community could use the products of their efforts.
c) The work had to aim at eventual self-reliance by the community.
d) Great stress was placed on supporting activities which were technically correctly designed and organizationally feasible, especially regarding the mobilization of local human and material resources.
The methodology had the following elements:
a) At least three meetings the first of whic' was to give the field worker an impression of the state of self-help activities in the community. Attention wfu given to the state of repair of communal structures such as mosques, water wells, built through self-help.
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b) The use of village elders as the managers of the project to be supported by CAF. The development and strengthening of genuine participation demands more in terms of time and patience than in terms of volume of financial input. CAF spent time trying to understand the potential and limitations of existing bodies vested with authority in the villages in order to make them more development oriented and efficient.
It was common for local leaders to be present at the 'faying-out' ceremony at the start of the project as well as an official opening ceremony after the project was completed. Both these occasions offered
opportunities for the local people to discuss problems with their leaders. The laying out ceremony confirmedthe communities commitment to carry out the project, while the opening ceremony reflected the community's
public acceptance of the completed project. These ceremony's also provided the opportunity for the leadersto acknowledge a job well done and to reinforce the value of cooperation for self-reliant development.
c) The mobilization of local resources such as cash, skilled and unskilled labour, and materials, as well as local knowledge and organizational expertise.
Where self-help was an established practice, proceeds from communal agricultural activities were set aside to fulfil the local cash contribution required by CAF and to provide food for the labour force. Such communities were demonstrating a capability for working together and generating funds for other community development activities; i.e. they were developing a capacity for planning. This development was seen as an important step in resolving the problem of the so called 'aid-mentality' that pervades many rural (and urban)
communities.
Technical expertise of the Technical Teams of the Ministry of Rural Development were significantly improved through in-service training programmes. The CAF engineer conducted workshops which resulted in standard designs and material estimates being produced for bridges and culverts. Village artisans were better supervised and there was considerable on-the-job training as projects were carried out. This resulted in the creation of a body of skilled people firmly rooted in their communities. The multiplier effect of this
emerging trend cannot be over-emphasized.
d) The use of field supervisors as the direct link between CAF and the community or group. The field supervisors were responsible for working with and developing the necessary dynamics of village level initiatives. For example, where the village labour force was inadequate for building a bridge, the field supervisor would encourage inter-village contacts and assist in mobilizing labour from potentially beneficiary
communities.The experiences of CAF can also be used to answer some common assumptions about rural development.
a) Some commentators have said they have observed that the traditional line of command at the village level acted as a constraint in promoting participatory activities and decision-making processes. The experience of CAF did not confirm this. Rather it was found that where there was broad-based participation in decision-making through the process of 'hanging heads' participatory activities were more effective.
Although Mende cultural norms give considerable importance to age and social status in decision-making, it was found that incisive questioning by community members and field workers often ied to greater
involvement of relevant interest groups
b) Economic trends in Sierra Leone indicated tha^ development activities at village level were being
seriously constrained by inflation and lack of essen i«l supplies. The CAF experience has shown that
community involvement can muster considerable hum r; /^sources and even a significant proportion of the
material and financial resources for development. Hov ^ver, some outside support in the form of expertise
and funds is also required to get communities movinc towards more self reliance in development.
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c) The role of appropriately trained and well motivated field workers is crucial in any attempt to promote participation in self-help development activities. These field workers can stimulate dialogue and help the groups identify the most appropriate types of support for development activities.
The Agricultural Programme. This programme continuously placed great emphasis on small farmer involvement in the design and implementation of crop packages. The development of village nurseries was one example.
The village nursery programme promoted participation in decision making. The farmers chose the crop to raise based on their local knowledge of the ecology and their projection of economic trends. It was the farmers' groups which approached the village extension worker with their proposals for crop development. Sometimes farmers requested that the inputs be channelled through an existing and formalized farmers' club or association, but the majority had the inputs channelled through a communal nursery arrangement designed for the purpose.
Success of the village nursery depended on cooperation between the farmers. Generally the village elders appointed one person as the overseer or counterpart to the village extension worker. These were experienced farmers, youth leaders or other responsible village officers. Their main function was to ensure that the tasks were performed according to a work plan drawn up between the farmers group and the extension worker. Establishing the nursery was performed by representatives from all the participating households. Daily tasks such as watering were allocated to households on a rotational basis. The impressive record for the village nursery programme showed that local farmers had more initiative and technical competence than conventional development thinking gave them credit for. It also showed that when the extension service had a viable packages with clear benefits, farmers would take up the recommendations. The programme did not set any preconditions. Rather, it basically worked with and improved existing structures and decision making bodies at the village level.
The inland valley swamp development programme was a complete contrast to the village nurseries programme. It had a set group size and required the farmers to take up a new crop technology with a pre-defined tool set. When this programme was reviewed in 1986 tt was found that:
The pre-defined group size was inconsistent with most peer group situations at village level. Peer groups were smaller and generally limited their communal farming activities to their actual capacities.
The programme was uncritical in its use of local authorities to establish so-called communal farms.
The traditional system of incisive questioning and 'hanging heads' was ignored. The result was 'participation by coercion' or 'prisoner type participation1.
Some of the tools in the tool set had local equivalents which were seen as superior to those in the tool sets. The farmers, thus, considered it irrelevant to invest in inferior tools as part of the share policy prescription.
In a few cases the village extension workers worked with pre-existing peer groups to introduce swamp rice cultivation. In these cases the group size fell by 30 to 40 per cent, but the technology was adopted and sustained.
The Women's Programme. These were the specialist farmers for groundnut, cowpea, cotton and vegetables and were, to some extent, covered by the general agricultural programme. But the project made a special effort to address the needs of women by establishing a women's unit which had two fern.ale village extension workers as organizers. Experience showed that apart from increasing their technical skills, women also needed help to improve their management skills. Thus the unit organized workshops for representatives of women's groups from different villages. These workshops had two main purposes:
1) To improve planning, organization and technical skills of women's groups; and
2) Promote the sharing or problems, opportunities and experiences from different groups.
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Many women's groups were involved in income generating activities but suffered from inadequate business skills to sustain these activities. It had also been suggested that the women's groups needed to be monitored to determine whether or not they were just responding to the availability of inputs. If they were only formed to receive inputs, there had to be a special effort to establish an awareness of the importance of their own initiative and control in the development process.
The Fisheries Programme. The formation and supervision of fishermen's societies-had been the main vehicle for promoting group involvement in capture fisheries activities. The societies were either based on pre-existing groups or gradually formed groups through village level discussion and decision making. By the end of 1986, 24 functioning fishermen's societies were in existence. From 1986 onwards, the programme was intensified through deployment of fisheries extension workers. These workers had organized ten village level workshops on fishing gear mending and handling. About 100 fishermen from different villages had attended. The workers also continued to give advise on the organization and management of fishermen's societies. The members of the societies had a clear idea on what activities they wished to have supported to improve their conditions. It was found that dynamic and effective leadership was the primary factor responsible for the progress in fishermen's societies.
The Health and Nutrition Programme. Important ways in which community involvement was being achieved in the health programme were as follows.
The programme progressively decentralized its planning process. First the district teams were introduced to the planning technique and then these teams introduced them to their respective districts. This was followed by planning workshops at chiefdom level as a way of involving local leaders, NGOs and Ministry of Health personnel in the planning of outreach services. The chiefdom planning workshops had become an effective investment for mobilizing community participation and support to the health services. The participation of women was emphasized at these workshops because the programme was targeting women of child bearing age and under-fives. The workshops were preceded by informal meetings between representatives of the people and health personnel. The results were that local people were able to raise questions on crucial issues such as government cost recovery policy and the role of the community in the management of health centres. The minutes of the planning workshops were circulated and, after approval and confirmation, served as operational guidelines for the implementation of the outreach services in the given chiefdom.
Experience showed that the local people knew more about their problems and the range of possible options available than the so-called development 'experts' credited them with. This report was made while community participation in planning health services was being promoted. It was not surprising that considerable time had had to be spent to establish rapport and confidence.
The Water and Sanitation Motivation Campaign. This campaign was responsible for the health education aspects of the Rural Water Supply Programme. A motivator was sent to live in the community and become acquainted with the local people and their problems. Together with the members of the community, the motivator identified measures which could be taken by the village, either on its own or with outside help, to tackle those problems that had both a high priority and for which there was a solution.
Assessment of the Project. From the report given by the national consultant, the following assessment can be made:
Growth. Growth in terms of increased productivity was not dramatic, but the empnasis of the project was rot on immediate economic growth but rather the development of participation of the local people in their own (development process. The way in which group activities grew during the project can be taken as positive growth.
Equity, it would appear that considerable effort was made to include all members of the community in development efforts. CAF supported project emphasized activities where both the poorer and better off members of the community could benefit. The special attention given to the needs of women as both producers in the
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agriculture programme and mothers in the health programme was an important step in spreading the benefits of development throughout the population.
Institutional effectiveness. One reason the project took so long to get into operation was that it insisted from the beginning on, wherever possible, using existing institutions, both traditional and modern, to carry out development activities. It can be seen very clearly that a positive use of traditional leadership in the villages led to the growth of group action and self-reliance. It would also appear that the work of the different ministries was also strengthened, particular the technical capacities and self-confidence of the village-based extension workers in agriculture and the local health officers in the Peripheral Health Units.
Sustainability All sides involved in this project have realised that it takes time to develop local self-reliance.
The third and consolidating phase of the project was extended from 1987 to 1991 and it was clearly stated that:
... the activities of the project were to be integrated into the sector ministries. External financing would also be phased out and, by 1996, the Sierra Leone executing agency would meet the recurrent costs.
The spontaneous development of village nurseries and other group activities have shown that the basis for sustainability has been established.
