RESEARCH
Number 6
CONTENTS
1993
EDITORIAL ... I
REVIEW ARTICLE
Journeys to the Holy eeRIer. The Study of Pilgrimage in Recent
Himalayan Research: Eberhard Berg . . . 3 BOOK REVIEWS
Dhruba Kumar, (ed.): Nepal's India Policy. Kathmandu:
Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies, 1992. John Whelplon ... 20 Gerard Toffin. (ed.): Nepal: Past and Presenl.
Paris: CNRS Editions. 1993. Prayag Raj Sharma . . . 24 TOPICAL REPORTS
Economic Development and Human Resources in the Kingdom of Bhutan:
Volker A. Hauck . . . ... 29 Basic Problems of Economic Deveiopmem in Nepal: Wolf Donner ... 34 INTERVIEWS
Kalhmandu - Present and Future: An Interview with Mr. P. L. Singh,
Mayor ofKathmandu: Susanne von der Heide ... 38 On Political Culture in Contemporary Nepal: An Interview with
Professor Lok Raj Baral: Manin Gaenszle . . . ... ... 42 NEWS
Symposia:
Adapted Technologies and Environmental Education as Possibilities of Inler-Cultural Communication in the Himalayan Region ... 51 Oral Tradition Study Group-Himalaya .... , ... .. . . 52 ANNOUNCEMENTS
Publications:
Toffin. Gerard (ed.): The Anthropology of Nepal: From Tradition 10 Modernity. Proceedings of the Franco-Nepalese Seminar held in the French Cultural Centre. Kathmandu 18-20 March 1992. Kathmandu:
French Cultural Centre 1993 . . . " ... 53
the Himalayas. ZUrich: Ethnological Musewn of the University of Zurich 1993 ... ...•....•.... ..••...•••...•.... . S3 Conferences:
Second International Conference on Vew •.•• ....•... S4
"Towards. Oeftnition of Styie: The Am of Tibet" .... .•.•..••.•. S4 The 7th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies ••• SS CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE ... ... S6 NOTES TO CONTRIBUTORS
Richard Burghart, our Editor-in-Chief, colleague and friend. died on January 1st at the age of 49. after long months of suffering. Born in the United States, be received his higher education at Williamstown (Mass.) and Ibadan (Nigeria), and then settled in London to take up the study of social anthropology at the School of Oriental & African Studies in 1966. After obtaining an M.A., he first worked for the Belgian newspaper "Le Soir". writing articles on South Asia for its supplement. Dissatisfied with this experience as a journalist, he soon reswned his studies in London. He received his Ph.D. in J976 and stayed at the SOAS where he worked as a lecturer in Asian Anthropology for nearly ten years, and where his colleagues came to value him as an outstanding partner. A hard start awaited him when. in 1987. he accepted the chair of Ethnology at Heidelberg University and became Head of a Department with a large number of students and with lQ() small a staff. It took.
him some time to achieve the first steps toward "modernizing" the Department, in the widest sense of the tenn, by amending the curriculum, improving the technical equipment and. above all, by intensifying exchanges with scientists from other departments of the South Asia Institute and from institutions abroad. Stimulating seminars on the "Structure of Hindu Tradition" and "Sovereignty in the Himalayas", with participants from France.
Britain, the United States, Nepal and India. were just two of his auempts to reconsider old ideas and motivate new research.
This is not the place for an appreciation of Richard's work as a whole. It will be sufficient to mention his anicles analyzing the social organization of the Vaishnavite pilgrimage centre at Janakpur (where he did extensive fieldwork), the concept of the nation-state in Nepal, and the structure of Hinduism. and to point to those writings in which he made an auempt to transcend the then-prevailing structuralist and Dumontian perspectives on Indian society. His was a vision which always aimed at whal one may call the essence in its contt.Xl; il drew benefit from his talent for perceiving contrasts, hidden boundaries and underlying unities, and was aniculated in concise, unpretentious language, without indulging in rigidly abstract or wholesale generalization. Sadly. several book projects, amog them Spoun Maithili in its Social COnlt.Xl and Slale and Society in Nepal remain unpublished.
The European Bulletin of Himalayan Research owes its existence to Richard's initiative and commitment. He intended it to function Cl! a genuinely European undertaking, a forum of infonnation devoted to recent publications and ongoing research. to be produced in cooperation between different countries. and 10 be developed. step by step, into a Journal. It is in the spirit of this legacy lbat we shall continue with two new members on the editorial board: Michael Hun. Lecturer in Nepali at SOAS in London is now in charge of the work of editing, while Brigiuc Men, the recently appointed representative of the South Asia Institute at its Kathmandu Branch Office, wiU supply us with ideas and manuscripts from Nepal. It is planned (according to a preliminary agreement reached in 1990) to pass on the Bulletin to the Centre d'Etudes Himalayennes in Paris around 1996 for a tcnn of two yean or so.
REVIEW ARTICLE
Journeys to t he Holy Center. The Study of Pilgrimage in Recent Himalayan Research
Ebtrhard Bere
Mlchaels, Axel 1989. 'Pasupali's Holy Field and the Temple Priest's Authority in Deopatan (Nepal)', In: Pretrist, Pouvoirs et Autorite en Himalaya (cds. V.Bouillier/G.Toffin), Coil. Purusanha 12. pp. 41·59.
Burghart, Richard 1985. The regional circumambulation of Janalcpur seen in the light of Vaishnavite tradition (Nepal)'. In: L 'Espace du Temple I.
Espaces. Itiniraires, Mediations. Ed. J.-C. Galey. Coli. Purusartha 8, pp.
121-147.
Messerschmldt, Donald A. 1989. The Hindu Pilgrimage to Muktinath.
Nepal. Part I. Natural and Supernatural Attributes of the Sacred Field'; 'Part 2. Vaishnava Devotees and Status Reaffinnation'. In: Mountain Rucarch and DevelopmLnt Val. 9, No. 2. pp. 89-104 and pp. 105-118.
Aziz, Barbata N. 1982. 'A Pilgrimage to Amamath -The Hindus' Search for Immortality', In: Kailash 9. pp.121-138.
Gulschow, Nitls 1982. Stadtraum und Ritual der newarischen Stiidte im Kathmandu-Tal. Eine architekluranthropologische Untersuchung. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer.
Miller S.J.,
CasparJ.
1917. Faith-Healers in the Himalayas. An Investigation o/Traditional Healers and Their Festivals in Dolakha District0/
Nepal. Kirtipur: Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies. Tribhuvan University (unpublished Ph.D. Thesis).
Sax. WiUiam S. 1991. Mountain Goddess. Gender and Politics in a Himalayan Pilgrimage. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.
In the last two decades the 'topas' of pilgrimage has been established as a distinct fteld of scientific inquiry within the hwnanities and the social sciences. Given both their specific geography and history, the Himalayas constitute a culturaJ belt that is strongly influenced by the Indian subcontinent in the south and by China and Tibet in the north. In the realm of Himalayan pilgrimage, research in the last two decades has provided a deeper insight into the complexity of this important social phenolYK:non.
In the following review, the results of selected works will be presented which may serve to highlight from a variety of perspectives some significant
characteristics of Himalayan pilgrimages. First, an overview drawing on several articles and oullining the salient features of Himalayan pilgrimage will establish a preliminary frame of reference. Thereafter, three case studies dealing with urban ritual enactments, with
.ihlkri.
and with gender politics in the context of a particular pilgrimage will be discussed. It is hoped that these insights may enhance our understanding of the complc;II:ilY and essential heterogeneitiy which seem to be characteristic not only of Old and New World Christian1, but aJso of the realm of the HimaIayan pilgrimage.Pilgrimage In the Hlndu-Buddhisl Interface: an Overview
In the vast area of cullurally and socially heterogenous South Asia the social phenomenon of pilgrimage has for ages fulfilled a crucial role in the integration of numerous social strata, different ethnic cultures. various cults, several religious traditions, etc. Hindu and Buddhist pilgrimage may thus be seen as an ancient institution that extends over an enormous geognphical space and sustains a system of mutually-linked sacred places. Accordingly, this system helps nol only to bind together diverse peoples but also to connect the multitude of sacred places to be visited which are scattered all over South Asia.2
Geographically. Hindu and Buddhist pilgrimage networks overlap. The geographical space delimited by the Hindu pilgrimage system extends from the southern tip of the Indian subcontinent to as far north as the Himalyan shrines of Badrinath and Kedamath and to Mount Kailash. the abode of Lord Shiva.
On the other hand, the Tibetan Newar Buddhist pilgrimage system extends as far south as the Nepalese Tarai. the Banaras area, Eastern Uttar Pradesh, and Bihar. This crucial difference is due to the fact that most of the important Buddhist centers of pilgrimage represent sites which are traditionally associated with imponant episodes in the life of the historical Buddha, at the same time symbolizing the birth of Buddhism.
The fact that a holy site constitutes a distinct segment in the overall pilgrimage system. and is thus cuitunUy as well as spatially linked to holy centers in distant areas, is demonstrated at the temple of Pashupati, situated about 3 km northeast of Kathmandu. For sevenl centuries the priests of Pashupati have come from southern India. Due to this tndition a finn spatial as well as spiritual link between this important place of pilgrimage in Nepal and the south of the Indian subcontinent has been established.3
In this case the establishment of a specific link between holy centers clearly seems to be politically motivated. Axel Michaels mentions a docwnent issued by Jagajjaya Malla dated 1734 A.D. According to this, the priests 'must' come from the south of the Vindhya mountains, they 'must' be Dnvidian Telingana Brahmans, and they 'must' be married householders. 1be exact historical date when these Brahmans were invited for the first time to worship at the temple has not been detennined yet. There seems to be no doubt, however.
concerning the specific reason for the royal prescription.
The case of the sacred complex of Pashupati represents an interesting complementarity between priestly Brahmans who held powers of religious legitimization, and the king who held political powers." Accordingly.
Michaels interprets this prescription as a delibente royal dfon to avoid the establishment of hereditary rites regarding the priesthood of the temple (pp.
42-6). On the other hand. he recalls that, despite ist high degree of recognition among Hindu pilgrims the Pashupatinath Temple is not mentioned by most traditional Indian works on pilgrimage. This seems to be due to the 'p«uliar and distinctive ritual isolation' of the sacred complex of Pashupati within its immediate surroundings caused by the royal prescription that the temple priests have to come from South India,5
As many instances prove, the ancient system of pilgrimage that integntes a wide network of holy places is by no means petrified tndition. On the contrary, it has evolved and it can change in the course of history. 1be same is true of the diverse ritual enactments perfonned at a particular sacred center, Both were and still are subject 10 historical change; in other words they can 'disappear' and 'reappear'.6 This implies that the development of particular sacred sites as places of pilgrimage and the ritual enactments perfonned cannot be seen as static.
An iUuminating example of the establishment and subsequent change of a regional circumambulation is represented by Burghart's investigation of the circumambulation of Janakpur, a Vaishnavite pilgrimage center in the eastern Tani of Nepal. 11le circumambulation was actuaDy 'set in motion' at the end of the eighteenth century by Ramavat ascetics. And at the beginnig of this century the ascetics profoundly transfonned the established regional circumambulation: a five-day event enacted by celibate ascetics was changed into a fifteen-day event celebrated by ascetics and laypeople alike.
It needs to be especially emphasized that these ascetics assumed the role of innovators who not only introduced the circumambulation of Janak.pur but also transfonned it again. They, however, believed the circumambulation to have always been there, but that it had disappeared in the Kali Yuga. Thus, they viewed the formation of the pilgrimage festival as an act of restoration nther than a 'new' creation.
The inunense spatial networks of pilgrimage routes binding together a multitude of different holy sites constitute sacred geognphies. Each sacred locale is imbued with particular sanctity, due to specific natunl features. A web of symbolic meanings is composed around these features. which are most often closely related by myths and legends to particular deities. The most comprehensive account of an important center of pilgrimage in Nepal sacred both to Hindus and Buddhists has been published by D.A. Messerschmidt.1
The dnunatic setting of a high Himalayan shrine, difficult of access and surrounded by certain 'minculous' supematunl attributes· particularly the natunl gas fires. ammonite fossils, and other natural features -constitute the very distinctive chancter of the famous pilgrimage locale of Muktinath. Of particular importance here is a specific combination of natural characteristics and selected myths that is projected onto this outstanding site. 1be myths are interpreted by the infonned pilgrim according to tnditions that legitimate, encounge and necessitate pilgrimage to a sacn:d locale like Muktinath. Hindus and Buddhists hold true different versions of the mythological origin of the holy center of Muktinath. For Hindus, Muktinath is both a shrine of Vishnu,
Lord of Salvation. and of Lord Brahma. the creator. For Buddhists.
Muktinath is a holy site for devotees of Guru Padmasambhava. who is considered the founder of Tibetan Buddhism. Hence, as is often the case within the Himalayan realm. Muktinadt's ritual space has to accommodate a diversity of discourses. meanings, and religious practices.
Regarding the pilgrimage route that leads through a sacred geography linking various holy sites. necessary infonnation for the pilgrim is provided orally or by wrintn guides.l1be pilgrim's movement to various holy places.
leading through. across or around sacred landscapes, serves to articulate the very existence of the pilgrimage network. The practice of pilgrimage cenainly moves people 10 experience themselves in relation to others and their deities. Hence. pilgrimage may enhance the ordinary person's awareness of Hindu or Buddhist religious and cultural unity.
What exactJy happens to the pilgrim en route to a sacred locale? B. N. Aziz has published a vivid account of Hindu pilgrimage to remote Amamath cave, focusing on the pilgrims' movement and viewing it as a social process. The pilgrims start their long and arduous journey on foot to Amamath cave as part of a huge undifferentiated crowd. But already on the first day the participant observer notes that each pilgrim spends the day walking alone through the rugged mountain scenery. A common bond which might unite the diverse pilgrims does not emerge in the course of these four days. On the contrary, the approach to the sacred center is paralleled by a growing dissociation from other pilgrims.
As this case study illustrates, striving for the same goal while making the same way up through the uninhabitable, barren mountain area, and thus suffering from the same hardships. does not necessarilly lead 10 increased feelings of oneness. Each pilgrim seems to be exclusively preoccupied with him or herself in order to approach the divine manifestation in the best mental state possible. Reflecting on this rather unexpected behaviour, Aziz suggests that to the individual pilgrim a pilgrimage represents a deeply 'penonal and private experience' (p. 123).
Special case studies
1. N. Gutschow on local rorms or pilgrimage in the context or Bhaktapur's rUual processions.
The urbanologist Niels GUlschow has provided an interesting insight into various forms of local pilgrimage that take place annually within the urban realm of the Kathmandu valley. By directing his central analytical focus on ritual movements in and through the city's spatial realm which follow various processional routes. he explores a specific relationship between ritual and space. Gutschow's work illuminates the complex ordering of urban space through the perfonnance of a multitude of symbolic enactments on the occasion of various festive events in the course of the annual cycle.
Although Hindu and Buddhist religious practices have different sets of sacred identifications in the Kathmandu Valley, the vaUey as a hole is regarded by both as a sacred space of unique importance. In both cases, rituals
as well as inscriptions testify that the valley is conceptualized as a mandala.9 According to this mandala scheme. the sacred space represented either by the whole Valley or by a particular urban space is structured and given its sacred order. The various festivals of the annual cycle play an important role in legitimizing the conception of the Kathmandu ValJey as a sacred space.
These festiv81s are held in the form of local pilgrimages. In many cases, local pilgrimages follow in a clockwise passage a circwnambulatory route around a sacred center,lD
Bhaktapur's various ritu81 processions may serve to illustrate Gutschow's main thesis concerning the ordering of urban space by ritual enactments.
Compared to Kathmandu and Patan. Bhaktapur is still related to the larger economic and political networks on a modest scale. Due to these circumstances. Bhaktapur has retained many of the traditional features which have characterized the city for many centuries. The dense. but still stable population consists almost entirely of Hindu Newars. As their processions reveal, the Bhaktapur Newars, notwithstanding their caste and status differences, share a tradition. an identity and a culture.
The city of Bhaktapur is constructed of successive interlocking social units such as household. lineage, neighbourhood, section, and beyond this level. the binary division of upper against lower town. Each of these units is characterized by its own history which governs the enactment of its specific ritual processions. Due to these crucial features, Bhaktapur represents a highly integrated sociocultural system, t t Moreover, the city's geography reveals a number of spatial divisions (cremation procession routes, the circumambulation route. the city's sections and its halves). Many spatial elements of importance are represented by particular stones, shrines, temples, places. areas, roads. It is at those significant sites that ritual enactments are performed thus marking these significant spatial characteristics.
There are different forms of processions and processional routes in BhaJctapur. In the course of the Navadurga celebrations, for instance, performed within the temporal framework of the Dasain Festival, the circumambulation of the whole town is achieved within only two days. All units of the urban community engage in the Navadurga processions and participate in their presence.
In the context of Indra·)atra. marking the end of the rainy season. similar spatial divisions become manifest Starting on the day before the full moon, four deities and an elephant representing Indra are carried around the city, following the circumambulation route on seven successive days. Thus, through the Navadurga celebrations as well as through the procession of lndra·)atra.
the heterogenous character of BhaJctapur is made manifest and its socioculrural unity is reaffirmed.
On the first day of Gai·Jatra, the whole population circumambulates the town following the circwnambulatory course; thereafter the images of three deities are carried 810ftg the same route on the same day (p.57). In contrast to these deities, Bhairava, symbolized by a very small image, circumambulates the city's lower half on the evening of the third day and its upper half on the fourth and last day (pp.57·62). Thus, through the performance of this ritual
procession within lhe course of four days, thereby 'publicly marking the division of lhe procession inlo twO parts. the city's most important units are articulated, and are made apparent to the performers as well as to the audience. At the same time these units are integrated into the sociopolitical whole.
A multitude of significant fearures are involved in the symbolic enactmenlS of Navadurga processions within the ritual and temporal context of the Dasain festival. For present purposes a brief outline may be useful. In the autumn, the great festival of Oasain or Ourg. Puja marks the beginning of the harvesl. A prominent role in the Navadurga celebrations is ascribed to Taleju. By providing the manl!i necessary 10 empower the partial forms of the group of Nine Durgas to resume their manifesuuions of the Goddess throughout the city, it is Taleju who, by ritually starting the process of symbolic enactments, exerts control over the Navadurga celebrations. MentilOn must be made here of the fact that Taleju, once the Malladynasry's lineage I~oddess, but nowadays still the city's dominant deity, is closely connected with a group of powerful high ranking Brahman Tantric priests.
In the Navadurga processions the bulk of the ceremlOnial actors are Oalba, a low caste of landless gardeners and day labourelrs. It is their duty to represent the gods, Le. to carry their masks as well as to care for them, Moreover, they have to act as musicians and to perfonn the dances. It is worth mentioning that all male members of the 45 Oathll households have to participate in the ritual enacunents according to
a
rotational principle; even the female head of the Galba community has to perform some ritua1 duties in Ihis conte~:t in public.t2 Apart from these functions fulfilled by Gatha members, many other castes are tied uno the complex whole of the Navadurga celebrations. To name but a few other outstanding roles perfonned in the framework of this religious celebration: a Jyapu (fanner) priest acts as the Gatha group's adviser concerning mainly the musical aspects of the perfonnances; a Joshi (astrologer) sets the dates of perfonnance according to the lunar calendar; a Pum (painter) makes the masks; the head of the Kumahnaya (poner) provides the clay for making the new masks.1l Hence, the ritual perfonnances centering on the Navadurga appearances in the context of Oasain necessitate the cooperation of representatives of high, middle, and lower caste groups in order to pedonn distinct activities. In the course of these highly orchestrated ritua1 enactments, obviously involving society as a whole, various modes of dramatic interplay - between religious practices, social status, and power relations - are articulated.The Navadurga, i.e. the powerful Mother--Goddessles, ensure fertility and reproduction for the people of Bhaktapur.t4 In other words, they symbolize the life and well·being of the community as a whole. In the framework of the processions the Mother-Goddesses are represented by lYlasks which are created anew for each festival. When the festival has comt: to its end, an event signa1ling Ihe end of the rainy season as well, these masks are cremated. In the following year their ashes are used in the creation of the next generation of masks. Accordingly, the stages of their birth and death seem to reflect the critical phases of the agricultural cycle.
In the city of Bhaktapur, the Navadurga processions constitute the main ritual enactments of the Oasain festival. Over a sequence of eight days the sacred sites of the Mother Goddesses are visited for worship, thereafter the Navadurga take a rest. 1ben, two months after Oasain, they resume their symbolic enactments for the following six months, In sum, about 19 viUages outside the city's territorial rt.a1rn, though within the coofmes of the old Ma11a kingdom of Bhaktapur. and 21 public squares within the urban sphere. have to be visited. These processions through the streets and lanes of almost all of the city's quarters are commonly understood as a massive demonstration of the actua1 presence of the gods within the community.15 By taking the chance to welcome them as their guests in their own quarter, or even in their own houses, people have the chance to participate in the power of the divine.
Based upon a detailed and thoroughly grounded description of the diverse rituals held within the realm of Bhaktapur's urban space, Gutschow establishes a useful distinction between two categories of local pilgrimage. Ritual movements through urban space such as those mentioned above are directed to the shrines of the Mother·Goddesses. They evolve in a linear mode by using the most direct way from the starting point to the sacred site which is to be visited (p.63;186). In sum, however, these coUective movements within the temporal context of the Navadurga processions, for example, can be considered as 'ambulations' - as opposed to 'circumambulation' - Ihrough urban space, &sential to this mode of ritual procession as 'ambulation' is that it contextua1izes spatially as well as temporally a fixed set of deities which happen to be localized at diverse sites throughout the city's spatial realm (p.67).
On the other hand, the city's route of circumambulation combines 20 out of the 24 main city squares as well as 7 out of 8 the 'dyochems', Le. the goddess's house. Thus, it places aD important sociopolitical sites as well as aU ritua1 centres in one context Bhaktapur's route of circumambulation does not lead around the whole of its urban space. More than one third of the whole length of the 4 km long circumambulation route follows the main ,,?ad of ~
town, thus remaining within the realm of the urban settlement. OwUlg to thiS phenomenon. Bhaktapuc's pradakJwl does not define ils own boundary.
2. C.
J.
Miller on faith-healers in the pillr1male contextInteresting light has been shed on a still unexplored field wilhin the realm of Himalayan pilgrimage research by CJ. MiUer's pioneering 'Investigation of Traditional Healers and their Festiva1s in Oolakha Oistrict'.16 The central focus of Miller's inquiry deliberately explores the .ihlkr.i's role within pilgrimage festivals of regional importance, Not only does the author aim to investigate those roles and functions which set the uaditional faith-healer apart from other specialists working in related fields, such as priests and modem doctors; he also seeks to discern what kind of 'professional' organization they may have developed, and to learn about how the ordinary people, their potentia1 clients, view them.
According to the author, the chosen framework of a particular pilgrimage festival can be illuminating ... because these festiva1s provide
ihlkri.
and laypeople (both clients .od spectators) with opportumtles and interaction ... "(p.184), For the limited purpose of this review, Miller's observations concerning the symbolic enactments performed by
.ihIkri
in the pilgrimage context, their relationsbip with the pilgrims. IS well as the SpecUIC modes of their interaction, are of special interest. The following wiU mainly refer to the case study dealing with the pilgrimage to Kalingchok mountain, situated in the north-eastem part of Nepa.l, on the occasion of Saun Pumima.i.e. the fullmoon of Saun (July·August),
On this auspicious date, about a lhousand pilgrims nock together on the remote mountain top of Kalingchok (12,513 ft.). It is a holy silt which is regarded by the population of the region as the divine abodc of the Mother Goddess Kali. Within an existing regional set of at least sevcn sacred sites which are associated with diverse fonns of the Mother Goddess all being closely related by kinship ties, Kalingchok Mai represents the eldest sister.
Holy sites such as this are regarded as the abode of the local protective deity. 1be religious perfonnances held there by pilgrims as well as by
.iblkri
and priests represent rituals that are meant to pay respect to the local gods (and demons· see G.Toffin) by paying worship to them in order to assure the revered deity's protection of individuals and their family, of kin groups. and of the local as well as of the wider community. 17 In the Himalayas the cult of local gods is practised among adherents of Buddhism as well as of Hinduism.
Religious people associate a holy mountain with a double meaning. On the one hand it is considered as the home of a god and/or goddess to be worshiped, usually the tutelary deity of the locality or region. On the other hand, it represents a deity whose power reaches as far as the mountain can be perceived from afar. Very often a holy site in the remote Himalayas combines a mountain with a lake, the latter being regarded as both the representation of a goddess and also of her abode. At such a place god and goddess are imagined to spend their existence in eternal hannony.
The devotees come from the whole region - in the main from Sindhu Palchok and Dolakha District. This pilgrimage is no easy task. Moved by the desire to pay a ceremonial visit to the Mother Goddess, to bring offerings and worship her at her shrine, the pilgrims are willing to undenake a fairly difficult journey on foot in the rainy season.
For the devout pilgrims, on Kalingchok Mountain there are three sites of special veneration and worship. Two different, but distinctively shaped stones situated at the far eastern end of the summit are used for blood sacrifices (one for fowls, the other for young female goats). The third site is a small pond called Bhagawati Kunda. At this pond the majority of devotees usually crowd together during the pilgrimage festival
The worship of the powerful Mother Goddess is effected by the perfonnance of a set of pious acts. These include the circumambulating of the mountain top clockwise, thereby praising the Goddess aloud; hymns are chanted by men and women in separate singing groups; offerings are made by individuals scauering grains of husked rice (~), as well as by incense, lights, flowers. and coins.
This multitude of ritual acts, which are meant to assure the worshiper of the goodwill of the revered deity, are performed by individual pilgrims.
Among them there is no doubt as to what gifts are suitable to be presented in this context 1be offerings made are identical, but the meanings attributed to them may vary individuaUy. Given the varying ideu as to the content of the various gifts and procedures, these pious acts. according to MiUer. serve at least the common function of giving a name to the invisible power of the divine contacted at the place of pilgrimage, thereby trying to exert some control over it. t8 The author attributes the laypeople's observed vagueness and variety of ideas to the absence of religious specialists representing an 'institutionalized' religion, whether they be Hindu priests or Buddhist lamas. It is implied that. if these were present on the occasion of this pilgrimage festival. authority would be ascribed to them to impose an official interpretation on the congregation. The latter would include the sacred site, its history and meaning. an~ the ritual procedures appropriate to the worship of the Mother Goddess to be performed at this site.l9
Here on the mountaintop of Kalingchok, contact is being made with the venerated deity. with the pilgrims thus participating by their presence in the invisible powers of the divine. On the part of the pilgrims, worship is offered to the visible images of the unseen divine powers, hoping for the Mother Goddess' blessings in return. But although the common illiterate fanner's experience of the flow of his everyday life demonstrates the blessings of health. wea1th. progeny, and hannony usually expected in this context, these are constantly threatened by the interference of powers which are beyond his control. A salient feature of this holy site. however. consists of the compkte absence of any representative of a fonnally legitimized and institutionalized religious authority to teach the individual pilgrim the meaning and history of the sacred site and to instruct her or him what to do there. Instead, there is to be encountered only a 'living tradition'. This tradition concerns the observation of the polarity characteristic of the sacred locale in the context of ritual perfonnance: the two stones as the site of blood sacrifice each performed by a 'priest'20. and the Bhagawati Kunda as the locus for the other modes of worship described. The
.ihllri
present on the occasion of the pilgrimage festival on the mountaintop of Kalingchok act as officiating representatives of this living tradition.In this particular context, one way of coping with a world which is governed by the invisible powers of mighty gods and goddesses consists of turning 'to a man who claims to see and have power' (p.7). As Miller points out, these popular expectations seem to constitute the precondition for not only accepting. but fully appreciating the ililkri's specific abilities on the part of the congregation. Owing to these circumstances, the remole holy center seems 10 be an appropriate setting for the ililkri to stage his ritual enacuntnts effectively.21
On the auspicious day of the festival, the panicipant observer counts about forty
.ih.ikri
who have gathered at the holy mountain site. UsualJy the.ihikri.
fully dressed in his characteristic costume and equipped with his paraphernalia. appears accompanied by a considerable following. On the way
up to the sacred site. on the ritual journeys around the mountain top, u well as on his way back home, he is preceded by some male anendants bearing the sacred vessel Cbumbal and occasionally. when the.ihlkri is busy with other activities. also beating his drum. These drumbeats berald the
,ihlkIfs
presence and his ritual activity. He is followed by a group of young singers the size of which can vary according to the .ihikri's reputation. All members of the .ibikri's group seem to be members of one village community (whose socialstatus in everyday life is not mentioned).~
At times. the ritual movement of a jhjkri's group, backed by his drumbeat and incantations and the singing and praying of his (ollowers, comes to I
standstill. Having announced that he is about to beg Kalingchok Mai for power, a controlled up-and-down shaking of his shoulders renders visible his shon contact with the invisible forces of the divine. This controlled state of bodily trembling is considered 10 be the proof of his brief immediate contact with the invisible world and its powers.
It requires the full concentration of his spiritual strength to repeatedly establish this short contact in the course of the pilgrimage festival. Due 10 these communications he is able 10 recoup the strength he needs to perform a successful job as a local healer in the year to come. Not unimportantly, though, his strength as a.ihlkri is highly dependent on what the locallaypeople think of him. Accordingly, his image as a successful
.ib1kri
has to be renewed constantly.22 He tries to establish this positive image by publicly demonstrating his capabilities on festive events of particular importance at a remote sacred locale (as well as at his home).In this particular context, the relationship between jbikri seems to be of little importance. Only a few instances are described, and these clearly demonstrate that there is hardly any interaction between them.23 Nevertheless their relationship seems to be delicate. Miller swnmarizes it as foUows: M ••• no open hostility, simply an ignoring of one another even when coming face to face or rubbing shoulders in the packed crowd."(p.31)
In the course of the .iblkri's symbolic enacbllents within the framework. of the Kalingcbok Jalra, the flCld researcher observes the emergence of a special kind of 'unity in action' among all the pilgrims present (p.21). It is this particular social state, resulting from the pilgrimage process itself, which seems to constitute the salient feature of the whole festival or, at least, of its climax. According to the ethnographer, the great diversity of the congregation assembled ·Tamang, Sherpa, TIwni, Brahman. Cbetri. Newar, Jirel, Damai, Kami. Sarki, and Magar listed in numerical order ·is 'united' on the same holy ground. Thus, the pilgrims of diverse castes and ethnic origin, sharing the same spiritual purpose for the short duration of this festival, constitute a 'community'.204 And it is at the sacred place on top of that remote mountain on this occasion that an interesting reversal of socio·religious roles happens to take place. In normal everyday life the high castes rank on top of the Hindu socio·religious strucrure, and the mere existence of jblkri seems to be a delicate problem. For the short duration of the festival. however, it is the
.ihlkri
who asswnes the 'highest rank' among the pilgrims (p.22).It is noteworthy, however, that the
.i.I:ilk..ti
does not seem to actively'appropriate' this kading rank within the congregation. On the contrary, it is the heterogenous community of pilgrims who ascribe this prominent role 10 him. For it is he who can obviously fulfill the mediating role between the realm of the mundane and that of the divine, i.e. between the different pilgrims present and the Mother Goddess who is believed to reside on this mountain top.
The fact that in this particular framework. the heterogenous community or pilgrims assigns the lead role to the
.ihIkIi
is not due solely to his particular spiritual powers. As outlined above, the salient characteristic of this holy site consists in the complete lack of any representative of each of the two institutionalized religions who could be credited with giving authoritative interpretations to the laypeople concerning the history and meaning of the sacred locale. Moreover, to this absence is added the above·mentioned expectations of the pilgrims, associated with their visit to the shrine of the Mother Goddess. In this particular framework, for the pilgrims it seems but a logical outcome la entrust the.ibIkri
with the function of communicating with the invisible world of the divine. These religious specialists are not only present; they are a150 endowed with particular capabilities which may serve to fulfill this special task, as the public display of their strength in this setting clearly seems to prove.3. W. Sax: Gender and Politics In a Hlmalayan Pilgrimage
In his comprehensive study of a set of local and regional pilgrimages in Garhwal for the worship of the regional protective deity, W. Sax draws attention to several competing religious and secular discourses which are at play within this context. in the case of these regional pilgrimages the conflicting discourses are not the result of a variety of perceptions and understandings 'imported' by pilgrims to a sacred locale; on the contrary they are 'home-grown' and are staged by the regional population concerned.
Viewing the pilgrimage complex as a dynamic social and cultural context, the ethnographer seeks to explore why and how these conflicting discourses are played out in this particular sening. His focus mainly aims at investigating the conflict and articulation of two different, but murually·linked discourses.
One occurs in the course of a pilgrimage procession predominantly between two rival priestly factions and involves several political as well as territorial aspects of regional importance. Quite contrary to Turner's ideal of 'communilas', in the case studies presented factionalism and conflict are inherent characteristics of all the ritual processions observed. Notwithstanding the various instances of more or less serious conflict which arise in this context, ultimately all these pilgrimage processions serve la generate social unity on their respective levels ('linage, locality, region).
The other type of discourse. one between females and males concerning gender politics, emerges in all the different types of pilgrimage and renects a structural fealure of the society. As Sax sees a complex link between the pilgrimage processions and the politics of gender he presents an explicit and detailed treatment of this crucial aspect of Uttarakhand society. In the present context the analysis of this discourse adds an important. but so far little known
aspect to the realm of pilgrimage research. Hence. in the following. short outline shall be presented concerning the gender problem as mirrored in the comCJ;t of Nandadevj's pilgrimages.
"The Royal Pilgrimage of the Goddess Shri Nanda is among the longest and most difficult pilgrimage5 in the world: a three-week, barefoot journey of 164 miles led by a four-homed ram during the foul weather at the end of the Tlliny season. After traversing nIIin-swollen rivers. dangerous windswept passes, and terrifying ice fields. pilgrims reach the lake of Rupkund, localed at fifteen thousand feet and surrounded by hundreds of human skeletons. 1ben they cross a narrow vertical spot called 'the Path of Death' and proceed 10 Homkund. 'the lake of the fire sacrifice' where, according to the faithful, the four-homed ram leaves the procession and flods its way, unaided to the summit of Mount Trishul. which is called 'KaHash' by the local peoplc."(p.161-2) This impressive pilgrimage represents an outstanding mode of worship to the most popular deity of the entire region. For reasons not given, though, the Royal Pilgrimage occurs very rarely.25
Nandadevi's periodic processions comprise two other distinct fonns of pilgrimage. The annual Small Pilgrimage leads the devotees through an area which is regarded as the home of the deity. And several annual village pilgrimages constitute the third category of processions in honour of the divine regional protectress.
Notwithstanding the marir:ed differences between them, there is a central fealure common to all three categories of pilgrimage procession. None of them leads to a sacred site associated with a deity that is to be worshiped in the course of Nandadevi's processions. People regard all three fonns as pilgrimages of the goddess, not of the pilgrims (p.57). When the goddess leaves for her ritual journey. she travels as a divine bride in I wedding palanquin 10 the abode of her husband, Lord Shiva. On these festive occasions the devoul pilgrims travel with the deity, in other words they accompany her on her journey.
Nandadevi is regarded as a village daughter married outside the village according to the rules of residence. At the same lime she is the popular regional goddess who, being married to Lord Shiva, has to leave her natal home in order 10 reside at her husband's place. Hence, the ritual journey of lbe goddess can be seen as the epitome of the married woman's usual lot in lbat society. Nandadevi is feasted and worshipped during all three fonns of ritual procession and then sent back to her husband's place. All ritual journeys are conceived of as 'departures' and 'esconings' of the divine daughter Nanda from her natal place back 10 that of her husband (p.37). Accordingly, these joumeys achieve their significance in relation to the actual movement of human women between their natal homes and their husbands.
As in most of Hindu NOM India, in Uttarakhand a newly married couple is expected 10 live in the husband's home. Sons of the family thus remain members of the consanguineal group, whereas daughters become identified with the affinal group and its lineage. Hence, Sax maintains that, due to the strict rule of virilocality, married women have to suffer considerably from various problems.
The male pan of the population claims that marriage works as an imponant social mechanism which brings about a complete substantial and moral. transfonnalion of the bride. According to Sax. however, this male conception ignores the reality of social life. h consciously denies any notion of a woman's enduring links to the place and family of her binh. Moreover. the male conception ignores the resulting worries and emotional tensions and the quarrels with her husband on the part of the married woman. Quite contrary to the male's ideologieaUy-charged claim, Lynn Rennett has observed among high-ca5te women in Nepal that in real life the married woman visits her natal home frequently, thereby maintaining strong emotional and ritual ties.26 Inspired in this context by Bennet's findings. Sax sees the male conception as a crucial element of a male ideology aiming at keeping control by containing women; virilocal residence is but a logical and powerful means of realizing this goal. in opposition to the male's claim, the author suggests that the woman remains part of her natal place even after marriage (p.98).
In order to lend proof to his hypothesis, Sax focuses upon a detailed sludy of diverse versions of the religious songs sung in praise of Nandadevi, interpreting them from a woman's point of view.17 He observes that tensions.
quarrels, and open conflicts due to the woman's desire to return to her natal home and the husband's refusal, which in everyday life erupt occasionally, constitute a prominent theme of Nandadevi's songs. Men, however, refuse to accept the validity of these songs. They legitimize their discourse by referring to the fact that Nandadevi's songs are less fixed and more variable than the classical scriptures of Hinduism. Hence. the author concludes that whereas written texts have come to be associated with male, Brahman priests, orallexl$
seem to be associated with 'lower ranked ritual specialists and women' (p.23).
Moreover, the deity's reluctance to leave her natal place after marriage is not only vividly reflected in her songs. This same theme is dramatically enacted around the climax of the pilgrimage procession when the goddess is about to climb the summit of 'Kailash', her divine husband's abode. The ethnographer describes how her palanquin SlOps several times and races back down the mountain at great speed. Whenever this happens, all the men gathered drag her palanquin back up the mountainside. The male palanquin bearers have their own interpretation. They insist that they are 'pulled' by the power of the goddess. However, the author comments on this dramatic procedure differently: "Though Nandadevi is reluctant to return to her 'sauryas' [i.e. husband's home), village men force her to do so, while mamed women look on and weep. M(p.59) The author suggests that the pilgrimages help to reproduce social relations of male domination and female subordination. So why do women in Uttarakhand continue 10 take pan in them? As Sax sees it. these pilgrimages offer them a 'panial remedy' for their frustnltion at being forcibly separated from their nataJ home. (p.206)
'Plurality or discourses', 'slalus and communitas'
Combining the various segments of the Himalayan pilgrimage complex presented. which are drawn from a variety of research perspectives, the unfolding picture reveals an interesting complexity. It is this complexity
which can be regarded as a salient characteristic of the pilgrimage phenomenon. To become meaningful for future research. however, the results of empirical research on Himalayan pilgrimage have to be confronted with recent theoretical discourse on pilgrimage. The evidence collected from the HimaJayan field suggests that there can be no doubt as to the validity of Durkheim's claim that ritual events such as pilgrimage festivals scJ'¥c to maintain the given 50Cial order; in many instances, they even reinforce social boundaries and distinctions.
Moreover, the very complexity discovered in the field obviously contradicts Turner's influential. but everly deterministic theoretical model. It now seems appropriate in this context to rethink Turner's purportedly universal categories such as 'communitas', 'structure' and 'anli-structure' by laking into account the very panicularity of historically and culturally specific meanings and practices encountered in the field.
The significant heterogeneity of the pilgrimage process within the geographical realm of the Hindu-Buddhist interface can be attributed to the high degree of historical and cultural diversity played out in this particular ritual context. The picture outlined illustrates that the practice of pilgrimage as well as the sacred powers attributed to a particular shrine give shape to varied competing, or often even conflicting discourses among the different sectors of the cultie constituency. Hence. as the late M. Sallnow suggested, one has to expand Turner's work on pilgrimage by showing that pilgrimage is both 'functionally integrative' and 'structurally disintegrative'.28 In real life the pilgrimage process can constitute an arena for the staging and playing out of conflictS, and also a context in which those conflicts -at least temporarily _ can be dissolved. Moreover, Sallnow (p.4) points out that pilgrimage festivals represent one of the means by which the great and little traditions keep in touch with each other, thereby maintaining the unity of the religious system as a whole.
Further research on HimaJayan pilgrimage, as I see it, has to take into account the fact that the Himalayas constitute a vast Hindu-Buddhist contact zone. The multitude of diverse caste and ethnic groups inhabiting this area represent the 'cultural pluralism' which is regarded as characteristic not only of Nepal.29 Moreover, the castes and ethnic groups demonstrate a considerable capacity to adapt themselves to changes brought about by innuences from the southern as well as the nonhern civilizations. As 8.N.Az.iz suggests, this interface between the two great religions constitutes a suitable framework of reference for fruitful research within the realm of Himalayan pilgrimage. It is here that the two great traditions meet, thereby steadily transfonning the little traditions. Not surprisingly, dlis vitality at the interface currently also gives rise to new pilgrimage patterns.30
An appropriate understanding of the effects of the rapid process of change on the phenomenon of Hindu and Buddhist pilgrimage will be fundamental for further research on this subject. In a global context of the powerful resurgence of a variety of 'revitalization' movements and the emergence of state·centered and ethnic nationalisms. future scientific investigation of Himalayan pilgrimage patterns may open up some new perspectives.
Notes:
IOn this realm
see
J. EadelM. J. Sallnow (cds.): Contwing the Sacred. The Anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage. London: Routledge 1991. A 'new agenda in pilgrimage studies' is advocated and some new theoretical approaches presented by Eade cl. SaUnow in their comprehensive introduction.(pp. 1-29). The most rucot contribution on pilgrimage, but only comprising papers delivered at a conference at the University of Pittsburgh in May 1981, is the anthology 'Sacr~d Jowneys. Tke Anthropology of Pilgrimag~. ed. by A.
Morinis. Westport, O,JLondon: Greenwood Press 1992.
200 the pilgrimage network see A. Bharati: 'Pilgrimage in the Indian Tradition.' In: History of Religions 3 (1963), pp. 135-167; S.M. Bhardwaj:
Hindu Places of Pilgrimag~. A Study in Cultural Geography. Berkeley:
University of California Press 1973; J. 1. Preston: 'Sacred Centers and Symbolic Networks in South Asia.' In: Th~ Mankind Quarterly 20 (1980), pp. 259·293.
3Another interesting example in this context is the case of the chief priest of Badrinath who comes from a Namboodri Brahman family in Kerala. A candidate for this post has to be recommended by the Kerala government to that of Uttar Pradesh to forward his name to the king of Tehri·Garhwal. The latter is the tutelary head of the sacred complex of Badrinath. See D. Kumar:
The Sacred Complex of Badrinath.' In: M. Jha (cd.): Social Anthropology of
Pilgrimag~. New Delhi: Inter·lndia 1991, p. 205-216. See p. 210.
40n the close connection of political power and religious authority in the context of religious festivals see e. g. R. Burghart: 'Gifts to the Gods: Power, Property cl. Ceremonial in Nepal' In: D. Cannadine/S. Price (eds.): Rituals of Royalty: Pow~r &. C~rtmonial in Traditional Soci~ti~s. Cambridge: C. U. P.
1987. pp. 237·270; P. Ramirez: 'Drama, Devotion and Politics: 1be Dasain Festival in Argha Kingdom.' In: G. Toffm (cd.): N~pal. Past and Pruent.
New Delhi: Sterling 1993, pp. 47·59.
'A. Michaels: 'Pilgrimage and Priesthood at the Pasupatinatha Temple of Deepatan (Nepal).' In: H. Biller (cd.): The HislOry of Sacr~d Places in/ndia as Reflectui in Traditional Literalfue. Papers on Pilgr;mag~ in SOlllh Asia.
Leiden: E.l. Brill 1990, pp. 131-159; see p. 138.
6This process has been anaIyz.ed by R. Burghart in: 'The Disappearance and Reappearance of Janakpur.' In: Kailash VI (1978). pp. 257-84.
7F.-K. Ehrhard also provides valuable infonnation on the Tibetan view of Muktinath in Tibetan Sources of Muktinath: Individual Reports and Normative Guides (in press).
8Both traditions have given binh to a distinct genre of literary descriptions of pilgrimage routes and sacred sites. Many scholars have devoted considerable effort in translating and analyzing such texts; see e. g. the NepUamiibltmya, cd. and transl. H. Uebach. MUnchen: Fink 1970; K.
Dowman: 'A Buddhist Guide to the Power Places of the Kathrnandu Valley.' In: Kailash 7 (1981), pp. 183-291: A. W. MacDonald: 'A Linle Read Guide 10 the Holy Places in Nepal.' Part 2 (in coUaboration with Dvags·po-rin·po-che).
In: A. W. Macdonald: Essays on the Elhnology of Nepal and South Asia.
Kathmandu: Ralna Pustak Bbandar 1987, Vol. I, pp. 100-134.
90n the: whole vaUey sec M. Slusser: Nepal Ma.ndQJo. A Cultural Study of the KOliJnulfldu Vollq. Princelon: Princeton U. P. 1982. 2 Vols.; on Bhaktapur, Vol. I, p. 346.
10According to D. Gellner. in some cases learned interpretation sees this movement around a sacred eenlcr as 'marking out the framework of a mandala', Monk. HOlluholdu. and Tontrjc Priest. Newar Buddhism and ilS flierarchy
0/
Ritual. Cambridge: Cambridge U. P. 1992. p. 190.IIR. I. U"y mentions that " ... every mature individual is involved in a great number of different culturally defined and validated realities and experiences calling upon and evoking different aspectJ or even kinds of 'self
IS he or she moves from one 10 anolherM In: Mesocosm. Hinduism and IM Orgo.nizaJion of a Traditional Newor City ill Nepal. Delhi: Motilal 1992 (orig.
1990), p. 31.
12Gul.schow and G. M. Basukala give a closer description in The Nav.durga of Bhaktapur - Spllial Implications of an Urban Ritual: In:
Gutschowl A. Michaels (eds.): Huitage of the Kathmondu Valley. St.
Augustin: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag 1987, pp. 135-66.
see
p. 139.13The complex process of creating these masks is dicussed by J. H. Tailhec The Tradilion of the Nava Durga in BhaJctopur, Nepal. In: Kailash 6 (1978), pp. 81-98.
140n the Navadurga processions and the mother goddesses in Bhakrapur see M. Slusser Vol. I, pp. 344-48; and M. M. Anderson: The Festivals of Nepal. Calcuna: Rupa 1988. p. 145.
151be existence of 24 funeral routes. however. seems to suggest that the city of Bhakrapur does not consist of 21. but is actually made up of 24 quarters. Gutschowl Basukala admit that the reason for this disparity remains
unsolved (1987: 155).
161n his introduction (p. XITI), A. W. Macdonald reminds us that Miller's field research was done at a time when the phenomenon of spirit possession in Nepal was, unlike nowadays, still not widely recognized. Thus, Miller's vivid account based upon participant observation served to demonstrate that. despite the ongoing Hinduization and the rapid expansion of 'modem', i. e. Western medical services throughout the kingdom. this ancient tradition is sliU very much alive.
170n Hindu and Buddhist views of the boly mounrains see A. Bharati:
'Actual and Ideal Himalayas: Hindu Views of Mounrains.' In: J. F. Fisher
(ed.): Himalayan Anthropology. The Indo-Ti~tan Interface. Mouton: The
Hague 1978. pp. 77-82; O. TofrlD: 'Dieux du sol et demons dans les religions himalayeMes.' In: Etudes Rurales No. 107-108 (1987): 85-106; G. Samuel:
Civili:ed Shamans. Buddhism in Tilutall Societies. Washington! London:
Smithsonian Insl Press 1993, pp. 182-191.
181n this ritua1 context the act of 'naming' can be considered as a deliberate effort to appropriate some of the divine powers unseen: "Naming it is a method of bringing the unseen somehow into the ambit of visible reality." (p.
17).
19 According to B. N. Aziz it is due to these particular cin:umstanccs. that in its very essence a pilgrimage represents a 'subjective experience': 'Personal
Dimensions of the Sacred Journey: What Pilgrims Say.' In: Religious Studies 2l (1987), pp. 247-261, see p. 261.
lOlt is regrettable that these two 'priests' have never been given any closer scrutiny by the author. Due to this there is a complete lack of infonnation as to the tradition they represent in the framework of this pilgrimage festival. to their socia1 and/or ethnic standing, etc. Moreover, there is no indication as to what these stones stand for in local mythology.
21Miller observes that in this context the
iblk.r.i
functions in an 'undifferentiated, unhierarchised communitas' (p. 186).22.lbe .ihlkd's dependence on public opinion is summarized in the following: "He depends on his reputation. built upon cures or at least improvements in his patients' condition. as his validation." (p. 186). For the very few examples of 5pCCirac performances indicated, see p. 23 and 28.
n'The central characteristics of jbakrim. according to Miller, are the lack of any 'fonnal organil.ltionaJ unity among themselves' which they see as 'freedom'; and there is 'no fixed hierarchicaJ relationship among masters' (p.
2; 186). The so..called 'magical batdes' which
among.ihlkri
serve as the arena for contest could provide the necessary material to mirror the ways of interaction typical of this sort of religious specialist. But Miller witnessed only one incident which had been provoked by one of the opponents on purpose - wbo eventually lost (pp. 38-44).24Notwithstanding these fIDdings. the author does not lose hold of the manifold contradictions woven into the pilgrimage process -he also mentions instances of tensions and quarrels (see p. 21, 127·8, 135).
2lIc is remarkable that this pilgrimage occurs both seldom and irregularly.
In ttJ.i! tentury it was held four li"",,! only. In 1981 it W!! witnes~d by tm ethnographer (p. 161).
26See her article 'Maiti-Ghar: The dual role of high caste women in Nepal', p. 126. In: James F. Fisher (ed.), op. cit .• pp. 121-140.
27Sax discovers a 'thoroughgoing gynocentrism of Nandadevi's songs and rituals' (p. 94).
21M. E. Sallnow: Pilgrims of the Andes. Regional Cults in Cusco. WashingtonlLondon: Smithsonian Institution Press 1987. p. 8.
290n this topic see the contributions In J. F. Fisher (ed.) (see fn. 7); as 10
Nepal see L & D. Baral: 'Cultural Pluralism in Nepal: Problems and Prospects of its Preservation.' In: G. Toffm (ed.): The Anthropology of Nepal. From Tradirion to Modernity. Kathmandu: French Cultural Centre 1993. pp. 9-19.
3OB. N. Aziz.: 'Vitality althe Interface: Anthropological Explorations in the Eastern Himalayas.' In: Na/ional Geographt'c Society Research ReporUl 1975 Projects. pp. 67·83; on the current process of revitalization in this realm see M. Helffer: 'A Recent Phenomenon: The Emergence of Buddhist Monasteries around the Stupa of Bodnath.' In: G. Toffm (ed.) op. cit.. pp. 114·131.
BOOK REVIEWS
Nepal's India Policy. Dhruba Kumar (ed.), Kathmandu: Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies,
1992. 150 p. NRs 200.
to November 1991. five months after the Nepali Congress's eJection victory and shortly before prime minister Girija Prasad Koiralals official visit to India, Tribhuvan University's Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies organized a seminar entitled "Continuity and Change in Nepalese Foreign Policy,"
focussing on Nepal's relations with her Southern neighbour. This volume comprises five major papers, together with discussants' comments, an inaugural address by the cenlre's director. Durga Bhandari, and an
"Afterword" by the editor. Whilst all contributors are enthusiastic about the change to democracy in Nepal, three of them had ministerial experience under the panchayat regime: Rishikesh Shaha, though a fierce crilic of the panchayat system from the lale '60s onwards. served as King Mahendra's fmance and Ihen foreign minister shortly afler the 1960 royal coup and was also a principal archilect of the 1962 constitution; the lale Ram Rajbahak was a former Minisler of Industry; and Arjun Narsingh K.C., now an influential Congress M.P., was once Minisler of State for Health. Another of the main participants, Lok Raj Baral, probably Nepal's best-known polilical scientist, rtmained a full-time academic throughout the panchayat cm but ha!i !ong- standing links with the Congress Party and in 1992 was asked by the govemmenl to conduct a one·man investigation inlO the Tanakpur agreemenl, the India-relaled issue currently causing the greatest controversy in Nepal.
Thus, whilsl the seminar proceedings do not strictly reflecl Nepal government policy, they provide the reader with a useful picture of Nepalese establishment thinking.
The kingdom of Nepal, established at the same time that Clive was lying the foundations for British hegemony in India, was never brought under formal British control and therefore does not today form part of the lndian Union.
Nevertheless, as a society dominated by caste Hindus whose language is closely relaled 10 Hindi, ils cultural links to India are extremely strong.
Economically. it is highly dependent on the more developed lndian economy, since the river valleys which facilitate the movement of people and goods run southwards towards the lndian plains rather than east-west !hrough the hills, because military and civil employmenl in India has long been a vital source of additional income for hill fanning communities. Finally, the country's geographical position along the Himalayas, the natural border between south and cenlral Asia, makes it of vital strategic concern to New Delhi. Offsetting these factors binding Nepal to India is the strong sense of separation from, and dislrusl of the plains-dwellers which has long characterised !he hill Nepali.
Any govemmenl in Kathmandu is therefore caught in a dilemma: 10 accept a
degree of Indian fUlelage or to seek countervailing suppon from outside South Asia. and in particular from China_
The problem is complicated by internal Nepalese politics. The presence of a powerful Indian slate to the south. whether in its older incarnation as the British Raj or the present one of the Indian Republic, presents those holding or aspiring to power in Nepal with the conflicting temptations either to seek suppon from the south themselves or to accuse their opponents of doing 50 and thus boost their own nationalist credentials. Regime security was one reason for the policy of close collaboration with British India adopted by the Rana maharajas in the decades before 1947, in particular their facilitating of the. recruitment of Gorkhas into the Indian army and commining Nepal's own army (0 the allied cause in the two World Wars. After Indian independence, the Ranas sought 10 continue this relationship with the new Indian government, hoping thus to win Indian acquiescence both to Nepalese independence and to the continuation of their own autocratic rule. 1be result was the 1950 Peace and Friendship Treaty and the secret Ieners exchanged at the same time: the laUer committed the two govenunents to "consult together and devise effective countermeasures" in the event of threat to either from a foreign power. Nepal thus agreed 10 remain part of the Indian security system at a time when the Chinese Communists were moving into Tibet Despite the fall of the Rana regime a few months laler, the treaty is still technically in force. but Nepalese resentment against being locked into alliance and Indian detennination 10 maintain that alliance have been a basic motive of the two countries' relationship ever since. impacting in panicular on the periodic negotiations over trade and transit which are of vital concern to the Nepalese economy. No Nepalese government has ever directly repudiated the agreeme.'1t, tl.'cn though L~.e document itself provides for ifffiiif1ii.i.ion upon one year's notice from either party. Official statements implying that the treaty is outmoded have been made from time to time, but as soon as the cold wind of New Delhi's displeasure was felt Kathmandu has generally changed tack.
More concretely, Nepal has sought indirectly to neutralise the agreement by various ploys, most notably King Mahendra's playing of the "China card" in the 1960s and King Birendra's 1975 proposal for Nepal 10 be declared a
"Zone of Peace" - a proposal which has, of course, itself been allowed to rest in peace since Nepal's return to multi-party democracy.
Unhindered by the government's need to maintain a worlting relationship with New Delhi. Nepalese intellectuals have been more than willing to take the bull by the homs. Unhappiness with the trealy is thus naturally a key theme running throughoul Ntpal's India Policy. Two of the main contributors make it their central focus. Rishikesh Shaha makes the same, balanced case for revision which he has presented elsewhere, a case which has already won the suppon of one of India's leading academic specialists in Indo-Nepalese relations, Sluee Krishna Jha,l In his own paper, Dhruba Kumar argues rather more passionately against accepting Indian "slrategic primacy," and also provides interesting detail on India's negoliating tactics in the fmal months of the panchayat government. when the latter's position had been weakened both by India's own semi-blockade. of Nepal and by the ongoing pro-democracy
