View of The Satellitium sive Symbola of Joan Lluís Vives. Critical Edition with a Short Introduction

JOAN TELLO BRUGAL

The aim of this article is to present the first critical edition of Vives’s Satellitium sive Symbola, a collection of symbols or wise sayings that was first published in 1524. Along with the symbols and the commentary given by Vives, a short introduction is provided, which outlines both the circum- stances of composition and the main themes. The novelty of this edition lies in the fact that the number of items has been set to 239, twenty-six more than those contained in the traditional edition published by Gregori Ma- ians (Maiansius) in 1783.^*

In 1524 Pieter Martens printed a book that contained the editiones prin- cipes of three works of Joan Lluís Vives (1492/3-1540):¹ the Introductio ad sapientiam (henceforth Ad sap.),² the Satellitium sive Symbola (hence- forth Sat.), and De ratione studii puerilis (henceforth Rat. stud.). All three works were composed during Vives’s stay in England, while he was teaching at Corpus Christi College (Oxford). By the summer of that year,

* I would like to express my gratitude to the following persons and institutions: to the Editorial Board of HL for their thorough revision of the manuscript; to Donald Gilman (Bale State University) and Xavier Espluga (University of Barcelona) for their valuable comments; to Eric MacPhail (Indiana University Bloomington) for having given me the opportunity to introduce Vives’s symbols to the audience of the Erasmus Panel at the Renaissance Society of America’s Annual Conference (Toronto, March 2019); and to the Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies (CRRS, University of Toronto) for having granted me a Fellowship to undertake research at their premises.

1 His native Catalan-Valencian name. “Ioannes Lodovicus Vives” is the Latin name that he used in all his works. “Juan Luis Vives” is the Spanish version of it, by which he is commonly known.

2 Cited works of Vives are abbreviated according to J. Tello, “A Catalogue of the Works of Joan Lluís Vives: A Tentative Proposal”, Convivium 31 (2018), 59-100. A list of abbreviations is also available at the beginning of the Commentary, p. 97.

Vives finished Ad sap. and Sat. in Bruges, his patria,³ where he had recently married Margarida Valladaura (26 May 1524), the daughter of a wealthy merchant family from Valencia.⁴ Given the fact that Ad sap., Sat.

and Rat. stud. lack a modern critical edition, I have undertaken the project of making one for each work. At this stage, I present the critical edition of Sat., and I hope to finish very soon those of Ad sap. and Rat. stud.

The Sat. has traditionally been considered to have 213 symbols or wise sayings. The fact that the Opera omnia edited by Episcopius (Basel, 1555, 2 vol.) incorporated the version of the text printed by Simon de Colines (Paris, 1527; 213 symbols) certainly contributed to make 213 the standard number of proverbs.⁵ In section II of this Introduction, the reader will discover further details of all the editions of the Sat., and will be provided with arguments to prove that the edition issued by Hubert de Croock (Bruges, 1526), though prior to the Paris edition, presents a later version of the text (239 symbols), and should be considered the final stage of the work. Foster Watson, the pioneer of Vives studies in the English speaking world, already indicated in 1912 that “this mystical guard, as Namèche calls it, is composed of 239 mottoes”;⁶ later, in 1922 he again insisted that “he [i.e. Vives] provides 239 symbola.”⁷ In 1948, Olga Prjevalinsky studied the Sat. of Vives and presented a Latin text with 239 symbols.⁸ Moreover, in recent years Florence Vuilleumier has remarked in her book, based on Prjevalinsky, that “l’ouvrage propose une liste commentée de deux cent treize à deux cent trente-neuf symboles”;⁹

3 Cf. C. Matheeussen, C. Fantazzi (ed.), J.L. Vives, De subventione pauperum sive de humanis necessitatibus (Leiden – Boston, 2002), praefatio 1, line 9; H. De Vocht, Literae virorum eruditorum ad Franciscum Craneveldium 1522-1528 (Louvain, 1928), letter 80, lines 53-54.

4 Cf. De Vocht 1928 (as in n. 3), 273-274 (letter 102, intr.); C.G. Noreña, Juan Luis Vives (The Hague, 1970), 51.

5 N. Episcopius (ed.), Ioannis Ludovici Vivis Valentini Opera, in duos distincta tomos (Basel, 1555). Sat. is found in vol. 2, 94-110.

6 F. Watson, Vives and the Renaissance Education of Women (New York – London, 1912), 154.

7 F. Watson, Luis Vives. El gran valenciano (1492-1540) (London, 1922), 69.

8 O. Prjevalinsky Ferrer, Le Satellitium animi sive Symbola de Jean Louis Vivès (Paris, 1948). It includes a French translation of the Sat. and the Latin text, but without apparatus criticus. I express my gratitude to Pascale Guillen-Casadesus (Département du Traitement Documentaire, Bibliothèque interuniversitaire de la Sorbonne) for having provided me with precious details about this unpublished university thesis.

9 F. Vuilleumier Laurens, “Les Sentinelles de l’âme de Joan Lluís Vives”, in Ead., La raison des figures symboliques à la Renaissance et à l’âge classique (Genève, 2000), 117- 133, at 117.

and Étienne Wolff has also underlined that “le Satellitium propose une liste commentée de 213 à 239 symboles numérotés (le chiffre varie selon les éditions).”¹⁰ Finally, Enrique González has made the observation that the Sat. is a compilation “de unos 220 aforismos.”¹¹ Nevertheless, in the absence of a critical edition, translators and scholars have continued to accept the traditional number of symbols (that is, 213),¹² since their works rely on the text provided by Gregori Maians in his Opera omnia of Vives (1783),¹³ which is in turn based on the Opera omnia edited by Episcopius (1555).

Consequently, in this article I would like (1) to provide the first critical edition of this work; (2) to contribute to the dissemination of the final stage of the Sat., that is, 239 symbols; and (3) to provide some succinct but relevant information regarding the circumstances of compos- ition and the main themes of the Sat., which is the purpose of section I.

10 É. Wolff, “Maximes et sentences dans l’œuvre de l’humaniste Vivès”, Seizième Siècle 1 (2005), 135-143.

11 E. González González, Una república de lectores: Difusión y recepción de la obra de Juan Luis Vives (Mexico, 2007), 76.

12 For example, the following translations and studies (displayed in chronological order) follow the edition of Maians (as in n. 13): J. Gomis, Centinela del alma. Satellitium animi (Valencia, 1944); L. Riber, Escolta del alma, in Juan Luis Vives: Obras completas, vol. 1 (Madrid, 1947), 1177-1204; Noreña 1970 (as in n. 4), 92; R.M. Sarrió, V. Girbés, La guarda de l’ànima, in Joan Lluís Vives: Introducció a la saviesa i altres escrits (Barcelona, 1992), 109-155; L. Frayle Delgado, Juan Luis Vives: La escolta del alma (Salamanca, 2006); C. Fantazzi (ed.), A Companion to Juan Luis Vives (Leiden – Boston, 2008), 143, n.

84; T. Vigliano (ed.), Juan Luis Vives, De disciplinis. Savoir et enseigner (Paris, 2013), 686, n. 224; V. Del Nero, La scorta dell’anima, in Juan Luis Vives: Scritti spirituali (Brescia, 2018), 125-183.

13 G. Maians (ed.), Ioannis Ludovici Vivis Valentini Opera omnia distributa et ordinata in argumentorum classes praecipuas, 8 vol. (Valencia, 1782-1790) [henceforth VOO]. Sat. is found in vol. 4 (1783), 30- 64.

I. Introduction 1. Vives’s Longing for England

In 1523, Vives felt the strong need to escape from the tedious classrooms (scholarum taedium)¹⁴ of Louvain and live near the aula of King Henry VIII and Queen Catherine of Aragon. The Valencian humanist was seeking a royal stipend that might enable him to pursue the literary and scholarly life¹⁵ that his master Erasmus was already enjoying.¹⁶ Eventu- ally, Vives attained his goal, though only for a brief period of time. Jan van Fevijn, in a letter sent to Cranevelt, confirms that Vives has managed to build a new life in England; he is not burdened by any trouble, and he spends time in the court (aula) with the king, the queen, the cardinal, and the nobles.¹⁷

Such favourable circumstances were the desired outcome after a few years of constant perseverance. Firstly, Thomas More made arrangements to help the Valencian humanist obtain a royal pension (pecunia reginea) from Catherine of Aragon.¹⁸ Secondly, Vives dedicated the Aurelii Augustini De civitate Dei commentarii (Basel: Johann Froben, 1522;

henceforth Civ.) to King Henry VIII and praised his virtues in the prefatory epistle. He pointed out his prudence, his sense of justice, and his

14 Letter from Vives to Erasmus, 15 August 1522, in P.S. Allen et al. (ed.), Opus epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami (Oxford, 1906-1958), vol. 5, letter 1306, line 44; cf.

H. De Vocht, “Vives and His Visits to England”, in Id., Monumenta Humanistica Lo- vaniensia. Texts and Studies about Louvain Humanists in the first half of the XVIth century: Erasmus, Vives, Dorpius, Clenardus, Goes, Moringus (Louvain, 1934), 8.

15 Cf. Letter from Vives to F. Cranevelt, 13 November 1521, in J. IJsewijn et al. (ed.), Litterae ad Craneveldium Balduinianae (Leuven, 1995), letter 91, 16. Vives confesses to his beloved friend the desire to have free time to carry out what he has undertaken: “ocium ad perficiendum quod institui.”

16 The Dutch humanist was receiving financial support from both William Blount (Lord Mountjoy) and the Habsburg Court as instructor of the future emperor Charles V.

17 Cf. Letter from J. van Fevijn to F. Cranevelt, 21 December 1524, in De Vocht 1928 (as in n. 3), letter 130, lines 9-12: “Interim vero accepi literas a Vive nostro, quem demiror potuisse non aliquid ad nos scribere, cum adhuc agat Londini, nullis (ut reor) studiis degravatus; est enim in media aula, cum rege, regina, cardinale et pimatibus.”

18 Cf. Letter from Vives to Erasmus, 10 July 1521, in Allen 1906-1958 (as in n. 14), vol. 4, letter 1222, line 17; De Vocht 1934 (as in n. 14), 2.

love for books.¹⁹ Further, he reminded the reader about the purity, the kindness, and the holiness that can be found in the Assertio septem sacra- mentorum,²⁰ a work published by the king in 1521 against the Theses of Luther,²¹ and owing to which Pope Leo II proclaimed him defensor fidei.²² Vives ended the prefatory letter of the Civ. with a eulogy of the king and expressing his loyalty to him: “Count Vives”, he kindly requests, “as your most devoted servant, wherever he might be, as long as he is among your intimates.”²³ The king’s reply seemed quite compli- mentary. In addition to expressing his immense gratitude, he stated that his favour and attentive care would always accompany Vives.²⁴

Last but not least, Vives dedicated the Institutio foeminae Christianae (henceforth Foem.) to Queen Catherine. The prefatory epistle of this work, published in 1523, ends with an outstanding praise of the queen, an excerpt of which is reproduced below:

I dedicate this work to you, glorious²⁵ Queen [...] In these books you will see the image of your mind, since you were both virgin and promised spouse and widow²⁶ and now wife (as, I pray God,

19 Cf. J. Pérez Durà, J. Estellés (ed.), Ioannis Lodovici Vivis Valentini Opera omnia (Valencia, 1992), vol. 2, 20, lines 8-9, 24-25: “Nec privatorum tibi studia desunt, quae ipse fulgore tuarum virtutum facis [...] Obvius es ac expositus huiusmodi muneribus, quibus gratiora vix tibi ulla possunt contingere.” Huismodi muneribus alludes to libros (ibid., line 18).

20 Cf. Pérez Durà, Estellés 1992 (as in n. 19), vol. 2, 19, lines 24-26: “Ubi vero tua sacramentorum asssertio prodiit, qua nihil vel elegantius fieri potest, vel purius, vel sanctius, et uno uti verbo dicam, Christianus, opinio probitatis animi tui confirmatior reddita est, si modo id fieri poterat.”

21 Numerous friends of Erasmus believed and spread the word that this work had been written by the Dutch humanist, but he always denied it. Cf. Allen 1906-1958 (as in n. 14), vol. 5, letters 1275, 1313, 1342; P.G. Bietenholz, T.B. Deutscher (ed.), Contemporaries of Erasmus (Toronto – Buffalo – London, 1985-1987), vol. 2, 180a.

22 Cf. Allen 1906-1958 (as in n. 14), vol. 4, letter 1227, line 5 (and the n. to this line);

letter 1246, line 21.

23 Pérez Durà, Estellés 1992 (as in n. 19), vol. 2, 22, lines 12-13: “Vale optime rex, et Vivem tibi addictissimum quovis loco numera, modo inter tuos.”

24 Cf. J. Jiménez Delgado, Juan Luis Vives: Epistolario (Madrid, 1978), letter 55.2.

25 Inclita. Cf. C. Fantazzi, C. Matheeussen (ed.), J.L. Vives: De institutione feminae Christianae (Leiden – Boston, 1996-1998), vol. 1, 1.3.16, where Vives calls the queen sanctissima.

26 Indeed, Catherine of Aragon had been a widow: Prince Arthur, whom she had married in November 1501, died the following year. The queen had also been engaged: in 1503 a treaty was signed by virtue of which it was established that the younger brother of Prince Arthur, the future King Henry VIII, would marry Catherine of Aragon. Cf. Bieten- holz, Deutscher 1985-1987 (as in n. 21), vol. 1, 282b-283a.

you may long continue), and since you have so conducted yourself in all these various states of life that whatever you did is a model of an exemplary life to others [...] You know that under the rubric of excellent and outstanding virtues other women²⁷ similar to you may be mentioned by name, but it is you always, even if tacitly, who are spoken of [...] All women will have an example to follow in your life and actions, and in this work dedicated to you, precepts and rules for the conduct of their lives.²⁸

Along with the exaltation of the queen, the epistle is important because it is the first time that Vives mentions Princess Mary, the daughter of the English monarchs, who was seven years old at that time and to whom the Sat. is addressed. “Your daughter Mary”, he writes, “will read these recommendations and will reproduce them as she models herself on the example of your goodness and wisdom to be found within her own home.”²⁹

Not long after Vives arrived in England, the queen rewarded his affection towards her by commissioning him to write a curriculum for Princess Mary. This pedagogical project came to light in October 1523, although it was not published until 1524, together with the syllabus written for Charles Blount,³⁰ the son of William Blount (Lord Mountjoy).

These two brief methods of study were gathered in Rat. stud., and they were published together with Sat. and Ad sap. in the same volume printed by Pieter Martens (Louvain, 1524). The brief introductory epistle of Rat.

stud., which is addressed “to her most serene majesty Catherine, Queen of

27 Such as Joanna of Castile, Mencía de Mendoza, the daughters of Thomas More, Clara Servent, and Blanca March. Cf. Fantazzi, Matheeussen 1996-1998 (as in n. 25), vol.

1, 1.4.26; vol. 2, 2.3.36- 40, 2.4.51.

28 Fantazzi, Matheeussen 1996-1998 (as in n. 25), vol. 1, praefatio 7: “Hoc opus tibi non secus offero, regina inclita [...] Sic in his libris imaginem videbis animi; quippe quae fuisti et virgo et sponsa et vidua nunc uxor (quod ut diutissime sis Deum precor), et sic in his omnibus vitae generibus cursibusque te gessisti ut exemplum reliquis sit optime vivendi quicquid agas [...] Scias sub excellentibus et egregiis virtutibus alias plerumque tui similes expresso nomine, te semper (etsi tacite) praedicari [...] Habebunt igitur feminae omnes, ut per vitam et actiones tuas exemplum, sic per hoc tibi dedicatum opus praecepta et rationem vivendi.”

29 Fantazzi, Matheeussen 1996-1998 (as in n. 25), vol. 1, praefatio 7: “Leget haec monita mea Maria, filia tua, et effinget ea dum se ad domesticum exemplar componit probitatis et sapientiae tuae.”

30 Cf. Bietenholz, Deutscher 1985-1987 (as in n. 21), vol. 1, 154a-156b.

England, my sole patron,”³¹ confirms Vives’s commitment to the educa- tion of women, which he had already shown in Foem. The Valencian shows once again his affection for the queen. “I pray to Christ”, he writes piously, “that this syllabus contributes effectively to your daughter’s cultural and virtuous education. Stay well. Know that my soul is uncondi- tionally devoted to your majesty.”³²

2. Meaning and Purpose of the Satellitium sive Symbola

Satellitium is an abstract word, derived from satelles, which designates a person who serves another. From this sense comes the meaning of “guar- dian”, “protector”. As Vives tries to convey in the prefatory letter of the Sat., all of the two hundred and thirty-nine short wise sayings (sententiae) that comprise this work act as guardians (satellites) or loyal collaborators which neither disappoint nor result in treason,³³ and whose purpose is to protect and defend the life and the soul of the person that embraces them.³⁴ Consequently, these thoughts, taken together, become a sort of bodyguard or escort (satellitium) consisting of two hundred and thirty- nine guards and the book as a whole can be considered a kind of protect- ive manual. The theme of protection or defence, then, clearly distin- guishes the content and purpose of Vives’s text from that of the Adages of Erasmus, whose primary purpose was, according to the Dutch humanist, to preserve the sparks of ancient philosophy,³⁵ persuade others,³⁶ add

31 Vives, Rat. stud. ep. f. p1r (editio princeps; Louvain, 1524): “Serenissimae dominae Caterinae, reginae Angliae, patronae unicae.” ep. means here and in subsequent notes ‘dedicatory epistle’. Cf. VOO (as in n. 13), vol. 1, 256: “Dominae Caterinae, reginae Angliae, patronae unicae.” Notice the removal of serenissimae.

32 VOO (as in n. 13), vol. 1, 256: “Christum precor, ut haec docendi ratio et ad eruditionem et ad virtutem filiam tuam impense iuvet. Vale, et hunc meum animum addictissimum maiestati tuae scito.”

33 Cf. Sat. ep. 2. Vives contrasts the loyalty of such spiritual guardians with the corruptibility of those made of flesh and blood.

34 Cf. Sat. ep. 3.

35 Cf. Opera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami (Amsterdam, 1969-) [henceforth ASD], vol. II-1, 60, lines 274-276, 278-279: “Aristoteles apud Synesium existimat nihil aliud esse paroemias quam reliquias priscae illius philosophiae maximis rerum humanarum cladibus extinctae [...] Subesse enim velut igniculos quosdam vetustae sapientiae.”

36 Cf. ASD (as in n. 35), vol. II-1, 62, lines 318-319: “Quod si cui satis non sit ipsum sapere, verumetiam aliis persuadere cupiat, quam non inutilis sit haec proverbiorum supellex.”

authority or beauty to style,³⁷ and understand the best authors, that is, the oldest.³⁸

On the other hand, Vives says that each of these two hundred and thirty-nine satellites can also be called symbola (“symbols”), because they are similar to signals (notae), marks, signs or images with which princes used to embellish and distinguish themselves (se insignire).³⁹ Indeed, princes used to stamp menacing images on their clothes, weap- ons, and governmental insignia. According to Vives, this common prac- tice was highly pernicious and morally inadequate, since it was a demon- stration of arrogance, pride, and cruelty.⁴⁰ Although these allegorical and metaphorical representations serve the purpose of protecting the prince by generating fear in the enemy or by intimidating a population or a particu- lar person, nevertheless the Valencian humanist argues that, on the contrary, the best safeguard is to employ images that inspire and dissem- inate humane and humanistic values. Only the latter course of action can secure the affection and approval of the population.⁴¹ Therefore, Vives wholeheartedly encourages Princess Mary (and anyone who reads the Sat.) to engrave these two hundred and thirty-nine short wise sayings on her soul, because they display humanity, kindness, and the spiritual power of virtues; and that is the only way to have a safe journey through this earthly life.

According to Vives, the name ”symbol” is also appropriate to refer to the thoughts or morals included in this book because each of them “con- tains a bit of obscurity and allegory.” Thus, they deviate “slightly from the usual sense”, but not as much as those conceived by Pythagoras,⁴² who “made use of the symbols in order to prevent the uninitiated from understanding his sayings.”⁴³ The meaning of the word “symbol” as

“combination” and “union” (συν, βάλλω “to put together”) may also have captured Vives’s attention. In a fragile world troubled by hostilities and

37 Cf. ASD (as in n. 35), vol. II-1, 64, lines 374-375: “Porro quantum vel dignitatis vel veneris adiungat orationi tempestivus proverbiorum usus, non arbitror pluribus explican- dum.”

38 Cf. ASD (as in n. 35), vol. II-1, 64, lines 387-389: “Iam ut non sit alius paroemiarum usus, certe ad intelligendos optimos quosque, hoc est vetustissimos autores, non utiles modo sunt, verumetiam necessariae.”

39 Cf. Sat. ep. 4.

40 Cf. Sat. ep. 4.

41 Cf. Sat. ep. 1.

42 Cf. Diog. L. 8.17; Porph. VP 38- 43; Iamblicus Protr. 21.4; Erasmus Adag. 2.1-36.

43 All the quotations of this paragraph come from Sat. ep. 6.

warfare, all Christian souls and kingdoms could be reunited by following Christ as a symbol, as an exemplary model. By practicing the wisdom hidden in each symbol, Mary could unite herself with the rest of humanity and with God.

3. The Content of the Satellitium sive Symbola

In this section, I will mention the most salient themes that the reader is confronted with throughout the book, namely: (1) Existence; (2) Virtue and Moral Perfection; (3) Wisdom and the Self; (4) Governance; (5) Christ and God.

Existence

Europe was being devastated by a permanent state of warfare, religious dissension was becoming critical, and the Spanish Inquisition was acting aggressively against Vives’s family members: his brother (Jaume Vives) had been condemned to death and his father (Lluís Vives Valeriola) was on trial.⁴⁴ Such a current state of affairs flooded Vives’s heart with sorrow and a distinct feeling of uncertainty and fragility, which he displayed in many of the symbols. His conviction that life is governed by luck and random chance is clearly present throughout the work. “Nothing is more uncertain than life”, he affirms in symbol 173. “Too much good luck is barbed”, he warns the reader in symbol 53, because “Fortune will take away what it lent you” (symbol 119). Furthermore, given the fact that

“We all last but one day” (symbol 168), “what you see now”, he con- cludes in symbol 153, “will not last long.” Indeed, “You never know what late evening may bring” (symbol 187). Fragility is, so to speak, the very nature of life: it constitutes its essential core.

44 Cf. A letter from Vives to F. Cranevelt, 4 January 1523, in De Vocht 1928 (as in n.

3), letter 32, lines 13-27: “Accepi enim natali Divi Ioannis Evangelistae, unicum fratrem meum dece<ssum esse>; nec hoc vulnere contenta sors, etiam patrem meum narrant gravissime aff<ligi et agere> animam exigua spe; in bonis etiam maximam et odiosissimam litem; superesse tres <sorores> pupillas et inopes. Semper scribenda erit aliqua de falis querimonia! Numquam n<uncium laetum!>, numquam laudabimus fata! An hoc agunt tanta accidentium continnatione, ut <possint ali>quando nobis displicere? Nec insectari vel iuvet, vel vacet! Quumque hanc sc<imus esse> illorum naturam, minus moleste feramus quod mutari non potest. His <nunciis aucta est> anxietas et inquietudo animi mei; nam pendeo ex rebus Hispanis: nec de <futuro quidquam audeo> constituere. Nescio ire ne expediat his temporibus, an manere: an prors<us illis sum> necesse?”

Quite often, the whole picture of existence can neither be understood nor attained. Accordingly, Vives advises Princess Mary to accept things as they are. “Everyone has to conform to the circumstances”, he acknow- ledges in symbol 37. As a matter of fact (symbol 157),

“one must become accustomed to his condition, complain about it as little as possible and seize whatever good it has to offer. Nothing is so harsh that a calm soul cannot find some solace in it.”⁴⁵ This [i.e. Sine querela] is my emblem.

The Valencian humanist encourages us to face the difficulties of life, and not to complain while we live this earthly and finite life. We ought to proceed like exiles who travel through a region which, however alien, is a preliminary step to reach home, that is, the immortal life beyond this one.

Life is a pilgrimage.⁴⁶

Virtue and Moral Perfection

In the midst of our unstable existence, virtue is a firm and constant star to follow. “Virtue is strong regardless of fortune”, Vives writes cour- ageously in symbol 8; moreover, it “defeats fortune” (symbol 75). Be that as it may, virtue must be fostered and practiced, otherwise it becomes weak (symbol 45). “To will is everything”, he strongly asserts in symbol 21, which calls to mind some passages of Augustine and Petrarch that deal with genuine and truthful determination.⁴⁷ For that reason, Vives

45 Seneca Tranq. 10.4.

46 Cf. Ad sap. 220 (VOO [as in n. 13], vol. 1, 18): “Quumque nihil sit aliud haec vita quam peregrinatio, qua in alteram sempiternam tendimus, paucissimisque rebus ad hoc iter conficiendum egeamus”; Prec. med. d. 8 (vol. 1, 67): “Peregrinatio est haec vita nostra: a Domino discessimus, ad Dominum tendimus”; Prec. med. g. 22 (vol. 1, 89): “Vita haec nostra peregrinatio est ad patriam ab exilio, hoc est ad te [i.e. Christus], beatitudinem, ab omni miseria quae longissime recessit a te”; Mar. 2.65 (C. Fantazzi [ed.], J.L. Vives, De officio mariti [Leiden – Boston, 2006], 76): “Peregrinatio est vita haec, altera illa patria et domus sempiterna”; Ling. 20 (M.P. García Ruiz [ed.], Luis Vives: Los diálogos [Pamplona, 2005], 326, lines 123-124): “Vita haec, nonne est velut iter quoddam et profectio perpe- tua?”

47 Cf. Aug. Conf. 8.8.19: “Velle fortiter et integre, non semisauciam hac atque hac versare et iactare voluntatem parte adsurgente cum alia parte cadente luctantem”, 8.9.21:

“Imperat animus, ut velit animus, nec alter est nec facit tamen. Unde hoc monstrum? Et quare istuc? [...] Ideo non est, quod imperat. Nam si plena esset, nec imperaret, ut esset, quia iam esset. Non igitur monstrum partim velle, partim nolle, sed aegritudo animi est, quia non totus assurgit veritate sublevatus, consuetudine praegravatus. Et ideo sunt duae voluntates, quia una earum tota non est et hoc adest alteri, quod deest alteri”; Petrarch,

admits (symbol 179) that “Being hesitant [pendere] … is most unfortu- nate.”

Moral perfection implies performing good deeds (symbol 81), avoiding being ungrateful (symbol 129), and opposing vices (symbol 148). Further- more, pleasures (voluptates) are to be rejected and to be seen as fading away, not as coming closer to you (symbols 174 and 175): we must turn our backs to them (symbol 174). Finally, passions must not be allowed to grow within us, particularly envy (symbols 78, 79 and 221), a most poison- ous viper, and ambition (symbol 15).

Wisdom and the Self

Vives explains to Princess Mary that “Wisdom is the eye of life” (symbol 13), meaning that, without it, human beings are kept in darkness, deprived of any chance of showing good judgement and understanding. Reality can be apprehended without bias provided that our consciousness is sound and healthy (symbols 3 and 10), and that we preserve and treasure our harmony (symbol 20). This balance is achieved when our existence is free from any inner turmoil (symbol 4). Such a life is that of the wise man, who is the only one who can qualify as being truly alive (symbol 25).

According to Vives, he who is ignorant lacks the eye of wisdom, he is a puppet governed by passions, and his conscience is insensible and com- pletely anaesthetized.

Similarly, wisdom needs to be cultivated also. “If talent is not exer- cised, it becomes numb”, Vives warns in symbol 203; and admonishes Princess Mary to “Pay attention to the breast [pectus]”, that is, to the heart (symbol 104), because it is “the centre of thoughts.” Hence, paying atten- tion to one’s heart is “as if you were to say ‘Know thyself’.”

Governance

The Sat. also acts as a concise manual of governance. Advice on this matter is given to Princess Mary in symbols 48, 49, 50, 66, 122, 123, 162, 186, 214, and at the beginning of the prefatory epistle (1). Erasmus’s Institutio principis Christiani (Basel: Johann Froben, 1516), addressed to prince Charles, could have been a model for Vives’s short educational

Familiarum rerum libri 4.1.13-14 (ed. Rossi): “Eo pervenire volunt omnes, sed, ut ait Naso, ‘Velle parum est; cupias, ut re potiaris, oportet.’ Tu certe – nisi, ut in multis, in hoc quoque te fallis – non solum vis sed etiam cupis. Quid ergo te retinet?”; Secretum 1.13.7 (ed. Mann): “Quid ergo me retinet?” Full references to Rossi and Mann are given at the beginning of the Commentary, p. 98.

booklet. Indeed, both serve as guides and instruments for the education of princes, and both emphasize that oppression and fear are very ineffective instruments of domination. In fact, Vives remarks that coercion and terror end up generating the opposite effect: rebellion and destruction. “A mild authority is authoritative”, he affirms in symbol 50, because “You cannot force someone to love you” (symbol 105), “Fear is a bad guardian of power” (symbol 186). He strongly believes that “there is no firmer and more powerful authority than quiet authority, in which there is more legitimacy and majesty than authority based on violence and turbulence”

(symbol 48). Vives’s thought is very straightforward. “Neither sentinels nor being encircled by spears”, he warns quoting Claudian, “can keep you safer than love” (symbol 66).

As far as the qualities of the ruler are concerned, Vives outlines them in symbol 214. He admonishes that:

Whoever is entrusted with a magistracy [magistratus], government [principatus] or authority [imperium] should know that he must not pursue his own interests [utilitates suae] but those of the people [populus] over whom he is in charge.

Furthermore, symbol 123 depicts the role of the prince in detail:

To put the public interests [publicae utilitates] above his own, and to be of the opinion that there is no one among his subjects who does not deserve his particular concern [cura]. By so doing, the prince fulfils his duty [officium] by casting aside his own interests [propria commoda] and feelings [proprii affectus], and assuming the common interests.

Christ and God

Vives begins his compilation of protective sayings stating that “Christ is the goal [scopus] of life” (symbol 1), and he deliberately ends it by encouraging Princess Mary to live “With the mind fixed on God” (symbol 239). According to the Valencian humanist, Christ “is the beginning, He is the end. From Him proceed all things, to Him all is directed. To Him should we attach ourselves, if we want to be happy” (ibid.). Indeed, Christ is peace (symbol 2), and God is the only true guide (symbol 100).

We must follow in the steps of Christ, we must keep the mind fixed on God, because it is by virtue of the sustaining hand of God that we exist and remain alive (symbol 107). “Nothing would last a single moment”, Vives reiterates, “if the care of God, who governs us, did not sustain it”

(ibid.). We must not fall into despair but have confidence, have faith.

Even though existence might be a set of unintelligible, random, and even profoundly unfair events, nonetheless “For the good all things lead to good” (symbol 5), because, according to Paul, “To those who love God, all things work together unto good” (Rom. 8.28).

4. The Revival of Pythagorean Symbols in the Renaissance

Calling “symbols” his collection of wise sayings suggests Vives’s inten- tion that the Sat. could become part of the revival of the symbolic and Pythagorean tradition that had flourished in the fifteenth century.⁴⁸ Marsi- lio Ficino (1433-1499) had translated Iamblichus’s Protrepticus and Vita Pythagorae, and he had been the author of the Pythagorae philosophi aura verba, the Symbola Pythagorae philosophi,⁴⁹ and of a Commentari- olus in Symbola Pythagorae. Bishop Antonio degli Agli (1400-1477) wrote the Explanatio symbolorum Pythagorae, presumably after he had met Ficino, around 1464.⁵⁰ Further, Filippo Beroaldo (1453-1505) pub- lished in 1503 (Bologna: Benedictus Hectoris) the Symbola Pythagorae a Philippo Beroaldo moraliter explicata. The book was reprinted in Paris several times as from 1505 (Jean Barbier / Denis Roce; Jean Marchant / Jean Petit).⁵¹

Throughout fifty-six pages, Beroaldo comments in detail some Py- thagorean precepts and displays a meticulous philological study of the term “symbol” in the first pages. Based on Latin authors, and perhaps on the Suda lexicon as well,⁵² the Italian humanist distinguishes six mean- ings:⁵³ (1) collatio “combination”, “contribution”; (2) annulum “ring”; (3) etymologia, notatio “etymological interpretation”; (4) augurium, vati- cinium “omen”, “prediction”; (5) nota, indicium, signum “mark”, “evid- ence”, “sign”. As for the sixth meaning, which could be summarized as

“revelation of a concealed knowledge that includes moral sentences”, I quote the entire Latin text:

48 Cf. the study of Vuilleumier 2000 (as in n. 9), and the introduction of G. Ruiu in Pitagora, Simboli (Milan, 2018), 31-38.

49 Cf. Marsilii Ficini Florentini … opera, vol. 2 (Basel: Henricus Petri, 1561), 1978- 1979.

50 Cf. Vuilleumier 2000 (as in n. 9), 51.

51 Cf. Vuilleumier 2000 (as in n. 9), 59, n. 21.

52 Cf. Suidae Lexicon Graece et Latine (Cambridge, 1705), vol. 3, 231-236, 395-396;

I. Bekker (ed.), Suidae Lexicon (Berlin, 1854), 909-911, 987.

53 Cf. Vuilleumier 2000 (as in n. 9), 60- 61, 412- 415.

Symbola Pythagorae, videlicet indicia quaedam et signa mysteri- orum doctrinae sanctioris, quibus sententiae morales atque salutaria documenta continentur. Quibus tanquam vasculis fictilibus thesau- rus preciosus includitur. Et plane haec symbola leges quadamtenus imitantur. Quarum scriptum angustum est, interpretatio diffusa;

parca sunt verborum, foecunda sententiarum; foris corticosa, intus succosa; aliud sonantia, aliud significantia, quibus praecepta quae- dam catholica, hoc est, universalia sunt involuta: ad vitam sanc- teque beateque degendam valde congruentia.⁵⁴

Erasmus of Rotterdam also performed a major role in disseminating the Pythagorean precepts. In his Adagiorum collectanea (Paris: Jean Philippe, 1500), the Dutch humanist included some Pythagorica adagia⁵⁵ or Aenig- mata Pythagorica.⁵⁶ Eight years later, in the Adagiorum chiliades (Veni- ce: Aldo Manuzio), the section devoted to the Pythagorean precepts attained almost an independent treatment under the heading “Pythagorae symbola”.⁵⁷ In this edition of 1508, Erasmus gave thirty-five out of the thirty-nine symbols that Iamblichus had gathered in the fourth century.⁵⁸

The way in which Erasmus, Polydore Vergil (in his Proverbiorum liber, also named Adagiorum opus), and Vives displayed their adages, proverbs, and symbols – that is, in a neat line followed by a commentary below – perhaps inspired the printer Heinrich Steyner to set the standard format of another genre of great success: the emblem. In 1531 the Ger- man printer issued an unauthorized edition of Andrea Alciato’s Em- blematum liber (Augsburg, 1531; 99 unnumbered emblems), in which an image was placed between every single proverb and its explanation. The book achieved enormous popularity and was expanded up to 212 em-

54 Cf. Vuilleumier 2000 (as in n. 9), 414. In the last sentence, I follow the 1503 edition and thus I have edited sancteque beateque instead of sanctaeque beataeque (Vuilleumier’s edition).

55 Cf. ASD (as in n. 35), vol. II-9, 78, line 941.

56 Cf. ASD (as in n. 35), vol. II-9, 80, line 960. The section of Pythagorean symbols comprises adages 93-106.

57 ASD (as in n. 35), vol. II-1, 87-114.

58 Cf. Iamblichus Protr. 21.4.

blems in its final edition of 1550 (Emblemata, Lyon: Guillaume Rouillé / Macé Bonhomme).⁵⁹

5. Closing Words

Vives produced an instructional tool to protect Mary from the vicissitudes of life that lead to misunderstanding, strife, and harm. Similarly, a reflec- tion on Vives’s symbols induces the reader into a loving and compassion- ate state that dissolves reproach, hatred, and the impulse to violence. One may say that the book of the Valencian humanist is a kind of device by which an army of spiritual soldiers conquers our soul and protects it. That is the creative originality of this tiny but magnificent book that stands the test of time.⁶⁰

II. The Critical Edition 1. Summary of the Editions Consulted

The following editions were consulted for the elaboration of the text:

L = IOANNIS / LODOVICI VIVIS VA / LENTINI. / Introductio ad Sapientiam. / EIVSDEM, / Satellitium siue Symbola. / EIVSDEM / Epistolae duae de ratione studii puerilis / Louanii apud Petrum Martinum Alo / stensem. Anno M. D. XXIIII. [Consulted copy: KU Leuven Biblio- theken, Bijzondere Collecties, CaaA 1927] [USTC 404738]

C = IOANNIS / LODOVICI VIVIS / VALENTINI / Introductio ad Sapientiam. / Satellitium siue Symbola. / Epistolae duae de ratione / studii puerilis. / Ab Authore ipso recognita / & locupletata. / Impressit Brugis Hubertus / de Crooc Anno. M. D. / XXVI. Mense Februario. / Prostant

59 Regarding Alciato and the genre of emblems, cf. for example P. Daly, V.W.

Callahan, S. Cuttler (ed.), Andreas Alciatus, 2 vol. (Toronto – Buffalo – London, 1985); J.

Manning, The Emblem (London, 2002); J.F. Moffitt (ed., tr.), Andrea Alciato, A Book of Emblems. The Emblematum liber in Latin and English (Jefferson – London, 2004); P. Daly (ed.), Companion to Emblem Studies (New York, 2008); Id. (ed.), The Emblem in Early Modern Europe: Contributions to the Theory of the Emblem (Farnham, 2014 [repr. New York, 2016]). Regarding symbolic literature, cf. for example the general study of R.

Raybould, An Introduction to the Symbolic Literature of the Renaissance (Victoria BC, 2005).

60 A brief report about the transmission of the Sat. through the ages can be found in González González 2007 (as in n. 11), 76-77. Other works of Vives are dealt with on pages 61-238.

venales Brugis in Bur / go apud Simonem vermuelen. [Consulted copy:

Gent, Universiteitsbibliotheek, R 630] [USTC 410711]

P = IOANNIS / LODOVICI VIVIS / Valentini / Introductio ad sapientiam. / Satellitium siue Symbola. / Epistolae duae de ratione studii puerilis. / Tria capita addita initio Suetonii Tranquilli. / PARISIIS / Apud Simonem Colinaeum / 1527. [Consulted copy: Gent, Universiteitsbiblio- theek, A 39684] [USTC 145850]

K = IOAN / NIS LODOVICI / Viuis Valentini, / Introductio ad sapientiam. / Satellitium siue Symbola. / Epistolae duae de ratione studii puerilis. / Ab Authore ipso recognita & locupletata. / Antuerpiae Apud Martinum Caesa / rem. Anno M. D. XXX. [Consulted copy: KU Leuven Bibliotheken, Maurits Sabbebibliotheek, FG P940.224] [USTC 410728]

H = IOAN / NIS LODOVICI VI / uis Valentini / Introductio ad Sapi- entiam. / Satellitium siue Symbola. / Epistolae duae De ratione stu / dii puerilis / Ab Authore ipso nuper recognita / & locupletata. Nunc vero a mendis / plurimis quibus undique scatebant / postremo repurgata. / Ant- uerpiae in Rapo excudebat Michaël / Hillenius, Anno a restitutione hu- mana / M. D. XXXI. Mense Ianuario. [Consulted copy: Brussel, KBR, VH 1.164 A2 (RP)] [USTC 437577]

B = IO. LV- / DOVICI VI- / VIS VALENTINI OPE- / RA, IN DVOS DISTINCTA TO- / MOS: QVIBVS OMNES IPSIVS LVCVBRA- TIONES, / quotquot unquam in lucem editas uoluit, complectuntur:

praeter Commenta- / rios in Augustinum De ciuitate Dei, quorum deside- rio si quis afficiatur, / apud Frobenium inueniet. Quae uero singulis tomis continean- / tur, in utriusque sectionis primo ternione indicatur. / EPIS- COP. / Cum Gratia & Priuilegio Caesareo ad quinquennium, / & Regis Galliarum in decennium. / BASILEAE ANNO MDLV.

Colophon: BASILEAE, APVD IACOBVM PARCVM IMPENSIS EPI= / scopij Iunioris, Anno Salutis humanae MDLV / mense Augusto.

(vol. 2, 94-110) [Consulted copy: KU Leuven Bibliotheken, Bijzondere Collecties, CaaB304 1-2] [USTC 667058]

V = JOANNIS / LUDOVICI VIVIS VALENTINI / OPERA OMNIA, / DISTRIBUTA ET ORDINATA / IN ARGUMENTORUM CLASSES PRAECIPUAS / A GREGORIO MAJANSIO, GENER. VALENT., […]

TOMUS IV. / VALENTIAE EDETANORUM. / IN OFFICINA BENE- DICTI MONFORT / EXCmi. ET ILLmi. DOMINI / Archiepiscopi Typographi. Anno M.DCC.LXXXIII. (vol. 4, 30-64) [Consulted copy:

Barcelona, CRAI Biblioteca de Reserva, 07 M-5295bis5]

Also, the following supplementary editions were taken into account:

L^err = Errata (Correctiones in L secundum annotationes quae in ultima pagina huius editionis inveniuntur).

T = OPVSCVLA / ALIQVOT VERE / CATHOLICA, AC IMPRIMIS / erudita, Ioannis Lodouici / Viuis Valentini, accu / rate impressa. / IN- TRODVCTIO AD SAPIENTIAM. / SATELLITIVM SIVE SYMBOLA.

/ DE RATIONE STVDII PVERILIS / EPISTOLAE II. / LVGDVNI, / Ex officina Melchioris & Gasparis Trechsel Fratrum, / ANNO M. D. XXXII.

[Consulted copy: Barcelona, CRAI Biblioteca de Reserva, 07 CM-1856- 2] [USTC 156001]

S = OPVSCVLA / ALIQVOT VERE CA / THOLICA, AC IMPRI- MIS / erudita, Ioannis Lodouici / Viuis Valentini, accu- / rate impressa. / INTRODVCTIO ad Sapientiam. / SATELLITIVM siue Symbola. / DE RATIONE Studii puerilis / Epistolae II. / Argentorati, apud Petrum / Schoeffer. [s.a.] [Consulted copy: KU Leuven Bibliotheken, Bijzondere Collecties, CaaA 896] [USTC 679887]

La = DE RATIO / NE STVDII PVERILIS EPI / stolae duae IOAN.

LVDOVICI VI / VIS, quibus absolutissimam inge / nuorum adolescen- tium ac puella- / rum institutionem, doctissi / ma breuitate com- / plecti- tur. / EIVSDEM, / Ad ueram Sapientiam introductio. / ITEM / Satellitium animi, siue Symbola, ad / omnem totius uitae, maxime Prin / cipum institutionem, mi- / re conducentia. / Libellus uere aureus, & qui non solum uersetur / omnium manibus, sed ediscatur / etiam, dignissimus. / BASILEAE / M. D. XXXVII.

Colophon: BASILEAE, PER BALTHA / SAREM LASIVM ET / Thomam Platterum, Mense / Martio, / ANNO / M. D. XXXVII. [Consul- ted copy: Universitat de València, Biblioteca Històrica, BH R-1/282(3)]

[USTC 631223]

W = IOAN. LODOVICI VIVIS / DE RECTA INGE- / NVORVUM ADOLESCENTVM / ac puellarum institutione, Libel- / li duo, multa eruditione / ac pietate referti. / EIVSDEM / Ad ueram Sapientiam intro- ductio. / Satellitium animi, siue Symbola, Prin- / cipum institutioni potis- simum / destinata. / Adiecimus quoque in studiosorum gratiam / ARIS- TOTELIS DE VIRTVTIBVS / Libellum uere aureum, nuper quidem Graece inuen- / tum, iam uero primum a SIMONE GRYNAEO & / Latinitate donatum, & exactiore uirtutum diuisio- / ne illustratum: dignum equidem, qui non solum / legatur ab omnibus, sed summa cum dili- / gentia ediscatur etiam. / BASILEAE.

Colophon: BASILEAE, / IN OFFICINA ROBERTI / VVINTER, MENSE / Martio. Anno / M. D. XXXIX. [Consulted copy: Barcelona, CRAI Biblioteca de Reserva, 07 XVI-1634] [USTC 667303]

W² = IOANNIS LO / DOVICI VIVIS VA / lentini, Excitationes animi / in Deum. / Praeparatio animi ad orandum. / Commentarius in orationem Dominicam. / Preces & meditationes quottidianæ. / Preces & meditatio- nes generales. / EIVSDEM / Ad ueram Sapientiam introductio. Satel- / litium animi, siue Symbola, Princi- / pum institutioni potissimum / desti- nata. / Ex postrema recognitione autoris. / BASILEAE.

Colophon: BASILEAE, / IN OFFICINA / ROBERTI VVINTER / Mense Septembri Anno / M. D. XXXX. [Consulted copy: Biblioteca Valenciana Nicolau Primitiu, XVI/194] [USTC 667798]

O = IOANNIS LO- / DOVICI VIVIS VA- / lentini Excitationes animi / in Deum. / Praeparatio animi ad orandum. / Commentarius in orationem Dominicam. / Preces & meditationes quotidianae. / Preces & meditationes generales. / EIVSDEM / Ad ueram Sapientiam introductio. / Satellitium animi, siue Symbola, Prin / cipium institutioni potissi- / mum destinata. / BASILEAE. / 1548.

Colophon: BASILEAE, EX / officina Ioannis Oporini, Anno / M. D.

XLVIII. / Mense Augusto. [Consulted copy: KU Leuven Bibliotheken, Maurits Sabbebibliotheek, P940.224.1 VIVE Exci] [USTC 667802]

Lo = IOANNIS / LODOVICI VI- / VIS VALENTINI / INTRODVC- TIO / ad Sapientiam: / SATELLITIVM, SIVE SYM= / bola: Epistolae duae de ratione stu- / dij puerilis: / Ab auctore ipso recognita & locuple- tata. / ANTVERPIAE, / Apud Viduam Ioannis Loëi, / Anno 1568. [Con- sulted copy: KU Leuven Bibliotheken, Bijzondere Collecties, CaaA 256]

[USTC 404572]

Finally, the following symbols have been used to encompass a group of editions:

π = P, B, V || β = C, K, H || ω = L, P, C, K, H, B, V

2. The Editions of Louvain, Bruges, and Paris (L, C, P)

The editio princeps of the Sat. was printed in Louvain in 1524 (L) by Pieter Martens, and consists of 203 symbols. Surviving copies are quite rare. One is available at KU Libraries, Special Collections, shelfmark CaaA 1927; another at the Royal Library (now KBR) in Brussels, shelf- mark II 43.334 A (RP). This edition includes a page of corrections (L^err)

at the end of the book, which apparently are not Vives’s own emenda- tions, since he complained that either the printer or his assistants “spoiled many places, while believing that they were correcting them”.⁶¹

In 1526, Hubert de Croock published in Bruges a second edition of the Sat. (C). It incorporated thirty-six new symbols (65, 97, 182, 206-238), numerous sentences of L were rephrased, and in many occasions words were added for stylistic improvement. For example, whereas symbol 172 (L) is followed by a short commentary,

Voluptates specta abeuntes.

Videbis foeditatem earum et poenitentiam quam relinquunt. Sic fiet, ut eas averseris ac detestere.

in C (symbol 174) the title is changed, and the commentary enhanced:

Voluptatis occipitium, non frons.

Voluptates quum adveniunt, delectant; ideo pulchrae iucundaeque existimantur. Recedentes vero turpitudinem suam ac deformitatem produnt, ac poenitentiam relinquunt. Idcirco, ut eas aversemur, abscedentes spectandae sunt, non accedentes.

Another example can be found in the following sentence that appears in the commentary of symbol 127 (L): “…lex erat in Graecia adversus ingratos.” This sentence is rephrased in C (symbol 129) as: “…lex erat in Macedonia quae in ingratos animadvertebat.” By looking at the apparatus criticus of my critical edition, the reader can study further examples located in symbols 2, 12, 15, 24, 44, 78, 96, 135, 140, 152, and 175.

The edition printed by Simon de Colines (P, Paris 1527) is the third edition of the Sat. However, the number of symbols has diminished:

twenty-six less than C, but still ten more than L. The Paris edition encom- passes 213 symbols; it incorporates numbers 203 to 212 (which L lacked), but omits numbers 65, 97, 182, and 215-237 of C. Furthermore, P does not include all the rephrased sentences and new words introduced by C, but only a small amount.

For example, C and P share the following readings, which differ from those of L: C and P incorporate phrases such as “quod ad cupiditatem vivunt, quae insatiabilis est” (symbol 15), and “tum ne alios offendas aut

61 Cf. A letter from Vives to F. Cranevelt, 7 March 1525, in De Vocht 1928 (as in n.

3), letter 144, lines 30-31: “Depravarunt illi nonnulla loca, dum se crederent corrigere”.

exemplo sis ad malum” (symbol 24), which are absent in L; they both consistently change the same words: “inspicienda” (C P, symbol 14) instead of “vivenda” (L, symbol 14), or “in quem impetit” (C P, symbol 78) instead of “in quem tendit” (L, symbol 77). However, the number of cases where P does not incorporate the innovations of C (and therefore reproduces the text of the editio princeps L) is greater than the number of cases where P incorporates the textual variants of C. For example, the text provided by C in symbols 2, 12, 44, 96, 126, 129, 135, 140, 152, and 175 is different from both L and P (2, 12, 44, 95, 124, 127, 133, 138, 150,

and 173). In all these cases, P maintains the reading of L.

From the above analysis one can come to the following conclusion:

even though the chronological order of the editions is L C P, the three stages of composition must have been L P C.⁶² This conclusion stems from the following evidence:

(a) The fact that P does not maintain all the changes and innovations of C shows that the manuscript or the textual source of the Paris edition (P, 1527) is not the same as the one used in the Bruges edition (C, 1526), otherwise P would have incorporated all the aforementioned modifica- tions.

(b) The fact that sometimes C and P concur with each other and both differ from L shows that both C and P display the stage of the text pos- terior to that of L.

(c) The fact that, on numerous occasions, L and P have the same text and only C offers a variant demonstrates that P must have printed a manuscript source whose text was in a stage prior to that used in C but, as a result of what has been said in (b), posterior to that used in L.

Symbol 206 of C can be used to summarize and exemplify the pro- posed chronological order L P C. The editio princeps (stage one) does not have this symbol. The Paris edition of 1527 (stage two) prints this symbol (203) for the first time with the following text:

62 Cf. González González 2007 (as in n. 11), 74. He has been the first to indicate that there must have been an intermediate edition between the 1524 edition of Martens and the 1526 edition of De Croock, which is no longer extant. The text of this lost edition would have been transmitted by the edition of De Colines (1527). In order to show that this situation was not unique to Vives’s Sat., cf. what A. Grafton, Inky Fingers: The Making of Books in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge MA, 2020), 54 comments about Copernicus’s De revolutionibus: “Copernicus himself must have made many of these changes in an intermediate text that served as printer’s copy and that no longer survives.”

Calumniae morsui remedium nullum.

Nullum fere est tantum malum cui natura remedium non pararit, saltem fuga.

Finally, the Bruges edition (stage three) rephrases the commentary of P and enhances it:

Calumniae morsui remedium nullum.

Nullum est tantum malum cui non fere remedium sit aliquod paratum a natura, etsi non re alia saltem fuga. Atqui calumnia et clam mordet et ante occidit quam sentiatur.

3. Other Editions

Between 1526 and 1537 all the editions of the Sat. took the Bruges edi- tion (C) as the base text. From this period are the editions of Keyser (K, Antwerp 1530), Hillen (H, Antwerp 1531), the Trechsel brothers (T, Lyon 1532), and Schöffer (S, Strasbourg ca. 1533).

Keyser reproduced C very faithfully, while Hillen introduced some minor variations in verbs or words. Some examples are given as follows:

“pectore” (H) instead of “corpore” (C K) in symbol 31; “columbini” (H) instead of “columbi” (C K) in symbol 33; “sanguinis” (H) instead of

“sanguis” (C K) in symbol 53; “voluntate” (H) instead of “voluntati” (C K) in symbol 80; or “perferenda” (H, from L) instead of “praeferenda”

(C K) in symbol 185. Most of these changes, with the exception of the latter (symbol 185; cf. the Commentary), do not make any improvement in the text or may even slightly undermine it. Hence, in my opinion, they should not be attributed to Vives.

In 1532 the Trechsel brothers printed a very careful edition. It in- cluded a preface to the reader in which the printer explained the labour undertaken in presenting a clear text, cleansed of the many typographical errors with which C was crammed. Regarding textual variants, these are minimal. T follows K, with some readings taken directly from H and C.

The Lyon edition was later reprinted by Schöffer in its entirety, together with the same preface to the reader. Given the fact that S does not provide any printing date, it should be dated approximately around 1533.

The Paris edition (P 1527) was not used as the base text in any reprint until 1537, in the edition published by the Basel printers Lasius and Platter (La). This edition followed P almost completely, except in some particular cases where a reading from C was taken, presumably through

the Antwerp editions (K H), or even directly from the Bruges edition itself. For example: “Fortunae” instead of “fortunae” in symbol 47;

“generosus” instead of “generosius” in symbol 53; “multis” instead of

“multi” in symbol 124 (126 C); “quod” instead of “quae” in symbol 137 (139 C); “propiores” instead of “propriores” in symbol 147 (149 C); or

“caede” instead of “cede” in symbol 163 (165 C). Two years later, in 1539, Lasius and Platter reprinted this edition without a single change.

Also in 1539 another edition came to light, that of Winter (W), who took P as the base text, but deferred from it (as well as from L and C) in a few passages. Such differences, though very few, increased in the follow- ing edition of 1540 (W²), which was described as “ex postrema recogni- tione autoris”. Examples are given as follows: “scopum” (W²) instead of

“scopulum” in symbol 1; “ne” (W²) instead of “nec” in symbol 2; “om- nium sit” (W) instead of “sit omnium” in symbol 79 (80 C); “obnoxiae”

instead of “obnoxia” in symbol 84 (85 C); “eis” (W) instead of “ab eis”

in symbol 86 (87 C); the omission of “ego” (W²) in symbol 95 (96 C);

“sic” (W²) instead of “si” in symbol 102 (104 C); “mutavit” (W²) instead of “mutuavit” in symbol 118 (120 C); “privatis” (W²) instead of “priva- tos” in symbol 120 (122 C); “potissime” (W²) instead of “potissimum” in symbol 144 (146 C); “spectat” (W) instead of “spectet” in symbol 168 (170 C); “quemadmodum” (W) instead of “ut quemadmodum” in symbol 171 (173 C); “dorsum” (W²) instead of “deorsum” in symbol 172 (174

C); or the omission of “crudelis” (W²) in symbol 206 (209 C).

Even though Vives seems to have sent to Winter’s printing office revised and improved manuscripts of other works (such as Foem. and Mar.),⁶³ the analysis of the aforementioned variants of Winter’s edition does not necessarily lead to the same conclusion regarding the Sat.⁶⁴ However, readings from La, W, and W² are important because they demonstrate that changes which seemed to appear for the first time in the Opera omnia printed by Nicolaus Episcopius (B Basel 1555) were, in fact, first introduced in these previous editions.

The text edited in B follows P and keeps some of the changes intro- duced by the aforementioned editions of La, W, and W². The edition of Episcopius was used two centuries later by Gregori Maians i Siscar, who included the Sat. in volume four of the Opera omnia of Vives published

63 Cf. Fantazzi, Matheeussen 1996-1998 (as in n. 25), vol. 1, xix; Fantazzi 2006 (as in n. 46), xv.

64 A similar opinion regarding the Ad sap. is expressed by González González 2007 (as in n. 11), 104-105.

in Valencia (V) by Benet Monfort in 1783. The edition of Maians consist- ently follows B, but incorporates some readings of C and H. These readings might have been available to him through an edition of Ad sap., Sat., and Rat. stud. that was published in Medina del Campo in 1551, which reproduced, in turn, the edition of Hillen published in 1531. Ex- amples of C H readings which differ from B are given as follows:

“Croio” (C H) instead of “Cronio” in symbol 55; “commodator” (H, not C) instead of “commendator” in symbol 119 (121 C H); “ad rem pub- licam accedere” in symbol 158 (160 C H), which did not appear in B; or the addition of “Occipitium non frons” in symbol 172 (174 C), which B did not include. In this case, Maians incorporated the title of the symbol provided by C H into the commentary of the symbol.

Finally, the edition printed in Antwerp by the widow of Jan vander Loe (Lo) in 1568 is worth mentioning. Although the minor corrections included in it must be considered spurious, the edition was described as

“ab auctore ipso recognita & locupletata”. Examples of variants are given as follows: “tueatur” instead of “tutatur” in symbol 3; “dulcissimo”

instead of “dulcissimus” in symbol 20; “retinebit” and “mutua” instead of

“retinebis” and “mutuata” in symbol 121; “insanabilibus” instead of

“insatiabilibus” in symbol 183; or “Catholica” instead of “Catholico” in symbol 228.

4. The Title of the Work

As far as the title of the work is concerned, the Sat. was originally printed under the double title of Satellitium sive Symbola (L, 1524). This duality was kept in the second edition of the book (C, 1526), the third (P, 1527), the fourth (K, 1530), the fifth (H, 1531), the sixth (T, 1532), and the seventh (S, ca. 1533). The eight edition (La, 1537), though it kept the duality, added two new items: on the one hand, the word animus (Satelli- tium animi sive Symbola); on the other hand, a phrase meant to attract possible buyers: ad omnem totius vitae maxime principum institutionem mire conducentia. In 1539, Winter (W) slightly changed the marketing sentence: Satellitium animi sive Symbola, principum institutioni potis- simum destinata. Finally, in 1540, Winter published the last edition of the Sat. during Vives’s life, adding ex postrema recognitione autoris. The Valencian humanist died on 6 May 1540 and the book appeared in Sep- tember. After Vives’s death, the first Opera omnia of his works (B, 1555) kept the word animus in the index (Satellitium animi vel Symbola), dropp- ed it in the running heads (Satellitium vel Symbola), and printed the

following inner title: Satellitia CCIII. Two centuries later, Maians (V, 1783) indexed the work as Satellitia vel Symbola, used the same running heads as B (Satellitium vel Symbola), and introduced the work also with the same title employed by B: Satellitia CCIII. My edition maintains the title issued in the editio princeps.

5. The Present Edition

Despite the many typographical errors incorporated into the text by the printing office of Hubert de Croock, the collatio of the various editions has led me to consider C the best available text and to use it as the main edition for establishing the critical edition, since it probably reflects the third and final stage of the work. Hence, I have followed the readings of C almost completely. Some exceptions have been made: I have accepted the L P readings in symbol 67 (“videamus”, non-existent in C), and the Greek spelling provided by L P in symbols 100, 176, and 200. Also, I have accepted the reading of T in symbol 165 (“Antistheni” instead of

“Anthistheni”), and the reading of O in symbol 173 (“Manilius”, instead of “Manlius”). Finally, I have documented some spurious readings of Lo.

Even though later editions based on C (K 1530, H 1531, T 1532, S ca.

1533) were printed more carefully and lack typographical errors, they present minor changes that do not improve the text. Hence, one should conclude that such variations ought not to be attributed to Vives himself. I have also discarded the corrections printed on the final page of L (L^err).

In the aforementioned letter sent to Cranevelt on 7 March 1525, Vives complained about the book printed by Martens which contained Ad sap., Sat., and Rat. stud. “They have spoiled [depravarunt] numerous passages, while they believed that they were correcting them,”⁶⁵ he protests, and adds: “as for example in ea colitur.”⁶⁶ This phrase is a correction included in L^err (symbol 87) and proves that Vives disapproved of such emenda- tions. As a matter of fact, of all of them (see the critical apparatus of symbols 2, 22, 87, 160, and 199), only the emendation in symbols 2 (pugnet) and 22 (suppetat) were accepted and reproduced in later editions (π, β).

65 Illi refers most likely to the proofreaders working at the workshop of Pieter Martens.

66 In De Vocht 1928 (as in n. 3), letter 144, lines 30-31.