The Bantustus: the latest strategy of apartheid colonial system

j

CONFERENCE

ON

THE'

SOCIO-ECONOMIC TRENDS

AND

POLICIES

IN SOUTHERN

AFRICA

(DAR-ES-SALAAM, 29 NOVEMBER

^-

7 DECEMBER 1975)

THE

BANTUS'TUS

;

THE LATEST

STRATEGY

OF

AJ?ARTREID _COLONIAL

_SYSTEM

BY

TUNGURU HUARAKA

V UNITED _NATIONS

AFRICAIN INSTITUTE

FOR

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND PLANNING

NOVEMBER.

197S

CS/2528-23

Page 1 THE BANTUSTANS:

THE LATEST STRATEGY OF APARTHEID COLONIAL SYSTEM

INTRODUCTION

:

The Bantustans, euphamiscally called 'Home-lands'

^oy

the proponents of apartheid colonial

system, occupy ( and will

occupy) the most darren and unproductive

areas of the terri¬

tories' of

Namibia

and

South Africa, and for that matter, a

small percentage of the territories of these countries.

the

economic

viability

of the

bantustans

is highly doubtful.

These

features of the

Bantustans

have been considered and investigate

d—' 1/

.

•

The

proponents of apartheid system answer arguments of lNViABiLiTY oif

:Bantustans

based on sparsity of

population,

inadequate 'and unproductive

areas, scarcity of resources, with

dry statistics*

It

is

argued, for example, that the TrANSKEI,

the showpiece of' the

bantustan' system, has more population and

occupies a large territory than a number of indepen dent . states

(some

^{of them}

African) which are members of the United Nations;

that it has more qualified people than many independent

states,

•

2/

and so the ill-conceived statistical argument g o es— .

despite

the fact that statistics can be thrown back at the defenders of apartheid colonial

system; such as the fact that the ïswanaland Bant.ustan

in

Namibia

will have a population of only

2,530, and

that is if all the

tswana

speaking people in

namidia

are moved.

But

of course the statistical argument of the

settler-colonia¬

lists'

government of

south africa

cannot

legitimise the occu¬

pation of the greater parts of

namibia

and

south africa'

0y the

• ! . - .

,

white settlers»

îhe "'hole, of n al.il 3 i a and 3u t h africa by the

■I

. ' • \" ' ' U?

to the

African

people.

Undoubtedly, ^the issue of land will be

finally resolved by armed

struggle, and for obvious reasons

that is an issue beyond the purview of this paper.

CS/2528-23

Page ₂

In

this _{paper we will}

analyse the

ideological

_{basis for}

the. .c.re.at-i o-n- o-f"

b'/tntlts

ta

n*s / the

e conom i c

implication

of the

system, and finally attempt

to indicate the

extra-territorial implications

of

Bantustans.

I• IDEOLOGICAL _BASIS

Apartheid

_{colonial system}

has undergone

transformation

in its

presentation

an'd form and'

í3antus

tan is its

latest

crea¬

tion.

:

But

the raison

d'être

has not

changed, and

it is _still

swartge'ya

a.r

(olack danger')

^.

V/llat

had changed _is the .presen¬

tation

and form and in that lies the

danger, particularly

out- s i de

apartheid controlled areas.

the settler-colonialists

in

south africa

and _in

namibia

being a

minority

of

usurpers

suffer from

afr]

can-ma jori ty- phobia.

Thus

the

domestic

and foreign

policies

_{o;f the white}

minority government

of

south AfrI.CA

are

determined

by t h i-s

hallucinatory

fear and

insecurity. therefore, ^first

^and fore¬

most

bantustans

are

security measures designed

to divide and

control

the

à

fr 1 cans ^- the old

colonial policy

of divide and rule.

Secondly, Bantustans

are an

economic

_{system designed} above all

toprovide

_{cheap labour}

for the

mines, factories

and farms of

settler-co _loni

_{ali sts}

controlle

d

south africa

and

namibia. And thirdly,

and derived _{from second as}

well as

buttressing

the

first, bantustans

are a syst em- d e s i g n ed to divide

Namibia

ano

South Africa

_{in.to two}

_unequal

parts.

, ' '

These _factors

_centred

on an

determined

by fear _and greed of the

settler—colon _1al1sts

_{seem to}

defy

conceptualiza¬

tion of the

South African _system:

_whether

it is

politics

of a racialis the

dominant economy

or_factor

economics

_{of the}of

political

_racism.

it

seems fear

two, and

thus perhaps it is appro priate to

consider

_the

south african

system as

politics

of a racial

economy. we

_will

consider

the

contradictlon

_between

political

_{racism and}

industrial _expansion

_below.

CS/2528-23

page 3

The Nationalist Party, the current Afrikaner ruling party, fought the 1948 elections (only for whites) ^{on the}

3 /

issue of

Swartgevaar (clack danger) and won it on that issue—7.

It

should de noted that

previous white minority governments of South Africa

equally practised

segregationist policy, though

more sudtle than what the crude

Afrjkane.rs

were

to pursue

after

1948,

The

history of

South Africa

because of

the element of

white-settlers has been shaped by

racial policy. In fact, it

is conceivable to perceive the

genesis

of

BaNTUATANS as it

relates to the creation

of

labour

reservoir, from the natives (Urban Areas) Act of 1923. The basis of this Act has been

ascrided to the

Stallard commission report (the transvaal

Local Government Commission) of 1922, which argued that the

towns are the white

man's creation

and

that africans were

alien to

them, but that africans may only enter the towns

temporarily to serve the white

man—7, 4/

The most important

part, nevertheless, for the imple¬

mentation of influx control as well as

the- creation of bantus-

tans was the fear the white

minority settlers suffered from.

An Afrikaner

intellectual expressed

it as follows:

"It

is strange that most

liberalists, when propounding

a policy of

equality, assume a prior: that the European

does not need to fear for his security

and future, even

if the

Bantu

were to

dominate the political terrain by

reason of their numbers.

Such

people seem

to believe

that the

bantu

will act

differently and more fairly

towards the

european

population than

the europeans

were or are prepared to be towards the

native popula- 5 /

t | on.

Such

an

assumption is hardly, justifiable—7".

Such

a perverted notion of

human relations,, obviously the world

is not all

apartheid, is of course the result of apartheid-

blinker s

'

th ink1ng.

but

what

is more important it reveals the

CS/2528-23

Page 4

haunting

fear the white-settlers suffer from. it is this

fear, among other factors, that led to the creation of bantus-

tans.

The

ruling

white minority fears the growing of a con¬

glomeration of a prole tar i an i se d african in the cities', thus

the

bantustan is an attempt to fragment the africans into

separate

groups—^ ^{b u t it seems the ri s e of a} proletariat

class, and we will revert to this point later, though signi¬

ficant, at that particular time was not the most de òi s i ve j

dut rather

the rise of the political consciousness of the

Africans and

coupled with this was the realization by the ^.

white

minority government that crude daasskap (bosshood)

apartheid

will only create discontent, necessitated reformu¬

lating

apartheid colonial system, ànd

^î

thus ban tus tan s had

^'

to

be created.

the most dangerous effect of the bantustan and

what the

settler-colonialists consider as a permanent solution

is the

creation of african (petty bourgeoisie) ruling elite,

perhaps

more appropriate to term such a class as 'labour

reserves'

keepers'.

Unlike

the

crude apartheid of the early period of the

regime of

the nationalist party which grouped all africans

together as

hewers ofwood and drawers of water, the sophisti¬

cated

apartheid colonial system of the bantustans accords

status of

'rulers' ^to chiefs and their henchmen.

as

it is

well known by the end of the 1950s and the

beginning of

the 1960s colonialism of sheer physical domination

of a people

by a foreign power was no longer defensible under

any pretenses.

this meant that south africa's friends and

investors

found it more embarrassing to defend the policy of

the white

minority government of south africa |n international

arenas.

thus the bantustan is the latest theoretical attempt to

reduce

the crude race ideology of apartheid c-loniàl 7 / system

and thus

to make such a system appear respectable—'. It is

CS/2528-23

Page 5

aimed at placing continued white minority rule in post colonial period contours»

the afrikaner intellectuals

fervently support

bantustans, ^{and termed}

^it

"parallelism"—^. ^the

^{apologists of}

bantustans

attempt to provide the theoretical das i s for the

bant

us- tan as

"Theoretically

this policy boils down to no-integration

dut also

non-domination"—^. ^But

^{this is} unrealistic in a settler- colonialism

situation. For

the central social feature of settler- colonialism as it has developed in

south africa, as opposed

to a mere territorial

exploitation'1

by a distant

metropolis, is

the distinct relationship of domination that _{developed from simulta¬}

neous living together in one geo-political delimitation.

and

for the

settler-colonialists

to retain their controlling status as wel1 as to exploit the

african

_{majority had to propagate racial policie.}

;

and of course had to contain the

african

_{majority 3y}

_draconian

laws and drute force.

the bantustan

will not alter a dit the c08rcive power structure of the

south african

society.

Even

if

Bantustans

are given

'independence', and it is in

the interest of the

settler-colonialists

and thus for the defence of apartheid colon1 ali sm that this should come

adout, nothing

sub¬

stantial will change.

these bantustans

or

"ethnic states"

will remain labour reserves and thus appendages to apartheid

south afri¬

ca.

The Transkei

appears to de set for

"independence". And

the vital requirement for such

"independence"

was on a note of complet:

docility put by the

chief minister

of the

ïranskei

as:

"It

is the final expression by the

Republic

of its cqmple e confidence in our

loyalty,

our stability and in its own policy of separate

development"-^/. (emphasis added).

What

had changed with propagation-and implementation of

Bantustans

is the emphasis of apartheid from physical separation to political and territorial separation.

And

in this lies the danger of the

bantustan

system,

the

danger is

CS/2528-23 '

^•

Page 6

_«

two-fold: on the one

hand, as

stated

above, the Bantustan

will create an

african 'ruling1

_class»

_a

_{class that sees its}

salvation in the maintenance of the apartheid colonial system.

Thus

the apartheid colonial system by political and territorial separation would not only divide the

africans

ethnically but also on the line

of: 'rulers1

_{against ruled,}

_on

_{the other}

hand,

and this has more serious

implications, the apartheid

colonial system will stand "a chance of receiving international _acceptance and respectadilit

y——^. _{Afterall, as}

_the

_bantustan

_system is conceived and i mplem'e n t e d_,

at

the

international

level it will

... _ i •

3e defended mostly by the few conjured

africans

who manned it,

As

it is some

Africans

in the service of

Bantustans

have already been trained by the architects of apartheid colonial system - white minority ruling clique of pretoria - to sell

Bantustans abroad, as

so called

ambassadors--^. ^The

^settler-

colonialists

in

south africa

by the creation of

bantustans

are

attempting, though futile, to play

the game of decolonisation.

But

this is sham through and

through. They

hope that with

flags and national athems their labour reserves will be accepted as

'independent'

state and thus ward off international' condemna-

i*

ti on.o f apartheid

colonialism,

THE ECONOMICS OF BANTUSTANS

Economically

the

Bantustans

will remain wretched appen¬

dages of apartheid controlled

south africa. the

economic 1 n v 1 a—

bility of the

Bantustans

have been repeatedly emphasized.

It

is obvious from the areas _{designated as}

bantustans

that they are not intended to compete with the areas under settler- colo¬

nial

ists:

proper.

All

the areas where minerals are being exploi¬

ted are and

wjll

remain under the co.ntjlo l. .0 f the setterler-

colonialists. In

the case of

Namibia, for example, the entire

south and central part of the country will remain under white—

settlers'

_control.

_thus

_{all the}

industries, mines, main roads,

the whole of the railways _{network will come under the wh i}

te-settler

The Bantustans

are 1n1 most cases situated » ru the most barren

and difficult and less productive areas of

namibia,

Page

7

For example, in Namibia with the exception of Ovamqoland,

Kaokoland

and

Okavangoland, in all other Bantustans the dulk

of the population

will have to be moved'to the designated

areas.

in

case

of NaMALAND 93$ ^of the people will have to be

moved; for He re roland 7 4$ 5 Dam a r alan d 95$ and as for tsw anal and

13/

the whole group

will have to de moved there—. ïhis indeed

gives lie to

vorster's claims in independent africa that the

Africans settled themselves in these areas and that there are

the best

areas—I ^{IT should,} nevertheless, be emphasized that

there were no

unclaimed areas in south africa and namibia when

the white

settlers a r r.l v e d. and as we indicated above the total

land mass of

namibia and south africa belongs to the africans

and the usurpers

cannot apportion areas to the africans even

if these

were the best areas, which is not the case.

The Africans

of

Namibia and South Africa have been

ruthlessly

exploited under the crude apartheid of racial

ideology of

baasskap and will continue to be exploited under

the

Bantustan system. This is in the nature of settler- colo¬

nialism.

The South African economy has developed to a point

where it has to

some extent created a centre, although it is

still a

periphery of the capitalist centres. perhaps south

Africa is, a peripheral centre and to that' extent' Bantustans

are the

periphery of the periphery. As i n d | c a t e d' a b o v e , the

Bantustan being the most barren and soil eroded areas of

Namibia

and

South Africa, and being devoid of any exploitable

minerals, have no chance of being exploited directly from the

capitalist

centres. thus no crumbs from the capitalist centres

will come

their way like most of the under-developed countries.

They are thus

doomed to remain periphery of the peripheral

centre and thus

suffer double exploitation. on the one hand

to sustain

white minority rule in south africa and namibia, and

on the other to

ensure high returns for foreign investments.

Also

their

chances for aids are limited by the white minority

CS/2528-23

Page

8

regime in

Pretoria. On this point the Minister of Bantu

Administration and Development made it clear that the white

minority

government would consider any offers of foreign

aid to the

bantustans very carefully, and he warned that

"no

help would de

accepted if it was contrary to the Government's homeland policy"—- 15/

^.

In

the

extraction economy of South Africa, as it

das i cally was

until properly after the second world WAR,

large cheap

ladour was dadly needed. WE should point out

that the

south africa's economy has only diversified '3ut it

still has a

substantial base of extraction. |n southern

Africa, what has been aptly termed "Africa of the labour

reserves"—^. development depends on availability of cheap

ladour.

Cheap labour is one of the important components

of

South Africa's ^economic doom. And to obtain this cheap

ladour the

africans had to be dispossessed and thus forced

to seel their

labour—/. yet because of the fear for a wholly

proletariat

class, certain areas were retained as ladour

reserves.

BUT

of

course such ladour reserves were of very

! . .

poor

quality which could not even support subsistence

economy, for otherwise the settler-coloni ali sts' policy

would have been

defeated. ïhe bantustans fulfil the same

requirements.

ïhus ^the system of migratory labour which is

at the- core of the

Bantustan system solved the contradiction

3etween apartheid

colonialism and economic integration of the

races in the modern

economy.

The

Banstustans

are not

only the labour reserves of

the settler-colon

i

ac

ists controlled south africa and namibia,

but are also the

dumping grounds of the industrial human

wastes form

south africa's and namibia's mines,

?

factories and

farms.

The old, the maimed amd the diseased are sent back

to the

bantustans. this is the gruesome inhuman feature of

CS/2528-23

page 9

the inhuman apartheid colonialism.

the

s e t tler-c o lo n i a l i st s controlled

south africa

and

namibia

will thus exploit the

African

^labour without any expenses in such social amenities as hospitals and housing for the

families, schools for the children, 'and pensions for the

aged.

The

burden for such social facilities will fall on the

Bantustans.

Apartheid

colonialism created a multitude of labour reserves

'states'

^tied politically to white minority control¬

led

Namibia

and

South Africa

by a colonial

cord, a variant of

indirect rule of the

British

colonial

system; and economically

via

migratofSy

labour cord.

All

these so-called

'states'

will hover around the apartheid determined economy of

South Africa

like moths and tangle to aparthe id colonial strings like

puppets, which they are.

The

second limb of the economics of

Bantustans

^{is the} asserted contradiction between industrial development and

apartheid

colonialism;

and

it is assumed, in our view falsely,

that industrial development will lead to the destruction of apartheid colonialism.

Anumder

of studies on

south africa

end up with this

conclusion, and it is of course the cherished

weapon of the liberals in

south a

f r i c a.

One

exponent of this thesis: of the logic of economic force presents. the case as follows:

"Inside South Africa., the major source of change

is. likely to be .j n the tension between the eco¬

nomic and political systems.

presumably', there

must be. some point at which an equ.1 l i bfr i u-m

\

, ! « 1 * A

can no longer, be maintained between continued economic growth and increasing political- ri g i—

,d;i

ty

(emphasis added)

And Harry F. Oppenheimer, one of the main beneficiaries of

apartheid

colonialism, echoes the same theme:

.

CS/2528-23

Page 10

"i

have long thought that the

government's

race policies

would, in the long run, be found

to be 1mcompatible with the continued growth of economy at an acceptable rate,

t

hat is tc

say, that economic

growth will have the effect of making fundamental change [n our society which in the long run is

inevitable, attai¬

nable by peaceful means instead of r e v 0 l u t i 0 n s

now this thesis of the logic of economic forces ignores the ideological basis of apartheid colonialism,

apartheid

colonialism as we pointed out above was nurtured by fear and insecurity of the settler-colonialists.

thus

the

bantustans

as stated early are designed to

prevent, among other things,

the emergence of a proletariat class in apartheid controlled

South Africa; for this vital

reason the argument that optimal

industrialization' would lead to the collapse of

south africa's

apartheid colonial system is unfounded,

Moreover

it should be borne in mind that the apartheid colonial system in all its shades and stages has produced an adonormal

phenomenon, that of white

workers being divorced from their counterpart the

african

workers,

in _{fact, due to}

the fact that the white worker enjoys a high cost of living at the expense of the

Afri'can

worker considers himself not as a worker dut as a baas

(g ^{0 s}

^s

)

^,

^the

^{white worker is the}

mainstay of apartheid colonial

system, and will fight

tooth

and ma

tp.pa^ntain it. it there is oi)ie jssuç,~qii which the interests

of both the white minority gover'n1.1 e n t and entrepreneurs

Nck'tJ'ri

n.g

foreign) ^c

^c

^ï

ⁿ

^c \

^{c e}

i t is

^on

Yhe cenîr'À'l

issue

of

maintaining a cheap labour force,

It

is this cheap labour force.

it

is this cheap labour.force which is the single most

important factor for the economic boom and high profit rates of

South Africa.

Also

the cheap labour and thus exploitation of the

Africans

is buttressed by the numerous apartheid laws of

South

CS/2528-23

Page

11

Africa, J o d reservations make s u r e that white workers' jobs

are not

threatened cy competition from the africans. the noto¬

rious

pass laws ensure that permanent and skilled'a fr i can labour

will not

develop to challenge white workers' positions. /> n

now the

bantustan system has created a 'foreign1 labour force.

the apartheid coj.onial system has seen to it that the white

worker takes

the lion's share of the salary cake and thus

ready to

protect the system.

Perhaps one important factor that Is overlooked dy

those who

argue that change will be brought about DY industrial

development

is that apartheid colonial system is a dictorshlp

similar

to fascism. And like fascism it has created a privi¬

leged

minority (based on colour) which to maintain itself had

to create

a strong state machinery without rellqulshing it to

the

democratic control of the bulk of the population. an

editor1al of the die burger emphasized the point:

"it

is

time for all south africans (obviously

referring

only. to the white minority) to see

the

connection between the government's poli¬

tical

plans for the non-white people of the

20/

country and

our military security"—4- ^.

I I I IMPLI CAT I QMS

' . . :• ' k • • ■' _ " • ' " . .

As

WE

INDICATED ABOVE THE DANGERS OF THE BANTUSTAN

SYSTEM

ARE BASICALLY TWOÎ THE DIVISION OF THE AFRICANS AND

SECONDLY INTERNATIONAL ACCEPTABILITY OF THE APARTHEID COLO'NIAL

SYSTEM.

IT IS WITH THE

4

EMPHASIS OF THE LATTER' WE WISH TO

CONCLUDE

THIS PAPER.

IT

IS

CONCEIVABLE THAT THE GOOD RELATIONS WITH THE

INDEPENDENT AFRICAN STATES- IN THE RAND SYSTEM AND THE SOUTH

Africa's Customs Union - Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland

REASSURED

THE CONFIDENCE OF THE SETTLER-C0LONI AL! STS OF SOUTH

CS/2528-23

Page

12

Africa

that there

is nothing to fear from 'independent'

Bantustans.

But

of

course, there is one important distinction

between the three

and bantustans, ^and that is the bantustans

are part and parcel

of apartheid colonial system.

The "rulers"

^{of the}

Bantustans have now become the

best salesmen of the

apartheid colonial system. already the

ïranskei

is on the

verge of achieving so-called independence

status and so-called

diplomats have been groomed in pretoria

to sell the

0antustan abroad, that is to defend apartheid

colonialism,

the point should not be overlooked that the

creation of

bantustans

was not

brought about by change of

heart by the white

minority rulers, but as a ploy to make

apartheid

colonialism acceptable internationally. the highly

publicised move to

remove petty apartheid is aimed at placating

the independent

africa's opinion.

BY

granting

honorary white status to visiting african

diplomats and

businessmen, it seems, the settler-co loni ali sts

of

South Africa

have

created a desire among those short

sighted

Africans in Namibia and South Africa to envy for

similar

status; hence their acceptance of 'foreign' status

in their own

countries.

The

Die Burger, a mouth piece of the Nationalist Party,

stated the case for the

white minority government's attempts

to woe

Africa

as

follows:

' ' * ■ ••

: •

"In

the

principal Western countries there are men

In

Power

who

no not want to choose between White

Africa

and

Black Africa. We- can help ourselves

by helping them

that they do not have to do it.

in

short,

our path to better relations with west

0

1 /

lies through

A

f r

1 c a

-,

CS/2528-23

page 13

The Bantustan

system

is, among other things, the latest stra¬

tegy of the architects

and defenders of apartheid colonialism

to gain

respectadllity and acceptability.

Also

^{as the}

South African economy develops into a sophi¬

sticated

manufacturing economy. markets become increasingly

necessary.

and

because of

the transport costs involved in

trading with

europe african markets are fervently searched.

Through

the

Bantustans

the

South Africa's white minority

government hope to

create an accommodating atmosphere in Africa, if not acceptance by independent Africa. By this

apartheid

colonial system will hot only acquire markets but

will also

minimise its condemnation in international arenas.

The

economic crumus that

will come the way of ;the Bantustans

from

South Africa, ^and in no d.oub.t they will

receive substantial

aids as this will be to the benefit of

economic development

in apartheid controlled south africa and

na

m i d i

a, may be attractive enough to some i m de p e nd e n t african

states.

And

thus some

independent African ^states will join

the

Bantustans, opting for financial assistance instead of

remaining opposed to

apartiie i d. colon l al system. vûrster

emphasized the

point recently when he s.poke at the; anniversary

of his detente:

"economic realism among dlack states would 22/

open new doors in

africa1'—',

Because of apartheid

controlled South Africa's highly

developed

infrastructures, its developed industry, it total

commitment to

capitalism, and above all its cheap labour,

South Africa

will

continue to attract foreign capitals more

than any country in

africa. and form this strong economic

position the white

minority government cf south africa hope

to create a centre in

southern africa, if not wider, AROUND

which the neighbouring

independent states of africa will

revolve.

CS/2528-23

page 14

I

The Bantustans

should not de seen as separate from apartheid colonial system,

t

h e probability that

bantustans

may create new dimensions amd platforms for the destruction of apartheid colonialism cannot oe seriously advanced.

Because

of the very càsls for the creation and implementation of

Bantustans

and also because of the inherent divisive factors such a supposition is highly speculative,

Of course, all

oppressed

people, and those in

the

Bantustans

are oppressed an

exploited, will eventually destroy

such oppression.

ïhe ban¬

tustans as apparatus of oppression cannot be spared in that process.

in

fact they are the first targets.

i he architects of

bantustans

hope that acceptance of these labour reserves

'states*

will eventually remove the stigma of migratory

labour, and thus makes it

easy for other

independent

african

states to deal with apartheid controlled

South Africa, if not to join the migratory

ladour markets.

In Europe

migratory labour is an accepted

phenomenon; and the

white minority government of

Sou.th Africa

hope to achieve the same.

This

is the new strategy of apartheid colonialism and which is the serious danger of the

bantustans; it

should not de underrated,

by

floating

bantustans

as

'independent1

states apartheid colonials!m hopes to defuse the struggle of the

African

people.

CS/2528-23

P

Ã

GE

15

1.

Sec,

cg.

Gwendolen II. Carter, Thomas Karis -:nd Newell M. Stultz,

South Africa's Transkci: The politics of Domestic colonilism.

Northwestern University Fross, Evanston, 1967; Christopher

R ^.

Hill, Bantustans: The Fragmentation of South Africa,

London, 1964» Anthony A. D'Amato, "The Bnntustan Proposals

for

South West Africa", 4 Journal of Pod. African■Studies

(1966) P. 177 - 192.

2.

Development of Native Nations of South West Africa Act, 1968;

South West Africa Affairs Act, 19691 South West Africa

Survey 1967» Pretoria, 1967; South West Africa: South Africa's

Reply to the Secretary General of the United Notions (Security

Council Resolution 269 of 1969) Government Printer, Pretoria,

1969.

3. See generally Brian Bunting, The Rise of the South Africa Reich,

London, 1964•

4. See, eg. Maynard W. Swanson, "Urban Origins of Separate Develop¬

ment " 10 Race (1968) pp. 31 - 41 «

5. SABRA, Integration or Separate Development Stcllenbosch, 1952,

quoted in Christopher R. Hill, Bantustans: The Fragmentation of

South Africa, London, 1964» P« 2.

6. Ilcibert Adam, Nodornising Racial Domination: The Dynamics of

South African Politics. University of California, Los Angeles,

1971

»

Chap: I.

7. Sec generally, Hcribert Adam, op. cit.

8. N.J. Rhoodie, " The Coloured Policy of South Africa: Parallelism

as a

socio-political Device to Regulate White Coloured Intregation"

72 African Affairs (1973) pp. 46-56.

9. ibid. p. 46; and see, generally N.J. Rhoodie & H.J. Venter,

Apartheid: A Socio-IIistorical Exposition of the Origin and

Development of the Apartheid Idea. Amsterdam, 1960.

10.

Southern Africa, vol VIII. No. 9» (October 1975 ) P«15«

CS/2528-23

Pago 16

11.

Soe,

eg.

Anthony A. D'Amato, "The Bantustan Proposals for

South West

Africa" 4 Journal of Kodefrn African Studies

(1966)

pp;

177

-

192.

12.

See. The Star; International

Airmal

Weekly. (Johannesburg)

August 16 1975.

13. Leonard Lazar, Namibia. The mandate Trust of Africa Bureau, London, 1972,

p.

44»

14. Vorster meeting President Tolbert of Liberia in Monrovia;

The Times

(London) February 17, 1975»

15. The Star (Johannesburg) 25 October 1971, quoted in South Africa

Institute of Race

Relations, A Survey of Race Relations in

South

Africa, 1971»

16. Samir Amin, "Underdevelopment and Dependence in Black Africa"

10 Journal of hod. African Studies

(1972)

^p.

504=

17. On the dispossession of Africans and thus creation of cheap labour,

see,

G. Arrighi, "Labour Supplies in Historian

Perspectives A study of the Proletarianization of the African Peasantry in Rhodesia". 6 Journal of Development Studies,

(1970)

^p.

^197.

18.

Leo

Kuper, "The Political Situation of Non-Whites in South Africa," in William Hance (ed.), Southern Africa and the

United States. New

York, 1968,

p.

103.

19. Garment Worker/Saamtrek, Johannesburg, vol. 16, No. 32,

23rd August, 1974

^.

20.

Die Burger, 11 December 1967, quoted in Heribort Adam, op; cit.

p.

82.

21.

Die Burger, 23 June 1970, quoted in Heribert Adam, ^op. cit.

p.

34.

22. The Times

(London) October 25, 1975-