NOTE S trn T(tF.
WEIGHTS AND MEASURE S
OF MEDIEVAL ENGLAN D Dy ti`l . H . Pstott
ABBREVIATIONS .
The following abbrevations are used in the text und fout-notes .
A88 . Pond . Mens . = Assise de Ponderibus et Mensuris . C . C . R . = Calendarof Close Rolls ,
C . P . R . = Calendar ofPatent Rolls . C . R . = Close Rolls .
C . S. = Camden Society Publications .
C, Vcn . S . P . = Calendar of Venetian Slate Papers , E . D . S . = English Dialect Society Publications . R. E. T . S . = Early English Text Society Publications . N . E. D . = New English Dictionary .
T. R . Il. S . = Transactionsof the Royal Historical Society .
R. S. = Rolls Series .
S. S. = Surtees Society Publications . V. C . R . = Victoria County History .
CONTRACTIONS .
Contractions for the Principal Authorities referred to in this Work .
A . Part . Scot . = Acts ofthe ParliamentofScotland .
Cely Papers = Malden, H . E . ed ., Ccly Papers (C . S . 3rd Series, vol . I) . Chadwick = Chadwick, H . M ., Studies inAnglo-saxon Institutions, 1908 . Chisholm = Chisholm, H . W ., The Science of Weighing and Measuring (Natur e
Series), 1877 .
Chron . de Bello = Chronicon Monasterii de Bello (Anglia Christiana Society
Publication), 1846 , NULL . DU CANCI) . 192/s
78 W . ti . P11I :Oli .
Corr. Lest Book = Harris, M . D . ed ., Coventry Lect Book (E . E . T . S . Origina l Series), 1907 .
Cast . Roff . = Thorpe, J . ed ., Custumale Ro/tense . London, 1788 . Dom. S . Paul's = Hale, W . H . ed ., Domesday of S . Paul s (C, S .), 1858 . Ducange = Ducange, Glossarium Mediae et Infimae Latinilatis .
Dugdale = Dugdale, Sir W ., Monasticon Anglicanunr . Ed. Coley, Ellis and
flan-dinel, 1817-1830 .
Durham Ace . Rolls = Extracts from time Account Rolls of the Abbey o/ Durham , 3 vols . (S . S .), 1898-1900 .
Pieta = Meta sea Comnmentarius Juris Anglicani sic nuncupatus sub Edenardo Rege primo . . . London, 1647 .
Guilhiernzoz
Guilhiormoz, Note sur les Poids du Moyen Age . 13iblioth5gao d e 1')cole clos Chartes, LXVII, 1906, p . 161-233, 402450 .
Lecke = Lenke, Historical Account o/ English Money, 3rd ed . 1793 .
Lib . Alb . = Riley, H . T . ed ., Munimenta Gildhallae Londoniensis, I and III . Liber
Allas(R . S .) .
Lib . Cast . = Riley, H . T . ed ., Munimenta Gildha/.lam Londoniensis .Il . Libre ('us-tumarum (R . S,) ,
Liebermann. = Liebermann, F . ed ., Dic Gesetze der ,ringelsaehsen . Halle, 141113 . Macpherson _ Macpherson, Annals of Commerce . it vols ., 1805 .
Maitland = Maitland, F . W ., Domesday Book and Beyond, 1007 .
Reg. Worcester = Hale, W. II . ed ., Register o/ Worcester Priory (C . 8 .), 1865 . Robertson = Robertson, E . William, historical Essays, 187(3 .
Rogers = Rogers, J . E . T ., History ofAgriculture and Prices in England, 18(16 -1887 .
Rymer = Rymer, T ., Foedera, Conventiones, . . inter rages Angllac, et a/nos rluus-vis iuperatores, . . London, 170 14-1735 .
Seebohm = Seebohm, Frederic, Customary Acres, 1914 . Spellman = Spelman, H ., Glossarium. are/saiologicunm, 16(14 .
Star Chamber, Cases = Leadam, I . S . ed ., Select Cases before the King's Counci l in. the Star Chamber, 1477-1509 (Selden Soc . Publication) ,
Stal. at Large = Hawkins, W ., The Statutes at Large from Magna Chnrla to 1,/r e seventh year o/ King George the Second . London, 1735 .
Stat . Realm = Statutes of the Realm, 1810 .
Thom . of Walsingham. = Riley, H . T . ed ., Thomas of Walsingham . historia
Anglicane (R. S .) .
Walter of Henley = Lomond, E . ed ., Walter o/ hanky's husbandry, etc . London ,
1890 .
Wardrobe Book = Topbam, J . ed ., Wardrobe Book of Edward I. 1299 and 1300 .
NOTES ON 'rrlP; WhIG11'rS AND MEASURES OF MEDIEVALENaLAND ,
CHAPTER L SYSTEMS AND STANDARDS .
Peoples, in an early stage of civilisation, have always base d their nioaHUrenrents on natural units, generally with some refe-rence to averages, as in Scotland, where the standard foot was t o he that of the middle-sized man of three, according to the Assiz e
ofKing 7)cr.a'id l . The medieval systems of weights and measure s
form one phase in the development of scientific from natura l units . The legal standards of weight were based upon the system s of classical antiquity as they were handed down through th e Roman imperial system . Thus, the .Mina, of Greece and Asia is the couinuua ancestor of the various pounds used in medieval an d modern Europe ; and M . Guilhiermoz has collected much evidenc e in support of his theory, which derives the numerous medieva l pounds from those of the Roman Empire2.
In England, at the time of J)omesdaì, Jiook, the pound know n as the Saxon or Tower pound was in general use as a monetar y pound of account ; it was composed of 20 shillings of 12 pence o f 32 wheat, grains (litepenny being equal to 22.5 grains Troy), or , alternatively, of 1.2 ounces of 20 such pennyweights . The Stillin g
or Solidus was the most common unit of account in Saxo n
England ; its value is hard to determine precisely, for documen-tary evidence gives it dilterent values in various districts 8. Later , the Saxons used the North European system of the Mark and it s eighth part, the Ore . Old English scribes were apt to confuse th e word mark in its Latin form Marca with the Manca, or Mancus a which was the usual weight for gold in pre-Conquest England , as in the Leges Henrici Primi ; and this error was followed b y Ducang e4. The Maracas is defined by Aelfrie as equal to 30 pence :
« thrittig penega [genaacjast] aênne naancas 5 » . In earlier
docu-ments it always has the saine value . It seems to have been the 1. A . Parc . Sea6 ., I, p . 309 .
2. Gullhicruioz, pp . 1e1-2:33, rt02-zi5ll .
:3. Lieberman, pp . 19, 59, 176, 462463, 600, 565, 609 ; Chadwick, pp . it,15, 18-20 . ti . Guilhiertuoz, p, 222, noto ; Damage, 49a n crtsa ; Robertson, p . ti2.
80
w . n . raioa .
gold equivalent of an ox i . English references to the mucus a s equal to 30 pence do not occur before the time of Aethelstan, bu t there is evidence for this value on the Continent in 816 2 .
The great variation in the weight of coins which have survive d must mean that the Saxon pound had no single fixed wcight 3 . Similarly, the ore was a variable unit, the silver equivalent of a certain amount of gold, rather than a fixed weight itself '& .
After the Norman Conquest the system of weights and measure s can b'e traced more definitely, although historians disagree as to tll c identity of the different systems . The divisions of the pound int o shillings and pence, and ounces and pence, worn retained ; thos o units served as weights and money of account . In the thirtoont h century, a new unit, the wheat-grain, appeared, and this becam e the basis of the system . It was probably introduced from .F'i'aneu , where the denier was valued at 2lß grains' . The use of the grai n as a weight seems to have been adopted in thereign of Edward 1~f1 , for the two-grain weight discovered in the Pyx Chamber appa-rently dates from that time . Previously, the silver farthing ha d been the smallest actual Weight' .
The pound defined by Fleta is known as the Saxon pound , although there is no sure evidence of its use in England befor e the eleventh century . It is thus described : « Per denarium An-gliae qui sterlingus appellatur, et sit rotundus, qui (lebet ponde -rare triginta duograna frumentimedioeria, et unde viginti denari i faciunt unciam, et duodecim unciae faciunt libram viginti Solido -rum in pondere et numero 7 . » This Saxon or Tower pound wa s used as a money of account in England for the greater part o f the later Middle Ages, but the number of wheat-grains in th e penny sterling of currency was reduced to 24 in the time o f Edward III s .
The Troy system came into use in England .in the fourteent h 1. Liebermann, p . 175 . 2. Chadwick, p . 23-24 . 3. Ibid., p . 33 . 4. Ibid., p . 44-46. 5. Chisholm, p . 56-57 . 6. Ibid ., p, 57 . 7. Fleta, p . 72-73, II, c . 12, ê 1 .
NOTES ON THE WEIGHTS AND MEASURES OF MEDIEVAL ENGLAND . 8 1 century, possibly during the French wars of Edward III 1 . It i s Brat, mentioned in an inventory of the first year of the reign o f Henry V 2 . The English Troy pound contains '12 ounces of 20 pen-nyweights of 24 Toy grains . In Scotland, as on the Continent ,
the Troy pound was composed of 16 ounces . The earlier Scottis h system was apparently based upon Caithness weight, a heavie r system analogous to that of the Northmen, with a pound o f 1 .6 ounces :3 . Customary measures were generally larger in Scot -land than in Eng-land, probably through the influence of the
Caithness standard .
Besides the Tower and Troy pounds of 12 ounces, there was a pound of 1 .5 ounces ; Meta refers to it as Libra Mercatoria 44 . Each
syste►n had its special uses ; the Tower pound was the monetar y pound, the Troy pound was used for weighing bullion, preciou s stones and spices, and the, merchant pound for other goods, lik e wool' . In the fourteenth century, small goods sold by weigh t were known as Els,et'depoys, and in this way the term came to be applied to the weight standard, until, by the reign of Henry VII I the old Libra Met'eatoria had become the a laufull weighte calle d
habei'depu7/ez 0 » . Some time during the sixteenth century befor e
the reign of Elizabeth, perhaps in 1 .526, the pound cwerdepoys was raised to '16 ounces ; it has been adopted as the legal stand-ard for commercial purposes, and retains its old name in th e corrupt form, avoirdupois . Troy weight was used for textiles i n the fifteenth century ; in 1438 and 1441 decrees of the Venetia n Senate mention English cloths sold by the thousand-weight Tro y 7 , and in 1485 the freight rates for the voyage of the Flemish an d English galleys include a silks of every sort, 20 ducats per thou-sand-weight Troy » . Metals, on the other hand, were weighed b y avoirdupois 8 .
The pounds used in medieval England were not limited to thes e three standards . Pegolotti, a merchant of the Bardi Company , who wrote his La Pratica della Mercatura, or Merchants' Guide ,
1 . Chisholm, p . 5e . 2, Ibid ., p . 56 . 3 . Robevtson, p . 66 . [i, Ilota, p . 73, II, c . 12, ¢ 1 ,
5 . Ibid .
0, Stat. Reaim,, III, p . 42(1 ; Guilhiermoz, p . 425, note . 7. C. Ven . S, P ., I, p . 65-66 .
82
w . n . i'niotl .
about 1315, says that dyed silk was sold in London by a poun d
of '15 1/2 ounces, and raw silk (seta
cruda)
by a pound o f7.8 ounces l . This was possibly clue to the natural but confusin g custom of using different standards for raw and finished products . Variation in the same unit of weight for different commoditie s was characteristic of medieval times, so that pounds containin g from '12 to 27 ounces were used locally as well as the legal pounds . Pegolotti also mentions a pound used by English goldsmiths i n the fourteenth century 2 . Fle says that silver was weighed in tw o ways, by the Tower mark, equal to the mark of Cologne and use d for bullion and money, and by the Goldsmiths ' mark used fo r silver .
The mark was a very common unit of weight ; it containe d 8 ounces in England, as on the Continent, but the ounce of th e Tower mark was, naturally, the English ounce . Thus, wherea s
the French mark of 8 ounces was only half the pound
Polls-tie-Troyes of 16 ounces 3 , the English mark of 8 ounces was two -thirds of the standard 12 ounce pound, in other words, its valu e was '13 s . f
icl .
Units of weight of a higher value than the pound were nume-rous ; these were officially defined in terms of pounds and ounces'' , but in practice there was great variety, one nainecovering a num-ber of different values . Measures of capacity, too, theoreticall y
depended on the weight standards ; in the Ass . Pond . Mens ,
8 pounds of London make a wine gallon, 8 wine gallons a Lon -don bushel, and 8 bushels a Lon-don quarter s . This table wa s repeated in later statutes, until in 1497 the London pound becam e known as the Troy pound . In practice, however, the same loca l variations existed as in weights, and many of the commones t measures were never defined in the legal systems .
The adequate provision of true weight standards was one of th e problems of administration confronting the medieval government . Even in Saxon times regulations were made by the central autho-rity, and from the end of the twelfth century continuous effort s
1 . Cunningham, W ., GrowthofEnglish Industry and Commerce, 1, p . (119 . 2, Ibid., p . (119 : u Il marco delta Zecca della Torre di Londra », and c il marc o degli Orlevori D .
3. Guilhiermoz, p . 193 .
4. l'leta, p . 73 ; Stat . Realm ., I, p . 204-205 , 5. Mal . Realm ., 1, p . 204 .
NOTES ON THE WEIGHTS AND MEASURES OP MEDIEVAL ENGLAND . 8 3
were made by the government to ensure this essential characte-ristic of a civilised conunonity .
CHAPTER I L
THE REGULATION OF WEIGHTS AND MEASURES .
The regulation of weights, measures and prices began in Eng-land before the Norman Conquest . About the middle of the tenth century a law of Edgar ordained that there should be uniformity of measures throughout the realm, according to the standards o f London and Winchester 1 . The development of the Assize syste m under henry II made the regulation of weights and measures mor e practicable . Roger of Hovede n ' s Chronicle describes an Assize o f weights and measures instituted by Richard I in 1'197 ; this pro-vided machinery to enforce uniformity, four or six men bein g appointed in each city, borough and county to superintend th e use of weights and measnres2. The government evidently coul d not over-ride local customs, and this law was re-enacted i n
Magna Calla less than twenty years after Richar d ' s Assize « Le t
there be one measure throughout our realm, and one measure o f ale and one measure of corn, to wit, the London quarter, and on e width of cloths . . . moreover it shall be the saine for weights as for measures3. » A great effort to promote uniformity was made ,
probably in Edward I ' s reign, when the Ass . Pond . Mens . was drawn up, giving a list of the most important measures in us e and their legal contents 4 . In some clauses this Assize repeats th e scale of weights given by Fleta a few years earlier 5 . Simila r regulations are found in Scottish law, for the Assize of King
David defines a uniform scale for measures of length, and fo r
weights from the stone of wool down to the sterling penny 6. The central government became more powerful during th e 1. Liebermann, I, p . 204-205 .
2. Stubbs, W. ed ., Chronica Magistri Rogeri de Houedene (R . S.), IV, p . 33-34 ; cited, Star Chamber, Cases, p . cxLVn-cxLvIII .
3. Magna Carla, c . 35 : e Una mensura vini sit per totum regnum nostrum et un a mensura ccrvisiae et una mensura bladi, scilicet quarterium Londoniense et un a latitudo pannoruna . . . de ponderibus autem sit ut de mensuris . e
4, Slat . Realm ., I, p . 204 . 5 . Meta, p . 72-73, II, c, 12, f f 'l, 2 .
$4
W . Il . eciOn .
fourteenth century and increased its legislative activity, Parlia-ments began to deal vigorously with the problem of weights an d measures, and numerous statutes were passed ; but local variation s persisted, and even Parliament had to yield to customary privilege s which were in direct contradiction of the work it was trying t o accomplish . The statute, which exacts that the quarter of cor n shall contain 8 bushels by the standard, and no more, and tha t measures of corn shall be striked (made level across the top s with a stick called a strike) adds, « saving the rents and farms o f the lords, which shall be measured by such measures as they wer e
wont hitherto' » .
This state of affairs continued through the fifteenth century ; Parliament passed statutes, local authorities swore to enforc e them, and custom proved stronger than both . Henry VII ordere d standard weights and measures to be sent round to every county , and set up « King's Beams » for large weights in numerous pur'Ls2;
these standards were unsuccessful and had to be returned in 1497 . Another Act was then passed, ordering all measures to be marke d and common, and repeating the old standard scale with the ne w term, Troy weight s . Even so, the weights used for tin in Devo n and Cornwall were exempt from regulation 4 .
TheLaws o/'L'clgarestablished the standards of Winchester an d
London 5 ; the latter remained the formal standard in Englan d from the Conquest until the sixteenth century . After 1526, whe n Troy weight was legally enforced, the heavier South country standard was officially revived, and much used during the nex t three centuries° . London standard is said to have been establishe d by Richard I 7, and it was familiar by the time of Magna Carter s .
For weights, London or Tower standard was also known as th e
1. 25 Ed . III, c . 10 . Stat. at Large, I, p . 246 : « Sauvez les rentes et fermes de s
seignours Doles soient mesures par tide mesure come eles soleient avant ces heures . n 2. Star Chamber, Cases, I, p . CXLIX .
3. 12 Hen. VII, c . 5 . Stat, at Large, I, p . 671 .
4. 11 Hen. VII, c . 4 . Stat . at Large, I, p . 661 .
5. Liebermann, I, p . 205 . Quadripartitus . « Et sit una moneta per lotum regis
imperium . . . et una mensura, sicut apud IVincestram, n Two A-S . texts add « o n
Lundenbirig n before the word Winchester .
6. Robertson, p . 67 .
7. Star Chamber, Cases, p . cxLVnl ; Lib . Gust ., p. 383. 8. Magna Carta, c . 35 .
NOTES ON THE WEIGHTS AND MEASURES OF MEDIEVAL ENGLAND . 85
standard of the Exchequer I . No measures of this period have sur-vived, but there are still in existence one or two standards of th e Winchester scale, which date from the time of Henry VI1 2 . Accor-ding to these, the Winchester corn bushel contains 2150 1/ 2 cubic inches, and the corn gallon 274 1/4 cubic inches . A standar d ale gallon of Elizabet h ' s time contains 282 cubic inches, while th e old wine standard established in 1707 held 231 cubic ínches 3 . This is important ; for if (as is probable) this last was maclein imitation of an older standard, it would correspond with the dif-ference in size which existed between measures for ale and win e in the Middle Ages . In 1321 an assay of weights and measure s was held in London ; the assayers recommended the custom o f the kingdom in the use of a larger gallon for ale than for wine , but the citizens objected, declaring that there should be on e measure for wine and ale throughout all England, a sieut conti-netttr in Magna Charta de Libertatibus Anglie 4 D . They failed t o
remark that Magna Carta ordained one measure for wine and one for ale, not one for wine and ale 5 .
The examination of medieval documents shows how unsuccessfu l were these efforts on the part of the central authority to establis h uniform measures, when confronted by local customs so stron g that many have survived to the present clay ; for there are still in use 25 local corn weights and measures, 12 different bushels , 13 different pounds, 10 different stones and 9 different tons 6 . Variations of the pound have already been discussed ; the next common weight unit was the Nail or Clove, used for woo l 7 , cheese , butter s , and so forth . Pegolotti gives 7 English pounds as th e weight of a clove, and the same value was reckoned in the grea t wool subsidy of Edward 1II l ° . The statute 9 Henry VI, e . 8 make s
1. 25 Ed . III, c . 9 . Sat . at Large, I, p . 240 . 2. Chisholm, p . 6fí .
3. Ibid ., p . 65 . 4. Lib . Gust ., p . 383 . 5. Magna Carta, c . 35 .
fi . Eastern Daily Press, April 1.9, 1.92'1 .
7, C . P . R . 1338-1340, p . 288 if .
8. Rogers, II, p . 359 ; Kitchin, G. W . ed., Obedientiary Rolls of S. Swilh n's ,
Winchester (Ilanzps . Bee, Soc .), 1888, p . '147 .
9. Cunningham, W ., GrowthofEnglish Industry and Commerce, I, p . 619 .
86
w . n . muon .
the clove of cheese weigh 7 pounds' . On the other hand, on e entry in the Close Rolls, and another in the Patent Rolls, at, th e time of the wool subsidy, count the clove as equal to the stone o f 14 pounds 2 ; this may be a scribal error, but in Roger's Histor y
of Agriculture and Prices we find stones of 7 pounds, evidentl y
the sama as cloves3. The regulations for tronage payments, give n
in Liber Albus'', mention a much larger clove, or smaller wey ,
than was usual, for a sack of more than 12 cloves was to pay th e same as one of 3 weys, which gives a wey of only 6 cloves, instea d of about 30 . As the sack normally contained 2 weys a large clov e is probable, unless there is a scribal error .
The clove was not such a common weight as its double, th e Stone, which was used for metals, wool and dairy produce . Th e weight of a stone varied greatly, according to district and
com-modity . Fleta gives 12 1./2 pounds of 15 English ounces to th e stonë', but in the Ass . Pond . Hens . 12 1/2 pounds of 12 (mimes make the London stone ; this London stone was similarly define d nearly two centuries later 7 . In Scotland the stone for wool and other goods contained '15 pounds, according to the Assize o/'King
David3, and of King Robert II19. The thirteenth century write r
of Seneschaucie says that wool should be weighed by the righ t
stone of 12 pounds 10, but in Flanders 13 pounds were reckone d to the stone of English wool sold by the Cistercian Abbeys I " . B y the time of Edward ll:I the stone of wool had increased t o 14 pounds, which is the scale of the Parliamentary grants fro m 1338 to 1341 12 , although there were some local variations in th e collection . Ten years later, a case came before the King ' s courts in which a Lincolnshire wool merchant had used weights o f 14 pounds to the stone for wool, «whereas it has been customar y
1. Stat. at Large, I, p . 523-524 .
2. C . C . R . 1337-1339, p. 457 ; C . P . R . 1338-1340, p . 245 .
3. Rogers, H, p . 337 if .
4. Lib . Alb ., p . 227 ; Glossary on Clou. 5. Pieta, p . 73, II, c . 12, g 1 .
6. Stat . Realm ., I, p . 204 .
7. Cou . Lest Book ; Quoted in N . E . D . Stone . 8. A . Pari . Scot., I, p . 309 .
9. Spelman, Petra.
10. Walter of Henley, p . 9 fí-95 .
11. Varenbergh, E ., Histoire des relations diplomatiques entre le comte de "andre
et l'Angleterre au moyen age, p, 152 . Archives de Douai ; cartulairo L .
NOTES ON TIIE WEIGHTS AND 1H :AS11RESOF 1IEDIEVAL ENGLAND . 87 to take thirteen pounds only'D .The weight of the wool stone wa s fixed at 1 /t pounds in the statute i3 Richard II, c . 9", but th e failure of this statute is illustrated by the despatch of a specia l commission to Oxford to enquire into the breaches of it 3 . Th e statute II Henry VII, c . 4 confirmed that of Richard II 4 . Ducang e quotes a French document, in which the stone of wool is equiva-lent to 9 pounds only ; this may be a misreading for 12 pounds :) . Rogers ' prices for wool show stones varying from 8 to 20 pounds' . Lesser values of the stone were generally applied to weights of wax . Rogers ' price lists for cheese give a stone of abou t 16 pounds at Rodeston (Northants) in 1263 7 , and at Fountains i n 1482 8 . At Yalamton in 1395 it was 13 pounds", while a stone o f butter at Crowmarsh (Oxon) was only 10 pounds in 1336 11 . A
Pund, varying from 18 to 21 pounds, was used in Sussex fo r
dairy produce 11 , and also for wool and lead 12 .
Fleta requires lead to be weighed by the sane stone as wool ,
containing 12 1/2 merchant pounds of 15 ounces t3 , but in th e
Ass . Pond . Mens . the stone for lead contained 12 pounds o f
25 shillings or 15 ounces in the reckoning by Fotmals, an d 12 1/2 pounds when valued directly by the stone and Charre 14 . Rogers ' prices for the fifteenth century make the stone of lea d contain 14 to'16 pounds in Oxfordshire'', but at Clare (Suffolk) i t was only 8 pounds in 1351 16 . The Durham Account Rolls sugges t that in the early fourteenth century a stone of 10 pounds was use d for tin 17 . The prices do not give satisfactory evidence for iron ;
1. C . P . R . 1348-1350, p . 537 .
2. Stat . Realm ., II, p . 64 . 3. C . P. R . 1461-1467, p .278 . 4. N . E . D . Stone .
5. Ducange, Petra from Regcstnm Peaniorwn Parisicnsirtnt . 6. Rogers, I1, p . 337-352 . 7. Ibid ., II, p . 359 . 8. Ibid ., III, p . 214 . 9. Ibid ., II, p . 378 . 10. Ibid ., II, p . 372 . 11. Ibid., II, p . 363-364 .
12. Ibid ., II, p .340, 350-351 (Alton Berries, Nil's), , 531 . 13. Flela, p . 73, II, c . 12, i3';;. 1, 2 .
14. Stat. Realm .,I, p . 204-205 . 15. Rogers, II, p . 534 ; III, p . 369 if . 16. Ibid ., II, p . 533 .
88
w . ii . rams .
the stone seems to have varied between '2 and 18 poundsI . Glas s was weighed by a stone of 5 pounds 2 .
The Hundredweight (Centeno.) was much used, especially fo r
spices . In the Ass . Pond . Mens . it is defined as a weight, of 13 1/2 stones of 8 pounds, but it is also given as 108 pounds, and a s 100 pounds of 25 shillings 3 . The Sacrist Rolls
or
Ely mentio n mumerous purchases of wax by centenae which seem to hav eweighed from 100 to 120 pounds 4 . The centena was 100 pound s at Worcester in 1423' . In Pegolotti's l'ractica, the Gentinajo wa s 104 pounds for spices, and 112 for metals, wax, and heav y goods .
The Wey varied even more than most weights . The Ass . Pond .
Mens . makes the wey of lead, wool, linen, tallow and cheese equa l
to 14 stones7, and a little more, according to Fl,eta 3 ; but in Scot -land theAssize ofKing David gives a wey of 12 stones" . The pri-ces entered for tallow in the Sacrist. Rolls of Ely make the we y equal to about 200 pounds, that is, to 17 stones of 'f4 pounds'11' . The wey was, therefore, the same weight as that used for chees e called Pondus orPisa (Peyse = Poise) . In Rogers' lists the
pon-dus of cheese in Northamptonshire, and the Pisa in Wiltshire ,
varied from '14 to 20 stones in the latter half of the thirteenth cen-turyl'1, and weighed 23 cloves at Wolrichston (Warwick) in '130812. According to the Obedientiary Rolls of S . S .eit/iun, nearly a cen-tury later, thepondusof cheese weighed 28 cloves or nails (anvils) , which is 14 stones13 . The regulations of Abbot Fabricius of Abing-don in the early twelfth century ordered that the pondus of chees e should weigh '18 stones144, whereas in the tenth century the
Pon-1. Durham Ace . Rolls, II, p. 588 . 2. Stat . Realm ., I, p . 205 .
3. Stat . Realm ., I, p . 205 .
4. Chapman, F . R . ed ., Sacrist Rolls ofEly, 1907, passim.
5. Hamilton, S . G . ed ., Compotus Rolls of the Priory of Worcester (Wore. Mist .
Soc .), 1910, p . 65 .
6. Cunningham, W ., Growth o/ English Industry and Commence, I, p. 619.
7. Slat . Realm ., I, p . 205 . 8. Pieta, p . 73, II, c . 12,
2 . 9. A . Parl. Scot ., I, p . 309 .
10. Chapman, F . R. ed ., Sacrist Rolls of Ely, II, p . 66, 89 . 11. Rogers, II, p . 359-361 .
12. Ibid ., II, p . 368 .
13. Kitchin, G . W . ed ., Obedientiary Rolls ofS . Sevilhun 's, p . 147 .
NOTES ON THE WIIIGI1TSANI) MEASURES OIL MEDIEVAL ENGLAND . 89
talus Abbendunense of Abbot Ethelwold weighed 22 stones 1 . Th e
wey (peysa) mentioned in the Custurnale Ro/fense was very small` .
The statute 9 Henry VI, c . 8 fixed the weight of a wey of chees e at 32 cloves of 7 pounds 3 ; however, this was disregarded in favou r of customary usage, and in 1665 the wey of cheese in Suffolk wa s 256 pounds, and in Essex 336 pounds 4 . TheJ,ondus was used fo r wool occasionally ; it seems to contain 26 cloves in the Obedien-tiary Rolls of S . Swithun : ' . At Bosham (Sussex) and Alton Barne s (Wilts) thepond orpond of wool was only 21 pounds or 3 cloves , and was equal to the Tacl ll ; normally the tocl contained 2 stone s (28 pounds) 7 . The wey or Pisa is mentioned in Liber Albus, but apparently it contained only 6 nails 3 . Macpherson, writing abou t
'1805, made the wey '182 pounds° .
A. wey of load is mentioned in Rogers' price lists, but its amount is uncertain ty . In the Durham Account Rolls for 1470, a wey of salt evidently contained 5 quarters 11 ; this must be the sam e measure as the Ci'pha of salt, occurring in Liber Albus, which
was 5 quarters 12 . At Martock (Somerset) in 1465, the wey of lime was 6 quarters 13 ,
Weights of greater value than the wey were differentiated accor-ding to iho commodity . The largest unit for wool was the Sack .
Flan
defines the sack as a weight of 28 stones of 12 1/2 merchan t pounds, and this, he says, is equal in weight to a quarter of wheat14 • Ile also gives the sack as 30, or at least 28, stones by the tru e weight of 12 1/2 pounds, and as 2 weys of '4 1/3 stones 15 . Thes evalues are given in the Ass . Pond . Mens .which allows for weight 1. Dugdnle, I, p, 517 .
2. Gust .Roff., p . 35 : s De case() quatuor peysas secundum pondo archiepiscopi ,
id est, triginta duarum librarum . n
3. Stat . at Large, I, p . 523-524 .
4. Star Chamber, Cases, II, p. 230, note 3 ; from Shepherd's Clerk oftlw Market. 5. Obedientiary Rolls o/ S. Swithun, p . 224-227 .
(3 . Rogers, II, p, 340, 350-351 .
7. Ibid ., II, p . 338, 350-352 ; N . E . D . Tod . 8. Lib . Alb ., p . 227 .
9. Macpherson, I, p . 285 . 10, Rogers, II, p . 533 .
L1 . Durham Aar, . Rolls, II, p . 6(3, 78 ; III, p . 635, 043 .
12. Lib . Alb ., p . 238 .
13. Rogers, III, p . 361 .
tri. fileta, p . 73, II, c . 12,
1 ,
90
w . n . raton .
by the greater and by the lesser pounds I. S'enescitaucie, writte n a few years earlier, says that the a sack shall weigh thirty ston e of wool by touch, or xxviij stone by stone and balance, well weigh -ed by the right stone of twelve pounds 2 » . A document in th e
Chai•tulary of Douai 3 , concerning the wool to be supplied by th e
English Cistercian Abbeys, also reckons by the sack of 28 stones , but only gives 13 pounds to the stone . In the West country th e sack appears to have weighed heavier ; a transaction concernin g some wool at Bath Priory in 1.276 had sacks weighing 42 stone s4, and six years later the custom on wool to be collected in Irelan d was assessed by the sack of 42 stones 5 . The French document , quoted by Ducange, gives 36 stones of 9 pounds as the weight o f the sack of English woo1 6 . An entry in the Close /lolls for 1275 , which makes the sack weigh only 4 stones, is probably n misrea-ding, as it is an abnormally low valne7.
The sack decreased in weight in the fourteenth century . L'ogo-lotti gives its weight as 52 nails of 7 English pounds . Knight-on makes the sack cKnight-ontain 26 stKnight-ones of 1 .4 pounds in his accoun t of the great wool subsidy of 1338 to 1341 .0. The prices of woo l given in the PatentZIol/sat that time show that this was the usua l weight . In Lincolnshire, the sack was 28 stones and '13 pounds, o r more, by customw; in York, Cumberland and Derby as many a s 30 stones made a sackt1 ,while in Derby payments were made by the sack and the Poise of 18 pounds12. The sack of 26 stones o f 14 pounds was legalised in the statute II Henry VII, e . 4r 1e ; bu t the sacks mentioned in the Cely Paperswere apparently much lar-ger, equal to 90 to 100 cloves14 . In all these documents the we y
1 . Slat . Realm ., I, p . 204 . 2, Walter o/ Henley, p . 95 .
3. R . Varenhergh, Relations diplomatiques, p . 152 ,
4. Hunt, W. ed ., Two Chartularies ofBath Abbey (Soin . Rec . Soc ., VII), p . 63, n° 290 .
5. C . P . R . 1281-1292, p . 36 . 6. Ducange, Petra . 7. C . R. 1272-1279, p, 254.
8. W. Cunningham, op . cit ., I, p . 619 .
9. Chronicon Henrici Knighton (R . S,), p . 15-16 .
10. C . P . R . 1338-1340, p . 474 ; 1348-1350, p . 537 . 11. C . P . R . 13404343, p . 411 ; 1343-1345, p . 257 .
12, C . P . R . 1338-1340, p . 291 . 13. Slat . at Large, I, p . 246 , 14. Celt' Papers (C . S .), passim .
NOTES ON THE WEIGHTS AND MEASURES OF MEDIEVAL ENGLAND . 9 1 of wool is very rarely mentioned, but the regulations for tronag e payments in Liber Albus show that the sack varied from 2 t o 4 weys in practice I .
Lead weights were peculiar and very various ; the commonest were the Fotmal, Fother and Charre . Meta makes the sack o f wool equal to 1/6 of the charre of lead ; he also gives a reckoning , in which the charre weighs 12 weys or 172 stone s 2 . The Ass . Pond.
Melts . differs again in that 120 stones, or 1,500 pounds, make th e
great charre of London, but the Charre of the Peak is smaller 3 . This is a natural variation, since the charre, which was a cart load, would be lighter in hilly country . Again, the charre contain -ed 30 fotmals, each equal to 6 stones of 12 pounds of 15 ounces , less 2 pounds (70 pounds) ; thus the number of stones in th e charre was 175 . Another scale gives 172 stones to the charre o f 12 ways, as in Meta, Pegolotti makes the Ciarrea of lead equiva-lent to 6 sacks by the clove of 7 pounds, or 2,184 pounds, o r 156 stone s 4 . A fourteenth century document defines the Fother a s rather lighter than the charre : « Sex Waxpunde makiet . j . led -pound . xij . ledpunde . j . fotmel . . . xxiij . fotmal . j . fothir of Bris-tollwe' . » In Liber Albus, the Karreof lead seems much smalle r than the charre, containing apparently 100 pounds, since it pai d the same custom as the Karke of spices ; it is probably a different word, derived from the Italian Carica, a load, but not necessa-rily a cart-load . For some spices the karke only weighe d 300 pounds 6 . Prices of lead at Skipton about 1270 give a Carra t of about 15 weys 7 ; The value given by Pieta to the fother is foun d at lily about 1330 8 . Other peculiar local lead weights occur i n Rogers ' price-lists . In the fourteenth century, weights used a t the Devonshire mines were the Pes of 80 pounds, corresponding to the official fotmal, and the Plaustrata, or waggon-load, o f
24 pedes, which resembled the greater charr e 9 . The Dorset fothe r
seems to have contained 7 Rules, each of 18 Librae, a weight
1. Lib . Alb,,p . 227 . 2. Fleta, p . 73, II, c . 12, §11, 2 , 3. Stat . Realm ., I, p . 204 . 4. W . Cunningham, op . cit., I, p . 619 . 5. N . E . D . Fot7nal. 6. Lib . Alb ., p . 230, 238. 7. Rogers, II, p. 530 .
8. Chapman, F . R . ed., Sacrist Rolls o/ Ely, II, p . 97 . 9. Rogers, II, p . 531-532 .
92
w . U . PRIOR .
much larger than the ordinary pound s . In the next century, evi-dence from Oxford shows stones of 14 and 9 .5 pounds, and a fotma l of 5 stones, equal to thepest. Lead was also sold by the hundred -weight, and 20 hundredweight macle up the fother s . A Pontius o f 10 stones is also mentioned 4 . The (other of Yorkshire containe d from '154 to '190 stones in different entries, the stone bein g 14 pounds 5 , while at Cambridge and Yarmouth it weighed onl y about 50 to 55 stones of 14 pounds 6 . The Teluni (tela) mentione d in Oxfordshire and Suffolk cannot be related to the other weight s with any certainty 7 .
Measures of capacity were based upon weight . According t o the Ass . Pond . Mens . 8 London pounds made a London wino gal-lon, 8 wine gallons a London bushel, and 8 London bushels a London quarter s . Uniformity was attempted by the despatch o f standard measures to the officials of cities and counties, and b y periodical assays of weights and measures, like that described i n the Liber Custumarum of London in 1329. 9 . In spite of these regu-lations, local differences were numerous ; a full bushel in one
clic-trict would not be considered full elsewhere, where it was custo-mary to use heaped-up measure . Evidence of the habit of takin g heaped measures is abundant . Richard I ' s Assize of weights an d measures ordered that there should be one dry measure of capa-city and that it should be striked, made level with the brim of th e measure lq . The statute 25 Edward III, o . 10 enacted that the quar-ter should contain 8 standard bushels only, and that the bushel s should be rased l1 ; similarly, in 1494, the Statute of Weights an d
Measures ordained that r There be only VII Bushels raised an d
stricken to the Quarter of Corn 12 » . 1. Rogers, II, p . 530-531 .
2. Ibid., III, p . 370-371 . 3. Ibid., III, p . 373 if. 4. Ibid., III, p . 373 . 5. Ibid., III, p . 369-373 . 6. Ibid., p, 370 if .
7. Rogers, II, p . 533 ; III, p . 370 (Hoxon . Suff .) .
8. Stat. Realm ., I, p . 204 .
9. Lib . Gust ., p . 382-383 .
10. Stubbs, W. ed ., Cronica Magistri Rogeri de Ilouedene (R . S .), IV, p . 33-34 : uHaec mensura sit rasa . »
11. Stat, at Large, I, p . 246 ,
NOTES ON '1'1113 WEIGI1TS AND MEASURES OF MEDIEVAL ENGLAND . 9 3 The statutes failed in practice ; that of Edward 111 defeated it s own ends by the clause which allowed the lords of manors t o take their rents and farms by customary measure I . The point o f
view of the lord is expressed in Senescltaucie, where the auditor s of the dependent manors are advised to take 9 quarters for 8 b y sure measure striked, thus allowing for waste2. The Close and
Patent Rolls contain numerous instances of the variation in mea
-sures caused by this system of allowances . It was customary t o take 9 bushels for 8, and 21 quarters for 20, when the king macl e
purchases of corns. It has been suggested that the custom of heap-ing up bushels led to the development of such abnormally larg e local measures as the Carlisle Bushel, which, in 1640, containe d 24 gallons of 4 1/2 wine quarts ; the heaped-up bushel woul d become a local standard for the district, this would then begin t o be heaped ., and so the size of the bushel would increase indefi-nitelyrt .
The size of the measure used varied locally . A list of the rent s due from various manors belonging to the Cathedral of S . Paul's shows that a different measure was used in the early part of th e twelfth century from that which was in use in 1283, when a second list was compiled' : 1.8 1/2 quarters by the old measur e tirade only 1.6 in the new list, and 31./2 quarters of barley became 3 quarters . in the earlier list the quarter only contained 7 bus-hels, but by the King's measure it held 8 . The local measure wa s dill'erent again, for 1.5 quarters by the old measure of 1 bushel s became 1.2 quarters by the mensura vale . Robertson points ou t that the old London standard was much smaller and lighter tha n the modern standard, for the wine gallon of 8 Tower pounds hel d about 98 ounces, instead of 160, or a little under 5 imperia l pintsti. Similarly, the London bushel contained only 50 pound s
avoirdupois, 5/6 of the present standard ; the local country mea -sures were generally still smaller than those of the King's stand-ard scale .
The Quarter has always been a very common measure, for it 1. Slat, at Large, I, p . 240 ; 25 Ed. III, e . 9 .
2. Walter o/ Henley, p . 108-100 .
3. C. C . R . 1313-1318, p . 251 ; 1323-1327, p . 57 . ti , Archaeological Journal, XLII, 188G, p . 303 if.
G . Dons . S . Paul's, p . 164'', exam . 6 . Robertson, p . 119 .
BULL . DU UANGE . 192 1E
94
w . II . PRIO R
corresponds with the natural unit of a horse-load . It was the sain e as the Samna or Seam, which was made the legal measure fo r
dry goods in the Assize of Richard 1 1 . Quarter and Ammo offi-cially contained 8 bushels 2 , but the latter varied considerably . A t Glastonbury, in the twelfth century, it was subdivided into 9
Sia-eae or Stakes 3 ; the stake would thus seem to be the same as the. rased bushel, 9 of which were so often reckoned to the quarter . The Summa contained about 8 bushels, according to an inquisit-ion taken in Hertfordshire in 1233 1 . In Edward II's reign, th e Constitutions of the Abbot of Wincheombe included a settle b y which '12 summae of corn equalled 7 quarters and 4 strikes ; as-suming the strike equal to a bushel, the summa was 5/8 of th e quarter in that district s . The Obedientiary Rolls of S, Srt'itbn n
make the quarter of lime very small in the fifteenth century, fo r apparently it was only about 2 bushels° . The Durham al Paulin ' Rolls, in the same century, suggest that sometimes the bushe l
contained 3 pecks instead of ßi7 .
The Doliunz or Tun was the largest unit of capacity, both fo r
dry and liquid measures . It is not easy to determine its content . In the Wardrobe Accounts of Edward I it seems to hold about 6 quarters° ; in 1339, 12 tuns of flour contained 75 quarters, whic h makes the tun equal to 6 1/4 quarters t° . Rogers ' price lists give a
dolium of flour of 6 quarters at Newcastle in 13841, 10 , The doliu m
of lime was about 6 quarters at Oxford in 1 .33/ 11 , but about 3 quarters in the fifteenth century 12 ; this would be the saine as the Cam -bridge fother or load of lime, which was 3 to 4 quarters
I n 1. Cronica Magistri Rogeri de Houedene (R . S .), IV, p . 33 u Una bona summa equi .
2. Sta& Realm,, I, p . 204 .
3. Jackson, J . E . ed ., Inquisition, of the Manors of Glastonbury Abbey, 118 9
(Roxburghe Club . Pub ., 1882), p . 14, 79 . 4. C . R. 1231-1234, p . 190.
5. Dugdale, II, p . 30 .
6. Kitthin, G . W. ed ., Obedientiary Rolls o/ S. Swithun' s (Halal's . Rec . Soc .) ,
passim from p . 211 .
7. Durham Ace . Rolls, I, p . 66, 78 . 8. Wardrobe .B1 ., p . 8 . 9. C . C . R . 1339-1341, p . 32 . 10. Rogers, II, p . 158 . 11. Ibid ., II, p . 452 . 12. Rogers, III, p . 307-308 . 13, Ibid ., III, p. 360 if .
NOTES ON THE WEIGHTS AND MEASURES OR StEDIEVAL ENGLAND . 9 5 Somerset the wey of lime was 6 quarters l . Calculation, based o n the statutory requirement that the tun of wine should contai n 252 gallons 2 , and the quarter 64, suggests that the dolium wa s supposed to equal 4 quarters towards the end of the Middle Ages .
The dolium would thus seem to be the same measure as the Nort h
Country Chalclron or Celdron, which was generally equivalent t o 4 quarters°, but apparently varied from 5 to 3 quarters or less 4 . The Courtcelder of salt, mentioned in theDurham Account Rolls° ,
was much less, apparently the same as the quarter of 8 bushels ; the word is probably a corruption of a quartcelder » or quarter o f a ehaldron . The Scottish ehaldron (celdra)was equal to 16Bolls ;a s the boll of the Assize of King David seems tohave been equivalent to 1 .2 ale gallons, or 1 1/2 bushels, the chaldron was 3 quarters° . The dolium of 252 wine gallons was legally established in th e statutes regulating the wine trade from 18 Henry VI, c . 8 . It was , apparently, smaller before that time, as the Wardrobe Book of
Edward I makes the dolium contain 240 gallons 7 , and Pietaonl y 208 8 . The dolittm was twice the capacity of the Pipe°, which wa s evidently the same as the Butt of Malmesey Wine I° . Statutesofthe late fifteenth century give several smaller wine measures ; the ter-tian was 84 gallons, the Hogshead 63 11 , the Tierce 41 12 , the Barre l 31 /2, and the Rundlet 1.8i/2 13 . The barrel was supposed to hol d 36 gallons in 1.462 144 .
The accounts for the Determination Feast of Richard, half-bro-ther of Richard
Il,
in 1395, refer to a Quart of wine, which was much larger than the modern quart, and apparently containe d 8 gallons (labenae) 15 .This would be twice the size of the ordinar y1. Rogers, III, p . 360 .
2. Seat . at Large, I, p . 558 ; 18 Hen . VI, c . 17 . 3. Durham Ace . Rolls, I, p . 228 .
4. Ibid ., III, p . 594, 604, 608 ; Rogers, III, p. 7-10, 49, 50, 55 . 5. Durham Ace . Rolls, III, p . 616 .
G . A . Pare. Scot., I, p . 310-311 .
7. Wardrobe Bk ., p . 109 . 8. Pieta, p . 73-74, II, N
Dolium = 52 sextarii of 4 gallons .
9. C . P . R . 1370-1374, p. 341, 481 .
10. 1 Rich. III, c . 13 ; 7 Hen . VII, c . 7 ; 28 lien . VIII, c. 14.
11. Stat . Realm ., I, p . 383 ; 18 Hen . VI, c . 17 . 12. Stat . at Largo, I, p . 823-824 ; 28 Hen . VIII, c . 14 . 13. Stat, Realm ., II, p . 497 ; 1 Rich . III, c . 13 .
14. C . P . R . 1461-1467, p . 76 . 15. Rogers, II, p . 643 if .
96
w, II . molt .
wineSextarius, which held 4 gallons ; it may refer to a quarter of a
barrel . The ordinary modern quart, the quarter-gallon, is mentio-ned in the statute 28 Henry VIII, c . 14, which fixed the, retail price s of wine s ; it also occurs in theHousehold Accounts of the Duke o f Buckingham, where the gallon is called a pitcher 2 . The quart wa s not used, in medieval times, the Pottle (potellum) being the mea
-sure between the gallon and the pint . It contained two quarts ; , but in the Household Roll of Bishop Swinfiele 6 potelli made a
se.x'tcrrius, that is, the pottle was 2/3 of a gallon . In the Duke o f Buckingham ' s Accounts the Sextarius is wrongly translate d
« pottle n o .
It should be noticed that wine and ale measures were based o n different standards ; this gave rise to complaint among the citizen s of London in 1321 1 . The ale gallon was supposed to be of greate r capacity, and if so the ale Sextarius must have contained mor e than that of wine . It was certainly reckoned as holding mom i n several documents . The capacity of this measure will be discus-sed later 7 .
Measures of quantity occur comparatively seldom in medieva l documents . The most important were the Last, the Hundred an d Great Hundred, the Dicker, the Dozen, and fish measures . Th e Stick, used for small eels, was generally 25 8 , and 1.0 sticks mad e a Bind in the Ass . Pond . Mens . 9 . In Scotland, in 1 .487 : « Tile Dar-rell bind of Salmound sould contein, . . fourteene gallonis 10 . » Th e bind was also used for skins, and was equal to 30 'J ìmbr'cs, o r
33 skins l1 ; while the stick was also a length of cloth, varying accor -ding to the material 12 . The Dicker, or half-score, was used fo r hides and metal bars, while the Dozen was a measure for gloves an d metal bars, as well as for cloth 13 . It is interesting to note that fis h
1. Stat .at Large, I, p, 823-824 . 2. Archaeologia, XXV, p . 318 ff,
3. Inst. Mss . Commission, YI. App . pt . III, 1887, p, 221, 225 ; Stat . at Large, I ,
p . 823-824.
4. Honsehold Roll o/ Bishop St+infield (C . S .), p . xr,v. 5. Archaeologia, XXV, p . 31 8 6. Lib. Cast,, p . 382-383 . 7. See Chap, V. 8. N . E . D . Stick . 9. Slat . Realm., I, p. 205, 10. N . E . D .Bind. 11. Stat.Realm,, I, p. 205. 12. N . E . D . Stick . 13. Stat . Realm ., I, p, 205 .
NOTES ON THE WEIGHTS AND MISASUHES OF MEDIEVAL ENGLAND . 9 7 are still sold by the Great Hundred of six score, which was a s common as the real hundred in the Middle Ages .
The Last had many uses . It must originally have been the quan-tity carried by the vehicle generally used for a particular commo-dity . As a weight it was nominally 2 tons' ; of wool it was 12 sack s (03138 pounds) 2 . As a measure of capacity it was 16 quarters i n Lhe sixteenth century 'I , 21 combs (10 12 quarters) as a rule in th e eighteenth century'', and is now 10 cuarters 5 . Finally, as a mea -sure of quantity, it was generally connected with the number 12 ; thus the last of hides was 1.2 dozen((, but was 20 clickers in th e
As . Pond . MO/I.8 .7.The last of red herrings was 12 thousands, eac h of l0 hundreds, and that of white herrings 10 thousands, each of 12 hundreds 8 . The last, of herrings was equal to 12 barrels, accor-ding to the Household Ordinances of1/IG90. The last of turves num-bered 10,000 10 ,
(A
suivre . )I, N . IC . D, Laxt . 2, .Slat, Rnabn.,, I, p . '2111') . :1 . N, G;, D. /.ut.
Ilrittom, ON Coaldlr,r/ and Farming IVorcln (E. D . S .), 1880, p . 104, 172 .
ß, N . E . D . Lant .
/bid ,
7 . .Slat . Realm ., I, I) . 206 . 8, Ibid . (A Iona . inscu~tion, } IL
D . Last , 110, lingers, II, p . 804 .
